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t /J » ■ * * •'* ■"V' " W-' • i S ; > v ■ -vw “■ :‘<-F The Gaffney A NEWWAPM IN ALL THAT TNB WORD IMRLIMb AND D1VOTBD TO THR DKDT INTERKtT OF THE PEOPLE OP CHEROKEE COUNTY. ESTABLISHED FEB. IS, 1894. GAFFNEY, S. C^ FRIDAY, JANUARY 15, 1909. I1J0 A YEAR. SENATOR TILLMAN BEFORE TOE SENATE v„ ANSWERS CHARGES BROUGHT AGAINST HIM. Mr. Tillman Replies to Charges of Misconduct in the Matter of Se curing Government Land. Mr. President. I rise ta a question •of personal privilege. For Oie first time in tbe history off this govern mernt, as far as I have been able to learn, a member of this bodv has been brought to the bar of public opinion, before the Senate itself, to be Judged uader indictment by no less a person tfban the Presi dent of the United States. The man ner of the doing of it 'and the animus and zeal displayed by the Chief Ex ecutive are worthy vf consideration. The papers in the case were sent to Senator Hale as acting chairman of the Committee on Appropriations late on Tuesday last. I had no in tention in regard to It until after the Senate met on Thursday. By that 'time the air was thick with rumors, evidently coming from the White House, directly or indirectly, that a Southern Senator was in the toils of •the secret service; and soon it was understood that Senator Tillman was the man. Having been lifformqd by Senator Hale df the character of the charges Thursday afternoon, and that he would call a meeting of the Appro priations Committee on Saturday to consfder the papers relating to the sercret service sent him by the Pre sident, 1 expected to have opportunity to examine fully, into the case and make such defense or explanation in the Senate itself as I thought proper. I understand the President had noti fied Senator Hdle that there was no need for hurry, and that he would not give the papers to the press be fore Monday; but on Friday morning he changed his mind and notified Senator Hale that he had determined to give all the facts to the newspa- not make them known then. The President announced In his special message to the House on January 4: “I have made no charges of cor ruption against Congress nor against any member pf the present House. If I had proof of such corruption af fecting any member of the House in any ma'ter as to which the Federal Government has jurisdiction, action would a; once he brought. ^This would simply be doing my duty hr the execution and enforce ment of the laws • without respect to uers that evening, and they appeared Saturday morning. It is well to re member that the universal custom heretofore, and the courtesy due by any executive to a legislative body demanded that having sent the pa pers to the most important committee of the Sena&e, they were in the posses- Sion of that body, and it was a gross breach of propriety to make them public. This well illustrates the ex ecutive’s atitude towards this body. He gave the communication to the press before the committee had seen the papers and examined into the matter. ft is well understood that the Pre sident is an adept at advertising and that he has used the press with more Skill than any man in American poli tics. He realizes the importance of "getting in the first blow," though it was below the belt and might well convict him of cowardice. But he cared nothing for either courtesy, custom, or decency, thus treating the committee and the Senate with that conempt which has been his wont. Another probable reason for his great haste was that he sought to dis tract attention from the action of the House of Representatives on Friday in laying part of his message on the table by the sensational accusations against a man who has had long ser vice in the Senate. I could have made my statement to the Senate and to the country Just as easily on Satur- urday as I make It now, for I have nbthing to conceal and there was no great need for delay or preparation; but realizing that the great influence and power of the Chief Executive was being exerted to the limit of his ability to blacken my name and des troy my character, and that bis words and the exhibition which he sent would be given the widest publicity, while my own &atement would prob ably be epitomized on account of the pressure on the wires, I decided to wait until today, with the hope thac my defense, without being unavoid ably mutilated, would reach the peo ple in good time. This, the newspa per men tell me, would not have been possible on Saturday. This is suffi cient explanation, I trust, for the de lay. An examination of the President’s letter to Mr. Hale, which might just as well have been a special message of the type with which we are so fa miliar, will show that the President’s charges, boiled down, amount to two in number. First. He promotes me to mem bership in the “Ananias Club,” and charges, in effect, that I have de liberately lied to the Senate. Second. He charges that I have exerted my official Influence and worked as a Senator for my personal benefit alone to secure the passage of a resolution and to press the de partment of Justice to bring suft against the corporations which hold so much of the public domain in the West and will not sell it to settlers under the terms of their grants from the government. He has prepared his indictment with consumm&e ability and skill. He is even cunning in the apparently innocent pretense that in making a search through the secret sendee tor one kind of malefactor he had run down another, and the case of that one of such serious importance that his sense of official obligation com pelled him to prompt action. Mark you, he has been in the possession of all the facte in this case since July last, and men will be curious to know why, if his zesl was honest, he did persons. But I do 'not regard ft as within the province or the duties of the President to report to the House ‘alleged delinquencies’ of members, or the supposed ‘corrupt action’ of a member ’in his official capacity.’" It therefore follows that he has found no grounds foY indicting me in the court, which, no doubt, would have rejoiced Mm overmuch, and all this fuss, fury, ;and fustian about the seriousness of the case and the gra vity of the offense *with which he charges me can be attributed to per sonal malice alone. On January 4 the President declar ed what he (.onceived to be his re lationship to the House and that he would not do certain things. On January 5 he wrote a letter to Sen ator Hale, doing the very thing in regard to a Senator which he had de clined to do toward a member of the House. Why this difference? In my public work here I have n<ft hesitated to criticise and comment on the offi cial actions and utterances of Presi dent Roosevelt, and I have doubtless given him good cause to seek re venge. I have at various times ar- rangned him in the Senate for tyran nical invasion of the rights of Con gress, for usurpation of authority not given him by the Constftutipn, for disobedience of the law and neglect of duty, and particularly in the case of Mrs. Morris, for brutal and cruel conduct toward a helpless woman. I was not aware that these darts of mine bad quivered in the Executive hide and stung him so, but the eager ness and intensity with which he has presented his case against me, his making a precedent where none has existed heretofore, his taking from the committee to which he had for warded them the papers and giving them to the press before that com mittee had considered them, indicate that Theodore Roosevelt enjoys to the limft the feeling of getting even with Ben Tillman, and lays on the big stick with the keenest relish, doubtless believing that the pitch fork has gone out of business. In his letter to Senator Hale I find on page 3 the following: 'But a case has just arisen of a different kind, which it seems to me I should put before you as illustrat ing in striking fashion the way in which investigations begun by any of these various agents in the strict line of their duty may develop facts of high Importance, which the investi gators would not in the first instance have sought to discover, which, when discovered, ought not to be hidden or suppressed, but the development of which may tend to create an er roneous impression that the agents in question were being used for pur poses not within the line of their lawful duty.” It is well to note that the President recognizes the extraordinary char acter of his action as well as the un lawful use he has made of the secret service. He pretends that his case against me has been worked up by accident, by reason of the discoveries of one Bryan R. Dorr, and that the facts “ought not to be hidden or sup pressed.” The President says: Senator Tillman denied the state ments of this circular, and express ed a wish for an investigation; and upon his request the Postofflce De partment, through its Inspectors, made such an investigation. He ^ated in reference to this circular: ‘I have not bought any land any where in the West nor undertaken to buy any. I have made some inquiries, as one naturally would, in roaming through the West. I simply wantthe people of the country to be put on notice that ‘ihls swindler at Portland has no warrant whatever for en deavoring to inveigle others into his game.’ “ The Scale: “This is a confidential report of a type usually not furnished, but in this case the mattbr is so serious that I feel I should pift It before you. I inclose you also as exhibits Dl, D2, D3, D4, and D5, photographic facsimi les of letters and envelopes and tele gram from Senator Tillman and his agent, William E. Lee.” I do not deny the authenticity of the letter or the telegram, of which photographs were made. I presume the letter from William E. L6e is al so a correct copy, but I was not aware of its existence until now, and I am not in anywise responsible for MY. Lee’s ideas expressed in it. The President says: “On October 20, 1907, Senator Till man wrote a letter (Exhibit D3) to Messrs. Feeder ft Watkins, of Mash- field, Oreg., who were attorneys representing people who were ap plicants for the purchase of certain wagon-road and grant land; Dorr was a land agent making his filings through Reeder ft Watkins. Senator Tillman’s letter runs, In part, as fol lows: t “T wired you from Wausau, Wts., as follows, and write to confirm It: ‘William E. Lee, my agent, will see you about land. I want nine quarters reserved. Will forward' signed ap plication and money at once. Mem ber* of my family are entrymen. Let ter follows. (Signed) B. R. T. I write now to say I wtrsd Mr. Lee, who resides at Mbscow, Idaho, to go at once to Marshfield and see you about the land, to locate quarters for the seven members of my family who are of age, and one for my private secretary, J. B. Knight, whom I de sire to let into the deal, and, ofeourse, he wants a quarter for himself.’ “The later continued, stating in detail what was to he done, in order to enable the Senator to get the land.” It will be noted that I accused Dorr In the Senate of being a swind ler, and asked the Postoffice Depart ment to issue a fraud order against him. Dorr declared in his circular: told the Senate of the entire transact ion it would have made no difference whatever, while I would have been charged with intruding my private affairs into a public discussion? Just what law did I break? What wung did I do or contemplate. According fraud which was being perpetuated on the public, reported to him on July 27th. ' 1 had nothing whatever to do with the change in the law of which the President complains in re gard to the Secret Service. So the President’s animus is not President then goes on to So sure is Senator Tillman of our success 'that he has subscribed and paid the necessary fees for a quarter section for himself and 10 other quar ter sections for 10 of his nearest rel atives.” It was this bold and outrageous falsehood, mainly, that caused me to denounce Dorr as a swindler, as wel as to declare in he Senate that he had no warrant for the assertion. The sleuths which the President put upon my trail have made their re port, and a perusal of it will show to any fair mind that so far from en deavoring to justify the fraud order against Dorr, they were really put to work to investigate me, and endeavor, if possible, to discover something to my discredit, while the President directed the investigation. I say this because it is hardly possible that a postoffice Inspector would set about getting photographic copies of the letters of a United States Senator and trying to convict him of lying If the orders did not come from a high source. Let us suppose for a moment than I was guilty of a falsehood in declar ing that I had not undertaken to pur chase any land. What did that have to do with Dorr’s transparent ant open use of the mails to induce men to send him money to purchase land? Dorr’s declaration . that I had paid the fees is an absolute falsehood, and the postoffice Inspectors, while they searched the records for entries at CoquiUe and noted that Reeder ft Watkins had filed “several hundret applications,” nowhere mentione< that any had been filed in my name or for me. Therefore the falsehood is proven on Dorr, and yet the Presi dent declared: “The assault which Senator Till man made upon Mr. Dorr was, ac cording to the report of the inspect or, a wanton assault made to cover up Senator Tillman’s own transact ions.” No such statement was made by the inspector. In fact, so earnestly Intent on convicting Senator Tillman Is the President, he actually commits himself to this proposition, to wit: Tillman voluntarily and without any compulsion from any source and with nothing to conceal brought up a mat ter in the Senate which he need not have done to cover up transactions which were absolutely unknown to anyone except himself and his cor respondents, Reeder ft Watkins, and were entirely honorable and clean. My exposure closed out the swindl ers. Dorr, when his mail was not de livered, retired from the land busi ness and became a fruit grower, as reported by the inspectors. The swindlers had secured a good many thousands of dollars before the exposure in the Senate stopped peo ple from being duped, and yet Theo dore Roosevelt, who poses as the only remaining honest man in public life, in the face of these facts, has felt called upon to attack the charact er of a man whose Integrity has never before been questioned, and whose official position is second only to his own. In doing this he makes false declaration for the inspectors no where say any such thing as above quoted, which can be proven by an examination of their report. Now, about the lying: My letter of February 15, of which the Presi dent secured a photographic copy, antedates by four days my statement in the Senate that I bad not bought any land, or undertaken to buy any, and the President considers this po sitive proof of falsehood. I did not say I had not considered the purchase of land; I did not say I had not con templated the purchase of land, be cause I had done bah. In my conver sation with the Attorney-General In re gard to the resolution which I intro duced, and which he himself prepared after we had talked over the whole land situation, I distinctly remember telling him that my interest in the matter had been fira aroused by my desire to purchase some of the timber land, and that my coming to him was due to the fact that I discovered upon investigation that I could not buy it through any agency whatsoever; that I could not buy it even by a lawsuit, because I was advised by very able lawyers in the West,* among them the Hon. George Turner, of Washington, that in attacking the holders of those land grants no one would have any standing In court except the grantor, the Government Itself. (See Nichols vs. Southern Oregon Co., Federal Re port -r, vol. 135, p. 234). I was perhaps disingenuous; but a moment’s thought will convince any honest-minded man that—as I had not signed any papers, had not paid any money, had taken nobody’s receipt, the usual processes by which one “undertakes” to buy land—I was speaking accurately and not falsely. Everything hinges on the meaning of the word “undertaken” and my use of it. Did I mean to conceal tb^fact that I was anxious to buy some of this land? Not at all. Did I moan to attack Dorr as a swindler when I myself was engaged in a dishonest and dishonorable transaction? That is what the President would have the people believe. Can I be justly charges with falsehood when if I bad to the report of the Aftorney-General, | against me on the same ground for in answer to the resolution which I j which he has attacked Messrs. Taw- introduced and which passed the I ney, Smith, and ahers in the House, Senate, Harriman, Vhe President’s | but one of personal malice engen- dear friend, still holds in defiance of; dered by hatred because of my course law upward of 2,000,000 acres of the!in the Senate during the last seven best lands of Oregon and California and relfuses to sell them at any price. years I have not atteinpced to deceive I never expected, and could not un- ; anybody: I have not told any false- der the terms of 'the law as I con- hoods; f have not broken any law; strued It, get more than seven quar-jl have not been guilty of an> immoral ter sections for myself and family, I conducL I had the riglft to pur- one for my private secretary, and j chase the land if I could, but my one for M‘r. Lee, making nine in alL ! judgment told me it was unsafe as This, in the aggregate, would mean an Investment. I would like to ga that I would obtain through my acti vity here, as the President’s charge is, nine quarter sections, or foilrteen some of it yet, and if the Attorney' General and his successors shall not die of old age before anything is • - , - . ’ any tiling i» sir fto ed wni 8 « ^ at * a cos j ot ' S* 0116 k may be possible that I will V 1 ® President under- s have the opportunity to purchase t v° Inna wj, ha ^ e 0&V r ! gh * some of those timber lands of which buy la “£ ^ ca " 8 f 1 a ” a Senator?; he made mention in his report (S. deny that my actj-; Doc . No . 2 79, 60th Cong., 1st sess.) ^Through my action attention has f he ^ . t l rney ' GeB ,! been directed in a compelling way f™* for the , re ® 0 very of, to the need of prompt action by the tiers’ If Harriman 8 uS.*' Department of Ju8tlce - Whether I him are If nJSt others like ever ge , t any of the land or not does Sf these ^Ifts shall ThfV^ thtt° r not matter If H *rriman and others was endeavoring o b^v a mtL L ' of that ,lk are mad e to disgorge the Unce of the laSd £ L 1 the large ho,dlng8 "bleb they have or. M ch^i"h.. b n e . , ?1f.“attempting to bold. of a charge of being a liar and a cor rupt Senator—to be disgraced? To sum up, this is a brief resume The President says, “On October 20th, 1907, Senator Tillman wrote a letter to Messrs. transaction: While in Reeder ft Watkins, of Marshfield, October, 1907, I, Oreg., who were aftorneys represent- wL h f^ r rk that th t« e u Were tlmber ! In 8 People who were applicants for hm.lhf d>, 0reg K" o Wh i Ch T ere being ;tbe purchase of certain land-grant nf U Mn!-»hfi r ?^ gh n Re ^ der v. & Watkins, land. Dorr was a land agent making to^lfeedpi^ll w5kw, C o t0be u. 5 I , w ™ te his filin g s through Reeder ft Wat- to Reeder & Watkins, asking for In- kins.” te,,lng tbe “ of m y desire! This statemenv is misleading and Ing his contention vhat I have lied to the Senate. The records show that in the iifterim the Dorr circular had been sent to me, for on > February ISUi, when I made the exposure of Dorr, I said in the Senate: “Inutile last day or two I have had my attention called to a scheme of swindling, etc." It is easy for those who are them selves vulnerable to convict others on the most flimsy evidence, and the President seems to work on that the ory. On reading Dorr’s circular the whole scheme and combinalon of swindlers—Reeder ft Watkins, In Marshfield, and Dorr, in Portland; I did not know anything about Conro- and Schaefer—flashed in my mind; and remembering Lee’s somhwhat dubious report as to the character and qualifications of the firm of Reeder & Watkins, I decided at once to see to it that my name should not be used to Inveigle others into their game. Hence my action in the Sen ate. The President dismisses with a wave of the hand any possibility of my honesty by saying: “It is unnecessary to comment 'on his proposal made in this letter to use his influence as a Senator to force the government to instftute a suit which would make it easy for him personally to obtain some of the land.” It might be well to inquire whether • or not the Attorney-General has been ordered not to obey the law of Con gress passed last April—which I will call the “Tillman-Bonaparte” law—or dering suit to be Instituted for the recovery of these lands. My culpa bility Is of such magnitude in con templating the purchase of 1,440 acres of land at $2.60 an acre In the eyes of this stickler for official rectl- P urcbaae 8 °me of the land if pos-1 calcSted to deceive The reportof tdde ln 0ther8 that “ be 8 b e - ^ing to find out the con-1 the post office- Sectors gWes the i’ ihat , he ,9 determined to block my ditions of the grant to the State of actual ‘anth It savs- g h |so-called “nefarious transactions.” ma ? e P° s ^ b,e for “Pur-, “Among the most active aeents in The man wh ° announces to Con- hnt nt n0t actual T 8et tlers” to! this matter is the firm of Reeder ft I gre8S that he > Theodore Roosevelt. Pe o a £ re ‘ 1 wired the Watkins, of Marshfield, Oreg^ j assumed tbe rI K h t to permit the Steel h b » aot P« th /« SeT !f e for a C °P- V of Heeder is a real-eaate agent and Mr trU8t to absorb tts greatest rival con- the act. Finding that that part of e agent ana Mr. . _ the statemenv received from a .gen tleman in Spokane was correct, ! no- Watkins an attorney. They have as-1 sociated themselves together in lo- as ^investigate "nV^ son. I authorized Lee to draw on me if he found vhat the lands were what they were represented to be. Lee’s authority as my agent never went beyond an examination of the land and, if vhe application was filed, to that } ^ ou l d set good timbered mnds instead of rocks and marshes. He wired me not to be in a hurry as there were obstacles in the way In the meantime I had talked with law- yers who were familiar with the military road land grants, and they Informed metlrnt under a decision of the circuit court private parties 3® n0t fl P® rm, ‘ ted t0 «ue for these lands. Still doubting whether I could purchase the lands with any hope of successful litigation, I wrote to Senator George Turner, of Wash- Eou' get , hl8 option and inci- nn th V? make Inquiry about lands on vhe Columbia River, in that State. He gave the same opinion that I lawyers^y rece,ved from the other . ? e ^ ,z, " g after I got to Washing- ton, D. C., in December that ft was a very doubtful proposition, I let the matter drop until Mr. Lee showed a 'after from Reeder ft Watkins, which has been stolen from my desk in my committee room along with other papers in this case, probably b y some of the secret-service sleuths, and when they indicaVed their desire that ! should exert my influence in the Senate, I wrote the letter of Feb ruary 15, of which the President ob tained a photographic copy. In the meantime and before that letter was written, from my investigations and after a conference with the Attorney- General, I Introduced the two reso lutions of January 31, one calling on the Attorney-General for information, and the other (the Joint resolution), which became a law, instructing him to Instituve suits. My official ac- ivity then is shown to have taken form in he Senate before I knew any- thing abouv Reeder ft Watkins’ atti tude or expectations and I was in no way influenced by them. I was still anxious to obtain some 'if the land If it could be done legal- y. and wrote Reeder ft WaVkins to hat effect, but my faith in them and n the whole scheme died when I re ceived the circular of Dorr, which :ame to me on February 17 and 18 rom three different directions, show- ng the widespread distribution made of them. Also Mr. Lee’s report to me had led me to believe that Reed er ft WaVkins were not of the caliber filing an aplication with the clerk of the court and tendering to the com pany $400 per quarter section, which the law originally contemplated as the price of the land. They were to receive $100 additional whenever the Southern Oregon Company should convey the title, and they knew that no one could compel this conveyance except the United States Government, because a similar case had been de cided in the United States court so declaring. (See Nichols v. Southern Oregon Co., Federal Reporter, vol. 135, p, 234.) I commenced to investigate on the 5th of October, and I made direct ap plication to Reeder & Watkins, t»y telegram and by letter, on the 20th of October. Dorr did not appear un til early in 1908, as shown by the re port of the post-office inspectors, and his career as a swindler was brief, as I exposed the whole thing in the Senate on February 19th. The Pres ident had the papers and knew all this. Reeder ft Watkins were re ceiving $21 for Vhe insignificant won; of making a tender to the holding company and filing a notice wua the clerk of the court. Dorr was to share in the commission, or wnat- ever you Verm it, for whatever busi ness he brought, and yet the Presi dent would convey the impression that these filings were merely suen as are usual in purchasing govern ment land, when he knew, or could have easily found out from the At torney-General, that all such propos ed purchasers could not thus bring unj suit. In the light of the evi dence as presented to the President himself, the scheme was a swindle to obtain $21 in cash, as must be ap- parenv to all. But the President ac quitted Dorr and convicted me. By this time I had found out the legal status, and decided I would not sign a contraa, file an application, or pay any money, and my only reason for writing to Reeder & Watkins on Feb ruary 15th was to have them under stand that Lee misconceived my at- vitude in the Senate, and that I was not to be considered as a tool, but acting in the interest of the public. Remember, I knew nothing of Mr Vrary to law would doubtless not hes itate to help his dear friend Harri- man in holding 2,000,000 acres of the public domain, because Ben Tillman has contemplated and wanted to buy 1,440 acres. The President having convicted Tillman, proceeded to clear Dorr In both cases contrary to the facts and smilingly retires from the center of the stage, which it is his greatest delight to occupy, and com- placenVly looks to have the American people and the Senate give their ap- prova’ to his verdict. I await that verdict calmly and without fear, and will gladly abide by ft. In conclusion, Mr. President, I court the most searching investiga tion. Nay I demand it. I declare most emphatically I have never con cealed my effort to buy land. I wrote the Attorney-General about it; I ex plained to the agent of the secret service the whole transaction when I gave him the Dorr circular and let ters which had been sent me con cerning ft. The question of motive will at last control and it cannot be shown that I had any reason to con ceal anything. I invite comparison of my private life and public work as a man and a SenaVor with Theo dore Roosevelt, or any other man, and I feel absolutely sure of the ground upon which I stand. Negro Shoots Out Another’s Eye. Anderson, January 12.—Frank Bell, colored, was shot in^ the- face and painfully wounded by Isom Gambrell, anovher negro, Sat urday night at the latter’s home, north of the city. The negroes had gotten inVo a dispute earlier in the day, while in the city, and after re turning home, Bell called on Gam brell and renewed it, threatening to kill him. Gambrell warned him once or Vwice to leave, arid when Bell re fused, persisting In his threats, he secured a shotgun and fired. The load of bird shot took effect in Bell’s face, two of the shot enVering the eye and putting It out. tJambrell was brought here yesterday and placed in jail, but laver released on a bond of $500. SICK ONE YEAR. London, Ontario, Man Says, “For Chronic Coughs, Colds or Bron chial Troubles Vinol it With out an Equal.” and character to be employed in a ce “ atl °" of J be P^nts. * , . - iM1 o — —i T was ill for over a year before Lee s letter till sent in by the Presi-, taking Vinol. I had tried cod liver dent. At the same time I was wil- 1 oil, also other remedies. I was in- Hng to use them in locating desira- ‘ ble quarter sections, if later on I found that the action of Congress would make It possible to restore the land to the public domain by the can- matter of such magnitude, except possibly as to their familiarity with the local conditions and their ability to locate quarter sections which were well tlmbe-ed, as they were In the possession of a cruiser’s map. Dorr, of whom I had never heard be fore, was evidently pushing his scheme of getting suckers to invest and using my name, as I have indi cated, without authority, because I had not paid any fees to him or wrlt- ten to him or filed any applicationa. I therefore felt It incumbent on me to expose the swindle in the Senate, which I did on the 19th of February, and asked the post-office authorities to issue a fraud order. I pressed the passage of the joint resolution in the Senate, and on April 30th it became a law. March 18th I was taken ill, and on May 16th, after a partial recuperation, I sailed for Europe, returning Odober 21st. The President’s sleuths, set .to do the dirty work of spying on a Sena tor when that Senator had exposed a The President lays great stress on the statement of mine made the 15th of February in a letter to Reeder ft \V atkins. He italicizes the words as well as myself.” as though it were unlawful, immoral, or improper for a Senator to buy any land or .to act in this Chamber on any question affect ing his personal Interest. I fail to see any sense or reason in this posi tion, but I must submit that to the judgment of the Senate and the country. I had not become a party to any litigation; I was not interest ed except as a private individual wanting to purchase, and as a Sena tor desiring to enable others to have the opportunity to do so. Of course, the President is sure that I have done something very discreditable and outrageous. He hates me, and would destroy me if he could. The President gloats over the fact that my letter was written “Just four days before he announced in the Senate that he had not undertaken to buy any land in the West” as clinch- fluenced to try Vinol by seeing ft ad vertised and I can safely recommend it to anyone requiriug a first class tonic. It is quite palatable and pleas ant to take, with all the nourishing qualities of the best cod liver oil. For chronic coughs and colds, or bron chial troubles, It Is without an equal, at the same time building up the run down system, strengthening the ap- petlle and producing sound sleep.” A. J. Gilmour, 510 Acklaick St., Lon don, Ontario. This is because Vinol is a genuine tonic and body-builder which contains peptonate of Iron together with every one of the body-building medicinal elements of cod liver oil, but with out one drop of oil to upset the stomach and retard its work. Vinol < acts directly on the stomach, creates a healthy appetite, and enables the digestive organs to obtain the neces sary elements from the food eaten to make rich, red blood, healthy fleeh and muscle tissue and create strength. Your money back if Vinol faOs to benefit. The Gaffney Drug Co., Gaff ney, S. C. The man who can make hie child- dren smile does not need to worry over his inability to preach sermons.