The ledger. [volume] (Gaffney City, S.C.) 1896-1907, January 15, 1909, Image 1
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The Gaffney
A NEWWAPM IN ALL THAT TNB WORD IMRLIMb AND D1VOTBD TO THR DKDT INTERKtT OF THE PEOPLE OP CHEROKEE COUNTY.
ESTABLISHED FEB. IS, 1894.
GAFFNEY, S. C^ FRIDAY, JANUARY 15, 1909.
I1J0 A YEAR.
SENATOR TILLMAN
BEFORE TOE SENATE
v„
ANSWERS CHARGES BROUGHT
AGAINST HIM.
Mr. Tillman Replies to Charges of
Misconduct in the Matter of Se
curing Government Land.
Mr. President. I rise ta a question
•of personal privilege.
For Oie first time in tbe history off
this govern mernt, as far as I have
been able to learn, a member of this
bodv has been brought to the bar of
public opinion, before the Senate
itself, to be Judged uader indictment
by no less a person tfban the Presi
dent of the United States. The man
ner of the doing of it 'and the animus
and zeal displayed by the Chief Ex
ecutive are worthy vf consideration.
The papers in the case were sent
to Senator Hale as acting chairman
of the Committee on Appropriations
late on Tuesday last. I had no in
tention in regard to It until after the
Senate met on Thursday. By that
'time the air was thick with rumors,
evidently coming from the White
House, directly or indirectly, that a
Southern Senator was in the toils of
•the secret service; and soon it was
understood that Senator Tillman was
the man.
Having been lifformqd by Senator
Hale df the character of the charges
Thursday afternoon, and that he
would call a meeting of the Appro
priations Committee on Saturday to
consfder the papers relating to the
sercret service sent him by the Pre
sident, 1 expected to have opportunity
to examine fully, into the case and
make such defense or explanation in
the Senate itself as I thought proper.
I understand the President had noti
fied Senator Hdle that there was no
need for hurry, and that he would
not give the papers to the press be
fore Monday; but on Friday morning
he changed his mind and notified
Senator Hale that he had determined
to give all the facts to the newspa-
not make them known then.
The President announced In his
special message to the House on
January 4:
“I have made no charges of cor
ruption against Congress nor against
any member pf the present House.
If I had proof of such corruption af
fecting any member of the House in
any ma'ter as to which the Federal
Government has jurisdiction, action
would a; once he brought.
^This would simply be doing my
duty hr the execution and enforce
ment of the laws • without respect to
uers that evening, and they appeared
Saturday morning. It is well to re
member that the universal custom
heretofore, and the courtesy due by
any executive to a legislative body
demanded that having sent the pa
pers to the most important committee
of the Sena&e, they were in the posses-
Sion of that body, and it was a gross
breach of propriety to make them
public. This well illustrates the ex
ecutive’s atitude towards this body.
He gave the communication to the
press before the committee had seen
the papers and examined into the
matter.
ft is well understood that the Pre
sident is an adept at advertising and
that he has used the press with more
Skill than any man in American poli
tics. He realizes the importance of
"getting in the first blow," though it
was below the belt and might well
convict him of cowardice. But he
cared nothing for either courtesy,
custom, or decency, thus treating the
committee and the Senate with that
conempt which has been his wont.
Another probable reason for his
great haste was that he sought to dis
tract attention from the action of the
House of Representatives on Friday
in laying part of his message on the
table by the sensational accusations
against a man who has had long ser
vice in the Senate. I could have made
my statement to the Senate and to
the country Just as easily on Satur-
urday as I make It now, for I have
nbthing to conceal and there was no
great need for delay or preparation;
but realizing that the great influence
and power of the Chief Executive
was being exerted to the limit of his
ability to blacken my name and des
troy my character, and that bis words
and the exhibition which he sent
would be given the widest publicity,
while my own &atement would prob
ably be epitomized on account of the
pressure on the wires, I decided to
wait until today, with the hope thac
my defense, without being unavoid
ably mutilated, would reach the peo
ple in good time. This, the newspa
per men tell me, would not have been
possible on Saturday. This is suffi
cient explanation, I trust, for the de
lay.
An examination of the President’s
letter to Mr. Hale, which might just
as well have been a special message
of the type with which we are so fa
miliar, will show that the President’s
charges, boiled down, amount to two
in number.
First. He promotes me to mem
bership in the “Ananias Club,” and
charges, in effect, that I have de
liberately lied to the Senate.
Second. He charges that I have
exerted my official Influence and
worked as a Senator for my personal
benefit alone to secure the passage
of a resolution and to press the de
partment of Justice to bring suft
against the corporations which hold
so much of the public domain in the
West and will not sell it to settlers
under the terms of their grants from
the government.
He has prepared his indictment
with consumm&e ability and skill.
He is even cunning in the apparently
innocent pretense that in making a
search through the secret sendee tor
one kind of malefactor he had run
down another, and the case of that
one of such serious importance that
his sense of official obligation com
pelled him to prompt action. Mark
you, he has been in the possession of
all the facte in this case since July
last, and men will be curious to know
why, if his zesl was honest, he did
persons. But I do 'not regard ft as
within the province or the duties of
the President to report to the House
‘alleged delinquencies’ of members,
or the supposed ‘corrupt action’ of a
member ’in his official capacity.’"
It therefore follows that he has
found no grounds foY indicting me
in the court, which, no doubt, would
have rejoiced Mm overmuch, and all
this fuss, fury, ;and fustian about the
seriousness of the case and the gra
vity of the offense *with which he
charges me can be attributed to per
sonal malice alone.
On January 4 the President declar
ed what he (.onceived to be his re
lationship to the House and that he
would not do certain things. On
January 5 he wrote a letter to Sen
ator Hale, doing the very thing in
regard to a Senator which he had de
clined to do toward a member of the
House. Why this difference? In my
public work here I have n<ft hesitated
to criticise and comment on the offi
cial actions and utterances of Presi
dent Roosevelt, and I have doubtless
given him good cause to seek re
venge. I have at various times ar-
rangned him in the Senate for tyran
nical invasion of the rights of Con
gress, for usurpation of authority not
given him by the Constftutipn, for
disobedience of the law and neglect
of duty, and particularly in the case
of Mrs. Morris, for brutal and cruel
conduct toward a helpless woman. I
was not aware that these darts of
mine bad quivered in the Executive
hide and stung him so, but the eager
ness and intensity with which he has
presented his case against me, his
making a precedent where none has
existed heretofore, his taking from
the committee to which he had for
warded them the papers and giving
them to the press before that com
mittee had considered them, indicate
that Theodore Roosevelt enjoys to
the limft the feeling of getting even
with Ben Tillman, and lays on the
big stick with the keenest relish,
doubtless believing that the pitch
fork has gone out of business.
In his letter to Senator Hale I find
on page 3 the following:
'But a case has just arisen of a
different kind, which it seems to me
I should put before you as illustrat
ing in striking fashion the way in
which investigations begun by any of
these various agents in the strict
line of their duty may develop facts
of high Importance, which the investi
gators would not in the first instance
have sought to discover, which, when
discovered, ought not to be hidden
or suppressed, but the development
of which may tend to create an er
roneous impression that the agents
in question were being used for pur
poses not within the line of their
lawful duty.”
It is well to note that the President
recognizes the extraordinary char
acter of his action as well as the un
lawful use he has made of the secret
service. He pretends that his case
against me has been worked up by
accident, by reason of the discoveries
of one Bryan R. Dorr, and that the
facts “ought not to be hidden or sup
pressed.” The President says:
Senator Tillman denied the state
ments of this circular, and express
ed a wish for an investigation; and
upon his request the Postofflce De
partment, through its Inspectors,
made such an investigation. He
^ated in reference to this circular:
‘I have not bought any land any
where in the West nor undertaken to
buy any. I have made some inquiries,
as one naturally would, in roaming
through the West. I simply wantthe
people of the country to be put on
notice that ‘ihls swindler at Portland
has no warrant whatever for en
deavoring to inveigle others into his
game.’ “
The
Scale:
“This is a confidential report of a
type usually not furnished, but in
this case the mattbr is so serious
that I feel I should pift It before you.
I inclose you also as exhibits Dl, D2,
D3, D4, and D5, photographic facsimi
les of letters and envelopes and tele
gram from Senator Tillman and his
agent, William E. Lee.”
I do not deny the authenticity of
the letter or the telegram, of which
photographs were made. I presume
the letter from William E. L6e is al
so a correct copy, but I was not
aware of its existence until now, and
I am not in anywise responsible for
MY. Lee’s ideas expressed in it. The
President says:
“On October 20, 1907, Senator Till
man wrote a letter (Exhibit D3) to
Messrs. Feeder ft Watkins, of Mash-
field, Oreg., who were attorneys
representing people who were ap
plicants for the purchase of certain
wagon-road and grant land; Dorr was
a land agent making his filings
through Reeder ft Watkins. Senator
Tillman’s letter runs, In part, as fol
lows: t
“T wired you from Wausau, Wts.,
as follows, and write to confirm It:
‘William E. Lee, my agent, will see
you about land. I want nine quarters
reserved. Will forward' signed ap
plication and money at once. Mem
ber* of my family are entrymen. Let
ter follows. (Signed) B. R. T. I
write now to say I wtrsd Mr. Lee,
who resides at Mbscow, Idaho, to go
at once to Marshfield and see you
about the land, to locate quarters for
the seven members of my family
who are of age, and one for my private
secretary, J. B. Knight, whom I de
sire to let into the deal, and, ofeourse,
he wants a quarter for himself.’
“The later continued, stating in
detail what was to he done, in order
to enable the Senator to get the
land.”
It will be noted that I accused
Dorr In the Senate of being a swind
ler, and asked the Postoffice Depart
ment to issue a fraud order against
him. Dorr declared in his circular:
told the Senate of the entire transact
ion it would have made no difference
whatever, while I would have been
charged with intruding my private
affairs into a public discussion? Just
what law did I break? What wung
did I do or contemplate. According
fraud which was being perpetuated
on the public, reported to him on
July 27th. ' 1 had nothing whatever
to do with the change in the law of
which the President complains in re
gard to the Secret Service.
So the President’s animus is not
President then goes on to
So sure is Senator Tillman of our
success 'that he has subscribed and
paid the necessary fees for a quarter
section for himself and 10 other quar
ter sections for 10 of his nearest rel
atives.”
It was this bold and outrageous
falsehood, mainly, that caused me to
denounce Dorr as a swindler, as wel
as to declare in he Senate that he
had no warrant for the assertion.
The sleuths which the President put
upon my trail have made their re
port, and a perusal of it will show to
any fair mind that so far from en
deavoring to justify the fraud order
against Dorr, they were really put to
work to investigate me, and endeavor,
if possible, to discover something to
my discredit, while the President
directed the investigation. I say this
because it is hardly possible that a
postoffice Inspector would set about
getting photographic copies of the
letters of a United States Senator
and trying to convict him of lying If
the orders did not come from a high
source.
Let us suppose for a moment than
I was guilty of a falsehood in declar
ing that I had not undertaken to pur
chase any land. What did that have
to do with Dorr’s transparent ant
open use of the mails to induce men
to send him money to purchase land?
Dorr’s declaration . that I had paid
the fees is an absolute falsehood,
and the postoffice Inspectors, while
they searched the records for entries
at CoquiUe and noted that Reeder ft
Watkins had filed “several hundret
applications,” nowhere mentione<
that any had been filed in my name
or for me. Therefore the falsehood
is proven on Dorr, and yet the Presi
dent declared:
“The assault which Senator Till
man made upon Mr. Dorr was, ac
cording to the report of the inspect
or, a wanton assault made to cover
up Senator Tillman’s own transact
ions.”
No such statement was made by
the inspector. In fact, so earnestly
Intent on convicting Senator Tillman
Is the President, he actually commits
himself to this proposition, to wit:
Tillman voluntarily and without any
compulsion from any source and with
nothing to conceal brought up a mat
ter in the Senate which he need not
have done to cover up transactions
which were absolutely unknown to
anyone except himself and his cor
respondents, Reeder ft Watkins, and
were entirely honorable and clean.
My exposure closed out the swindl
ers. Dorr, when his mail was not de
livered, retired from the land busi
ness and became a fruit grower, as
reported by the inspectors.
The swindlers had secured a good
many thousands of dollars before the
exposure in the Senate stopped peo
ple from being duped, and yet Theo
dore Roosevelt, who poses as the
only remaining honest man in public
life, in the face of these facts, has
felt called upon to attack the charact
er of a man whose Integrity has never
before been questioned, and whose
official position is second only to his
own. In doing this he makes false
declaration for the inspectors no
where say any such thing as above
quoted, which can be proven by an
examination of their report.
Now, about the lying: My letter
of February 15, of which the Presi
dent secured a photographic copy,
antedates by four days my statement
in the Senate that I bad not bought
any land, or undertaken to buy any,
and the President considers this po
sitive proof of falsehood. I did not
say I had not considered the purchase
of land; I did not say I had not con
templated the purchase of land, be
cause I had done bah. In my conver
sation with the Attorney-General In re
gard to the resolution which I intro
duced, and which he himself prepared
after we had talked over the whole
land situation, I distinctly remember
telling him that my interest in the
matter had been fira aroused by my
desire to purchase some of the timber
land, and that my coming to him was
due to the fact that I discovered upon
investigation that I could not buy it
through any agency whatsoever; that
I could not buy it even by a lawsuit,
because I was advised by very able
lawyers in the West,* among them the
Hon. George Turner, of Washington,
that in attacking the holders of those
land grants no one would have any
standing In court except the grantor,
the Government Itself. (See Nichols
vs. Southern Oregon Co., Federal Re
port -r, vol. 135, p. 234).
I was perhaps disingenuous; but
a moment’s thought will convince
any honest-minded man that—as I
had not signed any papers, had not
paid any money, had taken nobody’s
receipt, the usual processes by which
one “undertakes” to buy land—I was
speaking accurately and not falsely.
Everything hinges on the meaning of
the word “undertaken” and my use of
it. Did I mean to conceal tb^fact
that I was anxious to buy some of
this land? Not at all. Did I moan
to attack Dorr as a swindler when I
myself was engaged in a dishonest
and dishonorable transaction? That
is what the President would have
the people believe. Can I be justly
charges with falsehood when if I bad
to the report of the Aftorney-General, | against me on the same ground for
in answer to the resolution which I j which he has attacked Messrs. Taw-
introduced and which passed the I ney, Smith, and ahers in the House,
Senate, Harriman, Vhe President’s | but one of personal malice engen-
dear friend, still holds in defiance of; dered by hatred because of my course
law upward of 2,000,000 acres of the!in the Senate during the last seven
best lands of Oregon and California
and relfuses to sell them at any price.
years
I have not atteinpced to deceive
I never expected, and could not un- ; anybody: I have not told any false-
der the terms of 'the law as I con- hoods; f have not broken any law;
strued It, get more than seven quar-jl have not been guilty of an> immoral
ter sections for myself and family, I conducL I had the riglft to pur-
one for my private secretary, and j chase the land if I could, but my
one for M‘r. Lee, making nine in alL ! judgment told me it was unsafe as
This, in the aggregate, would mean an Investment. I would like to ga
that I would obtain through my acti
vity here, as the President’s charge
is, nine quarter sections, or foilrteen
some of it yet, and if the Attorney'
General and his successors shall not
die of old age before anything is
• - , - . ’ any tiling i»
sir fto ed wni 8 « ^ at * a cos j ot ' S* 0116 k may be possible that I will
V 1 ® President under- s have the opportunity to purchase
t v° Inna wj, ha ^ e 0&V r ! gh * some of those timber lands of which
buy la “£ ^ ca " 8 f 1 a ” a Senator?; he made mention in his report (S.
deny that my actj-; Doc . No . 2 79, 60th Cong., 1st sess.)
^Through my action attention has
f he ^ . t l rney ' GeB ,! been directed in a compelling way
f™* for the , re ® 0 very of, to the need of prompt action by the
tiers’ If Harriman 8 uS.*' Department of Ju8tlce - Whether I
him are If nJSt others like ever ge , t any of the land or not does
Sf these ^Ifts shall ThfV^ thtt° r not matter If H *rriman and others
was endeavoring o b^v a mtL L ' of that ,lk are mad e to disgorge the
Unce of the laSd £ L 1 the large ho,dlng8 "bleb they have
or. M ch^i"h.. b n e . , ?1f.“attempting to bold.
of a charge of being a liar and a cor
rupt Senator—to be disgraced?
To sum up, this is a brief resume
The President says,
“On October 20th, 1907, Senator
Tillman wrote a letter to Messrs.
transaction: While in Reeder ft Watkins, of Marshfield,
October, 1907, I, Oreg., who were aftorneys represent-
wL h f^ r rk that th t« e u Were tlmber ! In 8 People who were applicants for
hm.lhf d>, 0reg K" o Wh i Ch T ere being ;tbe purchase of certain land-grant
nf U Mn!-»hfi r ?^ gh n Re ^ der v. & Watkins, land. Dorr was a land agent making
to^lfeedpi^ll w5kw, C o t0be u. 5 I , w ™ te his filin g s through Reeder ft Wat-
to Reeder & Watkins, asking for In- kins.”
te,,lng tbe “ of m y desire! This statemenv is misleading and
Ing his contention vhat I have lied to
the Senate. The records show that
in the iifterim the Dorr circular had
been sent to me, for on > February
ISUi, when I made the exposure of
Dorr, I said in the Senate:
“Inutile last day or two I have had
my attention called to a scheme of
swindling, etc."
It is easy for those who are them
selves vulnerable to convict others
on the most flimsy evidence, and the
President seems to work on that the
ory.
On reading Dorr’s circular the
whole scheme and combinalon of
swindlers—Reeder ft Watkins, In
Marshfield, and Dorr, in Portland; I
did not know anything about Conro-
and Schaefer—flashed in my mind;
and remembering Lee’s somhwhat
dubious report as to the character
and qualifications of the firm of
Reeder & Watkins, I decided at once
to see to it that my name should not
be used to Inveigle others into their
game. Hence my action in the Sen
ate.
The President dismisses with a
wave of the hand any possibility of
my honesty by saying:
“It is unnecessary to comment 'on
his proposal made in this letter to
use his influence as a Senator to
force the government to instftute a
suit which would make it easy for
him personally to obtain some of
the land.”
It might be well to inquire whether •
or not the Attorney-General has been
ordered not to obey the law of Con
gress passed last April—which I will
call the “Tillman-Bonaparte” law—or
dering suit to be Instituted for the
recovery of these lands. My culpa
bility Is of such magnitude in con
templating the purchase of 1,440
acres of land at $2.60 an acre In the
eyes of this stickler for official rectl-
P urcbaae 8 °me of the land if pos-1 calcSted to deceive The reportof tdde ln 0ther8 that “ be
8 b e - ^ing to find out the con-1 the post office- Sectors gWes the i’ ihat , he ,9 determined to block my
ditions of the grant to the State of actual ‘anth It savs- g h |so-called “nefarious transactions.”
ma ? e P° s ^ b,e for “Pur-, “Among the most active aeents in The man wh ° announces to Con-
hnt nt n0t actual T 8et tlers” to! this matter is the firm of Reeder ft I gre8S that he > Theodore Roosevelt.
Pe o a £ re ‘ 1 wired the Watkins, of Marshfield, Oreg^ j assumed tbe rI K h t to permit the Steel
h b » aot P« th /« SeT !f e for a C °P- V of Heeder is a real-eaate agent and Mr trU8t to absorb tts greatest rival con-
the act. Finding that that part of e agent ana Mr. . _
the statemenv received from a .gen
tleman in Spokane was correct, ! no-
Watkins an attorney. They have as-1
sociated themselves together in lo-
as
^investigate "nV^
son. I authorized Lee to draw on me
if he found vhat the lands were what
they were represented to be. Lee’s
authority as my agent never went
beyond an examination of the land
and, if vhe application was filed, to
that } ^ ou l d set good timbered
mnds instead of rocks and marshes.
He wired me not to be in a hurry as
there were obstacles in the way In
the meantime I had talked with law-
yers who were familiar with the
military road land grants, and they
Informed metlrnt under a decision
of the circuit court private parties
3® n0t fl P® rm, ‘ ted t0 «ue for these
lands. Still doubting whether I
could purchase the lands with any
hope of successful litigation, I wrote
to Senator George Turner, of Wash-
Eou' get , hl8 option and inci-
nn th V? make Inquiry about lands
on vhe Columbia River, in that State.
He gave the same opinion that I
lawyers^y rece,ved from the other
. ? e ^ ,z, " g after I got to Washing-
ton, D. C., in December that ft was
a very doubtful proposition, I let the
matter drop until Mr. Lee showed
a 'after from Reeder ft Watkins,
which has been stolen from my desk
in my committee room along with
other papers in this case, probably
b y some of the secret-service sleuths,
and when they indicaVed their desire
that ! should exert my influence in
the Senate, I wrote the letter of Feb
ruary 15, of which the President ob
tained a photographic copy. In the
meantime and before that letter was
written, from my investigations and
after a conference with the Attorney-
General, I Introduced the two reso
lutions of January 31, one calling on
the Attorney-General for information,
and the other (the Joint resolution),
which became a law, instructing him
to Instituve suits. My official ac-
ivity then is shown to have taken
form in he Senate before I knew any-
thing abouv Reeder ft Watkins’ atti
tude or expectations and I was in no
way influenced by them.
I was still anxious to obtain some
'if the land If it could be done legal-
y. and wrote Reeder ft WaVkins to
hat effect, but my faith in them and
n the whole scheme died when I re
ceived the circular of Dorr, which
:ame to me on February 17 and 18
rom three different directions, show-
ng the widespread distribution made
of them. Also Mr. Lee’s report to
me had led me to believe that Reed
er ft WaVkins were not of the caliber
filing an aplication with the clerk of
the court and tendering to the com
pany $400 per quarter section, which
the law originally contemplated as
the price of the land. They were to
receive $100 additional whenever the
Southern Oregon Company should
convey the title, and they knew that
no one could compel this conveyance
except the United States Government,
because a similar case had been de
cided in the United States court so
declaring. (See Nichols v. Southern
Oregon Co., Federal Reporter, vol.
135, p, 234.)
I commenced to investigate on the
5th of October, and I made direct ap
plication to Reeder & Watkins, t»y
telegram and by letter, on the 20th
of October. Dorr did not appear un
til early in 1908, as shown by the re
port of the post-office inspectors, and
his career as a swindler was brief,
as I exposed the whole thing in the
Senate on February 19th. The Pres
ident had the papers and knew all
this. Reeder ft Watkins were re
ceiving $21 for Vhe insignificant won;
of making a tender to the holding
company and filing a notice wua the
clerk of the court. Dorr was to
share in the commission, or wnat-
ever you Verm it, for whatever busi
ness he brought, and yet the Presi
dent would convey the impression
that these filings were merely suen
as are usual in purchasing govern
ment land, when he knew, or could
have easily found out from the At
torney-General, that all such propos
ed purchasers could not thus bring
unj suit. In the light of the evi
dence as presented to the President
himself, the scheme was a swindle
to obtain $21 in cash, as must be ap-
parenv to all. But the President ac
quitted Dorr and convicted me. By
this time I had found out the legal
status, and decided I would not sign
a contraa, file an application, or pay
any money, and my only reason for
writing to Reeder & Watkins on Feb
ruary 15th was to have them under
stand that Lee misconceived my at-
vitude in the Senate, and that I was
not to be considered as a tool, but
acting in the interest of the public.
Remember, I knew nothing of Mr
Vrary to law would doubtless not hes
itate to help his dear friend Harri-
man in holding 2,000,000 acres of the
public domain, because Ben Tillman
has contemplated and wanted to buy
1,440 acres. The President having
convicted Tillman, proceeded to clear
Dorr In both cases contrary to the
facts and smilingly retires from the
center of the stage, which it is his
greatest delight to occupy, and com-
placenVly looks to have the American
people and the Senate give their ap-
prova’ to his verdict. I await that
verdict calmly and without fear, and
will gladly abide by ft.
In conclusion, Mr. President, I
court the most searching investiga
tion. Nay I demand it. I declare
most emphatically I have never con
cealed my effort to buy land. I wrote
the Attorney-General about it; I ex
plained to the agent of the secret
service the whole transaction when
I gave him the Dorr circular and let
ters which had been sent me con
cerning ft. The question of motive
will at last control and it cannot be
shown that I had any reason to con
ceal anything. I invite comparison
of my private life and public work
as a man and a SenaVor with Theo
dore Roosevelt, or any other man,
and I feel absolutely sure of the
ground upon which I stand.
Negro Shoots Out Another’s Eye.
Anderson, January 12.—Frank
Bell, colored, was shot in^ the-
face and painfully wounded by
Isom Gambrell, anovher negro, Sat
urday night at the latter’s home,
north of the city. The negroes had
gotten inVo a dispute earlier in the
day, while in the city, and after re
turning home, Bell called on Gam
brell and renewed it, threatening to
kill him. Gambrell warned him once
or Vwice to leave, arid when Bell re
fused, persisting In his threats, he
secured a shotgun and fired. The
load of bird shot took effect in Bell’s
face, two of the shot enVering the
eye and putting It out. tJambrell was
brought here yesterday and placed in
jail, but laver released on a bond of
$500.
SICK ONE YEAR.
London, Ontario, Man Says, “For
Chronic Coughs, Colds or Bron
chial Troubles Vinol it With
out an Equal.”
and character to be employed in a ce “ atl °" of J be P^nts.
* , . - iM1 o — —i T was ill for over a year before
Lee s letter till sent in by the Presi-, taking Vinol. I had tried cod liver
dent. At the same time I was wil- 1 oil, also other remedies. I was in-
Hng to use them in locating desira- ‘
ble quarter sections, if later on I
found that the action of Congress
would make It possible to restore the
land to the public domain by the can-
matter of such magnitude, except
possibly as to their familiarity with
the local conditions and their ability
to locate quarter sections which
were well tlmbe-ed, as they were In
the possession of a cruiser’s map.
Dorr, of whom I had never heard be
fore, was evidently pushing his
scheme of getting suckers to invest
and using my name, as I have indi
cated, without authority, because I
had not paid any fees to him or wrlt-
ten to him or filed any applicationa.
I therefore felt It incumbent on me
to expose the swindle in the Senate,
which I did on the 19th of February,
and asked the post-office authorities
to issue a fraud order.
I pressed the passage of the joint
resolution in the Senate, and on
April 30th it became a law. March
18th I was taken ill, and on May 16th,
after a partial recuperation, I sailed
for Europe, returning Odober 21st.
The President’s sleuths, set .to do
the dirty work of spying on a Sena
tor when that Senator had exposed a
The President lays great stress on
the statement of mine made the 15th
of February in a letter to Reeder ft
\V atkins. He italicizes the words
as well as myself.” as though it were
unlawful, immoral, or improper for a
Senator to buy any land or .to act in
this Chamber on any question affect
ing his personal Interest. I fail to
see any sense or reason in this posi
tion, but I must submit that to the
judgment of the Senate and the
country. I had not become a party
to any litigation; I was not interest
ed except as a private individual
wanting to purchase, and as a Sena
tor desiring to enable others to have
the opportunity to do so. Of course,
the President is sure that I have
done something very discreditable
and outrageous. He hates me, and
would destroy me if he could.
The President gloats over the fact
that my letter was written “Just
four days before he announced in the
Senate that he had not undertaken to
buy any land in the West” as clinch-
fluenced to try Vinol by seeing ft ad
vertised and I can safely recommend
it to anyone requiriug a first class
tonic. It is quite palatable and pleas
ant to take, with all the nourishing
qualities of the best cod liver oil. For
chronic coughs and colds, or bron
chial troubles, It Is without an equal,
at the same time building up the run
down system, strengthening the ap-
petlle and producing sound sleep.”
A. J. Gilmour, 510 Acklaick St., Lon
don, Ontario.
This is because Vinol is a genuine
tonic and body-builder which contains
peptonate of Iron together with every
one of the body-building medicinal
elements of cod liver oil, but with
out one drop of oil to upset the
stomach and retard its work. Vinol <
acts directly on the stomach, creates
a healthy appetite, and enables the
digestive organs to obtain the neces
sary elements from the food eaten to
make rich, red blood, healthy fleeh
and muscle tissue and create strength.
Your money back if Vinol faOs to
benefit. The Gaffney Drug Co., Gaff
ney, S. C.
The man who can make hie child-
dren smile does not need to worry
over his inability to preach sermons.