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t?l)e <?ant&cn Journal, VOLUME 11, CAMDEN, SOUTH OA EOLINA, JUNE 21, 185Q. " NUMBEE4& ~ THE CAMDEN JOURNAL. j PUBLISHED BY THO. J. W4RIU3N 4c p. A. PRICE, EDffORS AND PROPRIETORS. the' Semi-weekly journal I* published at Three Dollar* and Fifty Cents, if paid in pdvancg, or Four Dollar* if payment is delayed for three month*. tiie weekly journal I* published at Two Dollars and Fifty Cents, if pnid in pdvance, or Three Dollar* if payment is delayed for three {Booths. Any person procuring five responsible subscribers shall f?e entitled to the sixth ropy (of the edition subscribed for) irratis for one year. ADVERTISEMENTS will be inserted at the following fates: Forone square (14 lines or less) in llic semi-weekly, PHI' dpllar far the first, and twenty-five cents for each jmhecqncnt insertion. Jn the weekly, seventy-five rents per square for the fiiyt, find thirty-seven and a naif cents for each subsequent ingestion * Single insertions one dollar per square. The number of insertions desired, and the edition to hp Published in. must be noted on the margin of all adverdaetoeots. or they will be inserted semi-weekly until ordered lo be discontinued, and chirged accordingly. " Serai-mqntbly, monthly and quarterly advertisements charged the same as for a tingle insertion. Liberal discounts allowed to those who advertise for three, six, or twelve m^tlis. 03-AI] communications by pttail must be post-paid to secure attention. Poetical department, my ownTb? ?gifTLE one7~ -They talk of rainbows in the sky, and blossoms rtn tKa earth. They sing the beauty of the star in songs of love and mirth; They say the mountain-sod is fair?they tell of dew-drops bright, They praise the sun that warms the day, and ' 1 moori that cheers the night; 1 do not sigh to watch the sky, I do not care to eee The lustre drop on green-hill top, or fruit upon the tree; Tve prayed to hare my lids unseal'd, but 'twas not to behold The pearly dawn of misty morn, or evening cloud of gold: No, no, luy Mary, I would turn from flower, star, and sun, For well I know thou'rt fairer still, my pjp, my gentle one. I hear the inusic others deem sqost eloquent and sweet, The merry lark above my head?the cricket at my fee*! The robin in the winter time?the cuckoo in the spring j But never do I think those tones so beautiful a.s thine, -When kind words fiopt a kinder heajrx contirni that heart is mine. There is no melody of sound that bids my soul reioice. As when I hear my simple name breathed by thy happy voice; And Mary, I will ne'er believe that flower, star, or SUU, (Can ever be so bright as thee, my true, my gentle one. ||M?^ 1?MB??fl??M? iilisrcllftucous Department. " A GOOD SCHOOL^ Wk frequently hear anxious parents express .themselves in some such manner as this: "We .spare no pains," say they, sorrowfully or indig.nantly, " in the edncation of our children. We .pay a high price for their instruction ?yet we cannot perceive that any tiling good comes of it ?? -1 . 11 All. we cannot see mat tnej are even as wen .disposed, as tractable, as obedient, as they were before these expenses and pains were incurred. Nor'in what the}', ludicrously enough, .call tlieir ' studies,' do they seem U) be doing, in any worthy,sense, to?//. * They neither have .a sense of their ignorance, or of the value of knowledge, or any reverence for the persons who impart H, or for the jflace where if, is imparted, or a sense of their qbligations to them and us for placing improvement within their reach. -We cannot see that they are interested :in anything interesting, or eager for any tiling but jdeasure,-or zealous for anything but sports ?both the sports and pleasures which they .crate, being too; of a doubtful kjqd' We are almost tempted to think that scnool is, upon |he whole, not an advantage to them, and to wisl) ?? * *- ? ? i - ?i ji - ' tin: _jl*1 they were rim saieiy inro^gn iu wiiai caii we do onto oar children tfyaf we liave not done onto them? Yet when ye look that they should prosper, behold, they prosper not!" Thus the parent. On the other hand, it has been far more frequently my lot to hear teachers, both in sorrow and in anger, deliver sentences Jjke the following: " It is not that my income is 1 ^lender and precarious, my position insecure and humble, the rpad tq Jionor and fortune closed npopjne, that 1 complain. 'Thjsjs the lot of most men, jua?n,Q#\ 'Put that I cannot, in any way, get a fair opportunity to exercise pay vocation to advantage, and that I cannot ;therefore accomplish anything really and permanently good for my pupils; this is the lamentable feature ot my case. I am hindered and frvstra,fced on a// fijdes. I am commanded ^to do more tnan is possible, and yet denied a ^chance fairly to attempt lU My position with respect to these boys is so utterly false as to preclude the possibility of my doing nju^Ii for them, ir ia a mA^r of the first necessity with me to yl '*e them-;' qr^ af, least, not seriously 'to Jtaple.ise them. Please jthem I must; exigence depends upon it Then, no sooner do 1 begin to see into a boy, iq fake an interest in him, to get a hold upon him, get ready to do him g.)0(d service, jhan away he goes, and I see no moje of him. Jnst as mv plant begins jt.o sprout and lloarish, it is rudely transplanted ! tq another man's garden, to wither, to recover, again to grow a while, and again to fye torn up. Yonder," continues the now wrathful spul-illuminator, "yonder sits a boy eleven years ojJ, who has been at twelve schools, and. he will Spon en|er his thirteenth! Nor can I, by any art, contrive to procure a regular attendance of my pupils at school. A little rain, or a company of men playing soldiers?and Jo! I have a beggarly account of empty seats. If qur boys jiacj no parents, and we could live on air, some, thing might be done. But, as things are, what ! can we do ? Nothing, or else worse than nothing." Thus the teacher. The frequppt hearing of these observations I has nut me upon inquirjug what are, after all, the fundamental conditions of a good school; i or, what must be, before a good school can exj ist, and in what circumstances the purposes of 1 a school can be fulfilled, and in }vhat they canj not. The results of these reflections shall now, j as briefly as possible, be laid hjefprp the reader. ! They are presented to him with confidence, yet j with deference. "Permanence, persistence," says a distinguished writer, " is the first condition of fruitfulness in the ways of men." " The very horse that is permanent, how much kindlier do his rider and he work, than the temporary one, hifed on any hack principle yet known ! I am for permanence in all things at the earliest possible moment, and to the latest possible. Blessed is he who continueth where he is." Permanence is the first fundamental condition of a good school. r('hp teachers must he permanently appointed; the pupils placed permanently under their care; aud the institution in '! V .. * ? m 11 every respect permanently established, i o can for# a man's best efforts, you must satisfy him that he will assuredly reap what he sows; hp; and not another. The teacher must understand that if he is neglectful of the child, he, and not another teacher, will have to endure the vulgar and insolent youth, and the shame of the foolish and unjust man; that, if he laboriously trains and wisel}' governs the child, his slmll be the joy of instructing the loyal youth, and his the glory of the noble man. The boy, too, must feel that he is almost unalterably fixed in his school, and that there, or nowhere, he is to work out his education. To do a boy the greatest good, your acquaintance with him must be intimate and thorough?penetrating ..II ???/! aauSnrv Itia n a CO lllCf" | luiuugift ill! uio^uioco, auu accm^ vu?v j ??as it exists. The tencher must also know a pupil's historj'; the circumstances and ideas of hjs parents; the character of his home. All this requires time, aiid, frequently, a long time. In a jKjrnianent situation, a teacher alone h^s a fair opportunity to improve in the practice of his most difficult art. ilia errors and his failures, as well as his successes and triumphs, Oqqtinually instruct him. He has au opportunity to watch the result of his labors?to discover precisely what effect his words and meas-1 ures and manners produce upon the characters j of his pupils. His feeling towards them, in- j stead of being ipereiy friendly or fraternal, i^ i almost parental, if not more than parental. He I ~ .. ....j ...i... ? r..*i. J uuimr? iu uuuiri suuiu why el muiiri can cnumt an untoward and undutiful son, and why a mother can cling with peculiar fondness to her iuast attractive child. -Besides, a school, considered as a whole, will improve IVoin generation to generation, and from age to age?sometimes, perhaps, falling behind the time, and sometimes outstripping it. . ii is far easier to alter and improve, than to establish and create. How beautiful a thing is it for a son to be educated where his father and his grandfather were! At what an advantage he enters it; with what effect can the father advise his son respecting his behaviour; how well prepared I is he to know his son's exact state and progress at every part of his school career; and if the father has left behind him a reputation fyr talents and industry, what an argument is that for the son not to dishonor his memory. For these, and other reasons which come crowding into my mind, but of which the necessity to be brief lorbids the utterance, 1 go for permanence in all educational arrangements, at th.d earliest possible moment, and to the latest possible. I look for nothing greatly good from our schools, until permanence becomes a feature of them. Heaven deliver us from all palfr\r n<?ffu fnmnnrarv " nrir-itn " Qnltnnk pendent for their exisfenpe upqn the life, or health, or pleasure, or whim of an individual! and all good people help Heaven to do this! A school, to be worth much, must be a public, permanent tiling, wjth up V odor of ijalionalily about it" The seporjd fundamental condition of a good school to which I refer, is, that sufficient power be conferred upon its teachers. Teachers, at present, have no power at all. They have iiof the power, even, to compel the regular and punctual attendance ol their pupils at school? a quite preliminary, insignificant, though altogether indispensable power. If we are ever to have good schools, teachers must be clothed with full powers to compel attendance. This Is a point which canijot now be safely left to parehts, so cruel is their kindness, so strong their weakness. Shall the physician prescribe medicine, and the patient take it only when he likes ns often as he likes, in what Quantities he likes, when the weather is not too line or too iou/, ?0(1 thp sold/era no/ out i Why, a day's needless absence will sometimes " demoralize" a boy for a month, and a week's will ' often neutralize the good effects of half a year. But this fs imperceptible to every one but the teacher, and not to all teachers.- Power must be given to a teacher, also, (under limitations too obvious to require mention,) to say what a boy shall learn, and what he shall not; that is, the physician, not the patient or his friends, shall have the writing of the prescription. The Tjqv is ignorao/ and foolish; he goes to school to be made knowing and wise; and 110 one must have it in his power to dictate to the soul-doctor by what particular means this sublime transformation is to be achieved. Does it not oftenjl thee, brother, to the very soul, to see a man trying to " cram" a dolt of a boy with Latin and Greek, and French, and Algebra, and half a dozen other things, because a certain other man has so decreed it, and hath it in him to pay extra charges? and has it not often moved thee to extreme sorrow, to see a beautiful and capacious spul condemned to feed pn figures, and other husks that the swine do eat, solely because an individual was what he called " opposed to the classics," and had no talent for paying ox fo /.liorrroo 1 Pvti-a nlinrfrps are an abomina J'" a? I tion, and ought to bp abolished, and the teacher j be a wholly disinterested {inc| untrannneled judge pf his popils' pursuits at school. If fhere must be extra charges, extra charge for what the boy does not learn. Address the parent thus: " Your preposterous command that the boy shall not learn Latin or French, increases my difficulties in directing his education in a very great degree. I therefore ohargq sp [flUfth per quarter for each of the forbidden lessons." Other powers needful for the teacher might be specilied, but I must content, myself with merely repeating, in a general way, the teacher must have' pnirfx cyQugh. This, at present, he has not He fights with his hands tied, and gets beaten in consequence. Thirdly, I think it an indispensable feature of * " * i . r I a good school, that its government aejrer., aim not despotic. The essential difference between these two modes of government appears to be this: a free government is one in which Late is supreme?a despotic, one in which the will of an individual or of individuals is so. 1 mean, particularly, that thp subordinate teachers should not be solely responsible to the chief teacher; that both should have a qquinjon master, and both be subject to law6 ordained fqr the government of the school; that both teacher and pupil should be protected from the hastiness and caprice of thfc principal; and that the entire value and efficiency qfthe school should nnt fjpnniifl nnnn flie v.ilne mid efficient: v of one man. This is a matter of very great importance. I do not think that a subordinate tekcher can, in any circumstances, stand in the right relation to pupils, whilst he is the mere hireling of tiie principal. Nor have I known more than one school of the "private" kind, in which the teacher had the necessary degree of independence, even jn hjs qwi) tjepgrtmenf. He cannot, as a general thing, choose even the books 'to be used, or say whether he will use any book at all. The principal does not regard the results of the teacher's labors, and judge him solely by the results; but often, in the most impertinent and frusiratmg manner, presumes to say how he shall labor, criticising the pettiest details tlx* ronihttinn orirl urlinllt* /litcfrnviiur VI vaeity and effectiveness by bis interference.? For it is in the nature of a principal of a private school, to have the most egregious conceit. He ' * * ? , - is generally not able to lift up his inind to the belief that a man may work quite in a different manner from himself, and yet 'getihe work done as well. This is a sore evil. So acutely has one individual suifercd from this cause, that lie does not usually dare .trust himself to speak of it, lest he should be betrayed into ill ten|per and worse words. True it is, and with shame I nniilaes if t.11 f ittifli mum unnoiiu flinn kVi.HIMV that we members of u able corps" are, now-adays, a class of mortals not overwisc, not troubled with an excessive flow of ideas, nor burthened with to^ nnjcli sense. In fact, there would seem to be a plentiful lack of wit and force iu our body, and this lack will continue as long as we are treated as we usually are, or as long as we endure it. This despotism must end, before schools are much improved. Teachers must be free men before their utmost of faculty and power is called into action and de vclopinent. Ti/Q princjpaj must he clothed with authority, but not with ajjsojutc authority. Men may worthily be loyal unto men, out o&r; dient only unto Law. A fourth vitally important and wholly indispensable condition of a good school's existence appears to me to be, that its teachers' subsisrtunce be not directly dependent upon the parents of their pupils. Some third party must stand between the teacher and the parent, protecting the teacher from the parents caprice or injustice, protecting the parent, too, from imposition. and his child from ill-treatment and ne<r r O lcct. The teacher, like the soldier, should he the sen-ant of the State. I appeal to every candid innsjter of a prjvaio school in this city for the truth of the assertion, that what is termed the success of a school, its prosperity as a business, depends mainly upon its ability to please its pupils! To this contemptible basis arc we harrowed at last. The question is not now asked with tremulous anxiety by the parent and friend, " Oh! teacher, what think you of our boy ?" 1/ut this other, with a kind of mocking jocularity, " Well, boyi how do you like your teacher t" What a frightful aburdity is this! What -an entire inversion of tlio proper relation of the two parties! Ilow, not iniurious merolv. llllt futnltn fln? bixt iiiti'i-Jwfs of the young, to the dignity and well-being of their instructions, js a system of sucli tendencies !? 01 what can it be nalurujly productive but profound vanity, greediness of praise and pleasure, in tho youthful mind. Its tendency is to turn the ?chool-roorn from being a place sacred to labor and self-denial, for the noblest ends, to 0110 of entertainment merely. " Ilut this subject js not entertainment. There is no amusement in it," said a fair creature the other day in school, as though that were a reason for its discontinuance, quite incontrovertible. " This," said the teacher,is not a house ef entertainment. My name is not Miirotzek, or Niblo."? The expressive countenance of the damsel plainly showed that this simple answer contained for her a new idea. But does iio teacher rise superior to this tendency ? All my observation of myself and others leads mo to the belief that no one does fully escape it. Some are less ab- | ject, less palpable slaves than others, but no j mail that I have known acts quite freely. The i system seems to be so deeply false and entirely wrong, as to take away every chance of good results. Under it, a tear has just a choice of these two things, to be a quack or a martyr, and no third. Gentlemen,is np( this so? Sprne of you are not siow to confess it in confidential conversation. Is it less true in print? Lastly: it is an essential feature of a good school that there be some tolerable proportion between the number of its teachers and the number of its pupils. No man can teach and ?- nf fliArmmlinAce nnrl guveru, wmi nnj uvyicc ui ..? good effect, fifty boys or' thirty boys ; no two men can teach a hundred; no four men two hundred. In the best circumstances, with the best arrangements, in the best assorted school, in the best school of the best State system, one teacher to twenty-five pupils would be perhaps the proper proportion. But in the heterogeneous, unassorted boy:drove8 of our present nosystem, one teacher to ten would find his hands full. Nor can any man teach, with the needful vivacity, energy, and good humor, seven or six hours a day. You may require it, and he may hear classes all that time; but you have the form only of teaching, not die power thereof. A teacher, to do his whole duty, and with the highest degree of efficiency, and to keep on doine it in the best manner, must spend at least as much time in direct and indirect preparation for his daily recitations as the recitations themselves reqilire. It would be easy to enlarge upon this point, but my space will not admit of it Besides, this is a matter upon which, I believe, all teachers agree. We are all overworked?we are all required to perform impossibilities, and we all know it too well. These five, then, I cannot but regard as fundamental conditions of a good school. All of these may exist and yet the school not be good; but all of theni, I conceive, must be, in a tolerable degree of perfection before a rcaj I y good school becomes possible. It is in vain for us to complain of the state of education, or of the general and increasing ignorance of the people, so long as these conditions are not complied with;" On a future occasion I shall en (leavor to contribute my little towards showing how, in our State, they n^y be. Kknt. Political Department. SenTHERW ADDRESS. To the people of Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida, Alabama, Tennessee, Kent tick n, Lousiana, T""-"< i/Vocd/i-i Arkansas. Delaware, and M 4F4WWW**. , , Mississippi. Fkllow-Citizkxs : In obedience tothecommands of those we represent, we have assembled together to confer with enoli other poncerning your relation with the General Government and the non-slaveholdiug States of the Union, on the subject of the institution of slavery. W e deem it proper to lay before vou as I briefly as the subject will permit the result of our deliberations counsels. In order that your condition may be understood, and the conclusions at which we have arrived be justly appreciated, it is necessary to refer to a few past transactions. It is now sixteen years since the institution of slavery in the South l^egap to be agitated in Congress and assailed by our sister States. Up to that time, the people of the Northern States seem . I.i l , I ?L.. to nave respected me rignis reserveu 10 uiuoumuem States by the Constitution, and to have acted under the conviction, that the subject of slavery being beyond the legislation of Congress, all agitation with respect to it on the part of Congress was equally forbidden by the Constitution. But at this time, a portion of the North began to assail in Congress the institution of slavery ; and to accomplish their object of dragging it into the vortex of Congressional agitation, they claimed the right ot petitioning Congress upon all subjects whatsoever. As a petition is only the lirst step in legislation, it was clear that a right to petition a legislative body must be limited bv its powers of legislation. ' . .V.i * i 1. U.. x\o one can nave a rignnu a?n unumci m uu | that which lie has no moral or legal rigliiio do. Nor can any tribunal have the power to receive and consider any matter beyond its jurisdiction. The claim therefore to present petitions to Congress on the subject of slavery, was considered by the Southern Representatives generally as an attempt indirectly to assume "jurisdiction qyipr the subject itself in all parts of the Union. The object', without disguise, was the overthrow of slavery in the States ; but our assailants framed the petitions presented chiefly against slavery in the District of Columbia and our Territories, and against what /hey call the internal slave trade?that is, the transmission of slaves from one southern State to another. Conscious of the fatal tendency of the agitation ol'sla -? 1 ' i very in Uongress to destroy me peuce ?iuu summ ty of tin, U nion, uij effort was made, supported by a large portion of the Northern representatives, to suppress it by a rule in the House of Representatives, which provided that all petitions on the subject of slavery should be neither considered, printed, nor referred. This rule was assailed by the people of the Northern States, as violating that clause of the Constitution which prohibits Congress from passing laws to prevent the people from peaceably assembling'and petitioning for a redress of grievances. In December, 1841, this rule fell before the ahngst unanimous voice of the North; and thus the unlimited power of introducing and considering the subject of slavery in Congress was asserted, in the mean time, the course of the Northern people showed clearly that tlie agitation of slavery in Congress was only one of the means they relied'011 to overthrow this institution throughput the Union".' Newspapers were set tip j amongst them, and lecturers were bpxi to go abroad to excite them against slavery in the Southern States. Organizations'wereformed to carry oiff'slaves from'^he South, and to protect t'lem by violence from recapture. Although the Constitutioq requjres that fugitive slaves, like fugitives from justice, 'shoujd be rendered up hjf the States to which they may have fled, the legislatures* of almost every Northern State, faithless to this treaty stipulation between th?| States, passed laws designed and calculated entirely to defeat this provision of the Constitution, without which the Union woidd have never existed, and by these laws virtually huj? lified the act of 1794, passed by Congress to aid its enforcement. Not content with the agitation of slavery in political circles, the Northern peqple forced it also into religjcjusj associationsextending over the Unjon, aud-produced a separation of the Methodist and Baptist churches. The result of all these various methods of assailing slavery in the Southern States was, that it beqamq' the graqd topic of. interest and discussion in' Congress and out of Congress, and one of the most important elements of politics in the Union. Thus an insti * J 4^1 A X * tution, belouging to tne souinern oiaies exclusively, was wrested from their exclusive control ; and jnstead qf that protegtion which is tliq great object ot all governments, and which .'>?&? the Constitution of the United States guarantees \ ' to all the States and their institutions, the Nor^hj * v." ' em States, and Congress under their control, combined together to assail and destroy slavery in the South: The Sqntfiern States did nothing to vindicate their rights and arrest this course of things. The Mexican war broke out; and instead of that patriotic co-operation of ail sections of the Union which would 'have takeij place in the better days of the Republic, to > - - * - i?* a urillg 11 IU U just 41UU liuuuiauic i/Uuviuoiviij 111 tlie very first appropriation bill to carry it o'u, the North endeavored to thrust the subject q{ slavery. Throughout the war, they kept up the agitation; thus clearly maniiestiug their determination that tne General Government m rjoue of its operations, internal or external', shall be exempted from the introduction of this dangerous subject The war closed with honor; and an immense territory was added to the United States'. Their previous threats were realized; and the non-slaveholding States iniediately claimed the right to exclude the people of the Southern Slates from all the territory quired, and to appropriate it to themselves.?7 If this pretension arose from a mere lust of power, it would be hard to bear the superiority and mastery it implies. It would degrade the Southern States trom beiug the equals of t ie Northern States, to a position of colonial inferiority. But when your exelusiou is not from a mere Just o. ^ow6r, but is only a further step in the progress of things aiming at the abolition of slavery iu the States, by the extension and multiplication of non-siaveholding States in the Union, tlie pretension is seen to be as uluimjng as it is insulting. The Southern Stutes, in'their Legislates, get fprfh )vjfh grepf upgnimity the rights in our territories belonging to them in common with the Northern States, and declared their determination to maiuta in Uiem \ and finding in the Northern States no disposi lion to abate their demands, the Convention in which we are assembled has been brought together, to take counsel as to the course the Southern States should pursue, lor the maintenance of their rights, liberty and honor. Such is a brief, but imperfect, statement of past transactions; and they force upou us the question, in what condition do they place the Southern States ? And lirst, what is tneir condition in Congress? The time was when your Representatives in Congress were neither otIbt; cd, nor would they endure, reproach in your behalf.* Rut for many years past they have heard you in Congress habitually revjieo by ih<? most upprobious epithets on account of the "institution of slavery, if their spirits are yet unbroken, they must be chilled by a sense of humiliation at the insults they daily receive us you; representatives. You'are arraigned as criminals. Slavery is dragged into every debate, onrl rnnnroc.hu hwiimn lift In t>la? flui 11 :i (vr-iiul i . a'""" instrument in tlie hands oi' abolitionists to dograde and ruin the 'South, instead of peao<f and protection, aggression and insult on the Soutu characterize Its proceedings and counsels. And whai is 3 our condition witli respect to your sister States* Where is that respect aud comity which (due from all* natious towards each other) is more especially due from States bound togetner in a confederacy, and whjeh was gu^e displayed in all their intercourse* Instead of respect and sympathy, denunciation and hostility, on account of your institution of slavery, have for years past characterized the communications undressed to you by the-Northern States. And what is your condition in the Union? The non-slaveholding States stand combined, not only to wrest from you your common property, hut to place upon your front the brand of iuteriority. l'ou are not to extend, on account of your institutions; but they are to increase and multiply, that the sliatn'e and siu of slavery may, by their philanthropic agency, be extinguished from ainougst you. Hut the worst feature of your condition is, that it is progressive. Aslow and humiliating as it now may be, it is destined, if not arrested, to " a lower deep." Every effect is a Cijuse; and the spirit of fanaticism brooks 110 delay in the progress it creates. If von were to yield everything the Xortn now re .(tiiros?abolish slavery in tne District of Columbia? submit io be legislated pirates for con- y veying slaves from one State to another?-let \ trial by jury and the writ of habeas corpus wrest front you in the Northern States every fugitive slnve?give up all your territories to swell Northern arrogance and predominance?would things stop there I These are all means aiming at one great end?the abolition of slavery "in the States. ' Surrendering one of these means you will but inflame the power by which another