The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, June 21, 1850, Image 1
t?l)e <?ant&cn Journal,
VOLUME 11, CAMDEN, SOUTH OA EOLINA, JUNE 21, 185Q. " NUMBEE4& ~
THE CAMDEN JOURNAL. j
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secure attention.
Poetical department,
my ownTb? ?gifTLE one7~
-They talk of rainbows in the sky, and blossoms
rtn tKa earth.
They sing the beauty of the star in songs of love
and mirth;
They say the mountain-sod is fair?they tell of
dew-drops bright,
They praise the sun that warms the day, and
' 1 moori that cheers the night;
1 do not sigh to watch the sky, I do not care to
eee
The lustre drop on green-hill top, or fruit upon
the tree;
Tve prayed to hare my lids unseal'd, but 'twas
not to behold
The pearly dawn of misty morn, or evening cloud
of gold:
No, no, luy Mary, I would turn from flower, star,
and sun,
For well I know thou'rt fairer still, my pjp, my
gentle one.
I hear the inusic others deem sqost eloquent and
sweet,
The merry lark above my head?the cricket at my
fee*!
The robin in the winter time?the cuckoo in the
spring j
But never do I think those tones so beautiful a.s
thine,
-When kind words fiopt a kinder heajrx contirni
that heart is mine.
There is no melody of sound that bids my soul
reioice.
As when I hear my simple name breathed by thy
happy voice;
And Mary, I will ne'er believe that flower, star, or
SUU,
(Can ever be so bright as thee, my true, my gentle
one.
||M?^ 1?MB??fl??M?
iilisrcllftucous Department.
" A GOOD SCHOOL^
Wk frequently hear anxious parents express
.themselves in some such manner as this: "We
.spare no pains," say they, sorrowfully or indig.nantly,
" in the edncation of our children. We
.pay a high price for their instruction ?yet we
cannot perceive that any tiling good comes of it
?? -1 . 11
All. we cannot see mat tnej are even as wen
.disposed, as tractable, as obedient, as they
were before these expenses and pains were incurred.
Nor'in what the}', ludicrously enough,
.call tlieir ' studies,' do they seem U) be doing,
in any worthy,sense, to?//. * They neither have
.a sense of their ignorance, or of the value of
knowledge, or any reverence for the persons
who impart H, or for the jflace where if, is imparted,
or a sense of their qbligations to them
and us for placing improvement within their
reach. -We cannot see that they are interested
:in anything interesting, or eager for any tiling
but jdeasure,-or zealous for anything but sports
?both the sports and pleasures which they
.crate, being too; of a doubtful kjqd' We are
almost tempted to think that scnool is, upon |he
whole, not an advantage to them, and to wisl)
?? * *- ? ? i - ?i ji - ' tin: _jl*1
they were rim saieiy inro^gn iu wiiai caii we
do onto oar children tfyaf we liave not done onto
them? Yet when ye look that they should
prosper, behold, they prosper not!" Thus the
parent. On the other hand, it has been far
more frequently my lot to hear teachers, both
in sorrow and in anger, deliver sentences Jjke
the following: " It is not that my income is
1 ^lender and precarious, my position insecure
and humble, the rpad tq Jionor and fortune
closed npopjne, that 1 complain. 'Thjsjs the
lot of most men, jua?n,Q#\ 'Put that I cannot,
in any way, get a fair opportunity to exercise
pay vocation to advantage, and that I cannot
;therefore accomplish anything really and permanently
good for my pupils; this is the lamentable
feature ot my case. I am hindered
and frvstra,fced on a// fijdes. I am commanded
^to do more tnan is possible, and yet denied a
^chance fairly to attempt lU My position with
respect to these boys is so utterly false as to
preclude the possibility of my doing nju^Ii for
them, ir ia a mA^r of the first necessity with
me to yl '*e them-;' qr^ af, least, not seriously
'to Jtaple.ise them. Please jthem I must; exigence
depends upon it Then, no sooner do 1
begin to see into a boy, iq fake an interest in
him, to get a hold upon him, get ready to do
him g.)0(d service, jhan away he goes, and I
see no moje of him. Jnst as mv plant begins
jt.o sprout and lloarish, it is rudely transplanted
! tq another man's garden, to wither, to recover,
again to grow a while, and again to fye torn up.
Yonder," continues the now wrathful spul-illuminator,
"yonder sits a boy eleven years ojJ,
who has been at twelve schools, and. he will
Spon en|er his thirteenth! Nor can I, by any
art, contrive to procure a regular attendance of
my pupils at school. A little rain, or a company
of men playing soldiers?and Jo! I have a
beggarly account of empty seats. If qur boys
jiacj no parents, and we could live on air, some,
thing might be done. But, as things are, what
! can we do ? Nothing, or else worse than nothing."
Thus the teacher.
The frequppt hearing of these observations
I has nut me upon inquirjug what are, after all,
the fundamental conditions of a good school;
i or, what must be, before a good school can exj
ist, and in what circumstances the purposes of
1 a school can be fulfilled, and in }vhat they canj
not. The results of these reflections shall now,
j as briefly as possible, be laid hjefprp the reader.
! They are presented to him with confidence, yet
j with deference.
"Permanence, persistence," says a distinguished
writer, " is the first condition of fruitfulness
in the ways of men." " The very horse
that is permanent, how much kindlier do his
rider and he work, than the temporary one,
hifed on any hack principle yet known ! I am
for permanence in all things at the earliest possible
moment, and to the latest possible. Blessed
is he who continueth where he is." Permanence
is the first fundamental condition of
a good school. r('hp teachers must he permanently
appointed; the pupils placed permanently
under their care; aud the institution in
'! V .. * ? m 11
every respect permanently established, i o can
for# a man's best efforts, you must satisfy him
that he will assuredly reap what he sows; hp;
and not another. The teacher must understand
that if he is neglectful of the child, he, and not
another teacher, will have to endure the vulgar
and insolent youth, and the shame of the foolish
and unjust man; that, if he laboriously
trains and wisel}' governs the child, his slmll
be the joy of instructing the loyal youth, and
his the glory of the noble man. The boy, too,
must feel that he is almost unalterably fixed in
his school, and that there, or nowhere, he is to
work out his education. To do a boy the
greatest good, your acquaintance with him
must be intimate and thorough?penetrating
..II ???/! aauSnrv Itia n a CO lllCf"
| luiuugift ill! uio^uioco, auu accm^ vu?v j ??as
it exists. The tencher must also know a
pupil's historj'; the circumstances and ideas of
hjs parents; the character of his home. All
this requires time, aiid, frequently, a long time.
In a jKjrnianent situation, a teacher alone h^s a
fair opportunity to improve in the practice of
his most difficult art. ilia errors and his failures,
as well as his successes and triumphs,
Oqqtinually instruct him. He has au opportunity
to watch the result of his labors?to discover
precisely what effect his words and meas-1
ures and manners produce upon the characters j
of his pupils. His feeling towards them, in- j
stead of being ipereiy friendly or fraternal, i^ i
almost parental, if not more than parental. He
I ~ .. ....j ...i... ? r..*i. J
uuimr? iu uuuiri suuiu why el muiiri can cnumt
an untoward and undutiful son, and why a
mother can cling with peculiar fondness to her
iuast attractive child. -Besides, a school, considered
as a whole, will improve IVoin generation
to generation, and from age to age?sometimes,
perhaps, falling behind the time, and
sometimes outstripping it. . ii is far easier to
alter and improve, than to establish and create.
How beautiful a thing is it for a son to be educated
where his father and his grandfather
were! At what an advantage he enters it;
with what effect can the father advise his son
respecting his behaviour; how well prepared
I is he to know his son's exact state and progress
at every part of his school career; and if the
father has left behind him a reputation fyr talents
and industry, what an argument is that for
the son not to dishonor his memory. For these,
and other reasons which come crowding into
my mind, but of which the necessity to be
brief lorbids the utterance, 1 go for permanence
in all educational arrangements, at th.d
earliest possible moment, and to the latest possible.
I look for nothing greatly good from
our schools, until permanence becomes a feature
of them. Heaven deliver us from all palfr\r
n<?ffu fnmnnrarv " nrir-itn " Qnltnnk
pendent for their exisfenpe upqn the life, or
health, or pleasure, or whim of an individual!
and all good people help Heaven to do this!
A school, to be worth much, must be a public,
permanent tiling, wjth up V odor of ijalionalily
about it"
The seporjd fundamental condition of a good
school to which I refer, is, that sufficient power
be conferred upon its teachers. Teachers, at
present, have no power at all. They have iiof
the power, even, to compel the regular and
punctual attendance ol their pupils at school?
a quite preliminary, insignificant, though altogether
indispensable power. If we are ever to
have good schools, teachers must be clothed
with full powers to compel attendance. This
Is a point which canijot now be safely left to
parehts, so cruel is their kindness, so strong
their weakness. Shall the physician prescribe
medicine, and the patient take it only when he
likes ns often as he likes, in what Quantities he
likes, when the weather is not too line or too
iou/, ?0(1 thp sold/era no/ out i Why, a
day's needless absence will sometimes " demoralize"
a boy for a month, and a week's will
' often neutralize the good effects of half a year.
But this fs imperceptible to every one but the
teacher, and not to all teachers.- Power must
be given to a teacher, also, (under limitations
too obvious to require mention,) to say what
a boy shall learn, and what he shall not; that
is, the physician, not the patient or his friends,
shall have the writing of the prescription. The
Tjqv is ignorao/ and foolish; he goes to school
to be made knowing and wise; and 110 one must
have it in his power to dictate to the soul-doctor
by what particular means this sublime transformation
is to be achieved. Does it not oftenjl
thee, brother, to the very soul, to see a man
trying to " cram" a dolt of a boy with Latin
and Greek, and French, and Algebra, and half
a dozen other things, because a certain other
man has so decreed it, and hath it in him to pay
extra charges? and has it not often moved thee
to extreme sorrow, to see a beautiful and capacious
spul condemned to feed pn figures, and
other husks that the swine do eat, solely because
an individual was what he called " opposed to
the classics," and had no talent for paying ox fo
/.liorrroo 1 Pvti-a nlinrfrps are an abomina
J'" a? I
tion, and ought to bp abolished, and the teacher j
be a wholly disinterested {inc| untrannneled
judge pf his popils' pursuits at school. If fhere
must be extra charges, extra charge for what
the boy does not learn. Address the parent
thus: " Your preposterous command that the
boy shall not learn Latin or French, increases
my difficulties in directing his education in a
very great degree. I therefore ohargq sp [flUfth
per quarter for each of the forbidden lessons."
Other powers needful for the teacher might be
specilied, but I must content, myself with merely
repeating, in a general way, the teacher must
have' pnirfx cyQugh. This, at present, he has
not He fights with his hands tied, and gets
beaten in consequence.
Thirdly, I think it an indispensable feature of
* " * i . r I
a good school, that its government aejrer., aim
not despotic. The essential difference between
these two modes of government appears to be
this: a free government is one in which Late is
supreme?a despotic, one in which the will of
an individual or of individuals is so. 1 mean,
particularly, that thp subordinate teachers
should not be solely responsible to the chief
teacher; that both should have a qquinjon master,
and both be subject to law6 ordained fqr
the government of the school; that both teacher
and pupil should be protected from the hastiness
and caprice of thfc principal; and that the
entire value and efficiency qfthe school should
nnt fjpnniifl nnnn flie v.ilne mid efficient: v of one
man. This is a matter of very great importance.
I do not think that a subordinate tekcher
can, in any circumstances, stand in the right
relation to pupils, whilst he is the mere hireling
of tiie principal. Nor have I known more than
one school of the "private" kind, in which the
teacher had the necessary degree of independence,
even jn hjs qwi) tjepgrtmenf. He cannot,
as a general thing, choose even the books
'to be used, or say whether he will use any book
at all. The principal does not regard the results
of the teacher's labors, and judge him solely
by the results; but often, in the most impertinent
and frusiratmg manner, presumes to say
how he shall labor, criticising the pettiest details
tlx* ronihttinn orirl urlinllt* /litcfrnviiur VI
vaeity and effectiveness by bis interference.?
For it is in the nature of a principal of a private
school, to have the most egregious conceit. He
' * * ? , -
is generally not able to lift up his inind to the
belief that a man may work quite in a different
manner from himself, and yet 'getihe work done
as well. This is a sore evil. So acutely has
one individual suifercd from this cause, that lie
does not usually dare .trust himself to speak of
it, lest he should be betrayed into ill ten|per and
worse words. True it is, and with shame I
nniilaes if t.11 f ittifli mum unnoiiu flinn kVi.HIMV
that we members of u able corps" are, now-adays,
a class of mortals not overwisc, not troubled
with an excessive flow of ideas, nor burthened
with to^ nnjcli sense. In fact, there
would seem to be a plentiful lack of wit and
force iu our body, and this lack will continue as
long as we are treated as we usually are, or as
long as we endure it. This despotism must
end, before schools are much improved. Teachers
must be free men before their utmost of faculty
and power is called into action and de
vclopinent. Ti/Q princjpaj must he clothed
with authority, but not with ajjsojutc authority.
Men may worthily be loyal unto men, out o&r;
dient only unto Law.
A fourth vitally important and wholly indispensable
condition of a good school's existence
appears to me to be, that its teachers' subsisrtunce
be not directly dependent upon the parents
of their pupils. Some third party must
stand between the teacher and the parent, protecting
the teacher from the parents caprice or
injustice, protecting the parent, too, from imposition.
and his child from ill-treatment and ne<r
r O
lcct. The teacher, like the soldier, should he
the sen-ant of the State. I appeal to every
candid innsjter of a prjvaio school in this city
for the truth of the assertion, that what is termed
the success of a school, its prosperity as a
business, depends mainly upon its ability to
please its pupils! To this contemptible basis
arc we harrowed at last. The question is not
now asked with tremulous anxiety by the parent
and friend, " Oh! teacher, what think you
of our boy ?" 1/ut this other, with a kind of
mocking jocularity, " Well, boyi how do you
like your teacher t" What a frightful aburdity
is this! What -an entire inversion of tlio proper
relation of the two parties! Ilow, not iniurious
merolv. llllt futnltn fln? bixt iiiti'i-Jwfs of
the young, to the dignity and well-being of their
instructions, js a system of sucli tendencies !?
01 what can it be nalurujly productive but profound
vanity, greediness of praise and pleasure,
in tho youthful mind. Its tendency is to turn
the ?chool-roorn from being a place sacred to
labor and self-denial, for the noblest ends, to
0110 of entertainment merely. " Ilut this subject
js not entertainment. There is no amusement
in it," said a fair creature the other day
in school, as though that were a reason for its
discontinuance, quite incontrovertible. " This,"
said the teacher,is not a house ef entertainment.
My name is not Miirotzek, or Niblo."?
The expressive countenance of the damsel plainly
showed that this simple answer contained for
her a new idea. But does iio teacher rise superior
to this tendency ? All my observation
of myself and others leads mo to the belief that
no one does fully escape it. Some are less ab- |
ject, less palpable slaves than others, but no j
mail that I have known acts quite freely. The i
system seems to be so deeply false and entirely
wrong, as to take away every chance of good
results. Under it, a tear has just a choice of
these two things, to be a quack or a martyr,
and no third. Gentlemen,is np( this so? Sprne
of you are not siow to confess it in confidential
conversation. Is it less true in print?
Lastly: it is an essential feature of a good
school that there be some tolerable proportion
between the number of its teachers and the
number of its pupils. No man can teach and
?- nf fliArmmlinAce nnrl
guveru, wmi nnj uvyicc ui ..?
good effect, fifty boys or' thirty boys ; no two
men can teach a hundred; no four men two
hundred. In the best circumstances, with the
best arrangements, in the best assorted school,
in the best school of the best State system, one
teacher to twenty-five pupils would be perhaps
the proper proportion. But in the heterogeneous,
unassorted boy:drove8 of our present nosystem,
one teacher to ten would find his hands
full. Nor can any man teach, with the needful
vivacity, energy, and good humor, seven or
six hours a day. You may require it, and he
may hear classes all that time; but you have
the form only of teaching, not die power thereof.
A teacher, to do his whole duty, and with
the highest degree of efficiency, and to keep on
doine it in the best manner, must spend at least
as much time in direct and indirect preparation
for his daily recitations as the recitations themselves
reqilire. It would be easy to enlarge
upon this point, but my space will not admit of
it Besides, this is a matter upon which, I believe,
all teachers agree. We are all overworked?we
are all required to perform impossibilities,
and we all know it too well.
These five, then, I cannot but regard as fundamental
conditions of a good school. All of
these may exist and yet the school not be good;
but all of theni, I conceive, must be, in a tolerable
degree of perfection before a rcaj I y good
school becomes possible. It is in vain for us
to complain of the state of education, or of the
general and increasing ignorance of the people,
so long as these conditions are not complied
with;" On a future occasion I shall en
(leavor to contribute my little towards showing
how, in our State, they n^y be. Kknt.
Political Department.
SenTHERW ADDRESS.
To the people of Maryland, Virginia, North
Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia, Florida,
Alabama, Tennessee, Kent tick n, Lousiana,
T""-"< i/Vocd/i-i Arkansas. Delaware, and
M 4F4WWW**. , ,
Mississippi.
Fkllow-Citizkxs : In obedience tothecommands
of those we represent, we have assembled
together to confer with enoli other poncerning
your relation with the General Government
and the non-slaveholdiug States of the
Union, on the subject of the institution of slavery.
W e deem it proper to lay before vou as I
briefly as the subject will permit the result of
our deliberations counsels.
In order that your condition may be understood,
and the conclusions at which we have
arrived be justly appreciated, it is necessary to
refer to a few past transactions.
It is now sixteen years since the institution of
slavery in the South l^egap to be agitated in Congress
and assailed by our sister States. Up to
that time, the people of the Northern States seem
. I.i l , I ?L..
to nave respected me rignis reserveu 10 uiuoumuem
States by the Constitution, and to have acted
under the conviction, that the subject of
slavery being beyond the legislation of Congress,
all agitation with respect to it on the part of
Congress was equally forbidden by the Constitution.
But at this time, a portion of the
North began to assail in Congress the institution
of slavery ; and to accomplish their object
of dragging it into the vortex of Congressional
agitation, they claimed the right ot petitioning
Congress upon all subjects whatsoever. As a
petition is only the lirst step in legislation, it
was clear that a right to petition a legislative
body must be limited bv its powers of legislation.
' . .V.i * i 1. U..
x\o one can nave a rignnu a?n unumci m uu |
that which lie has no moral or legal rigliiio do.
Nor can any tribunal have the power to receive
and consider any matter beyond its jurisdiction.
The claim therefore to present petitions to Congress
on the subject of slavery, was considered
by the Southern Representatives generally as
an attempt indirectly to assume "jurisdiction
qyipr the subject itself in all parts of the Union.
The object', without disguise, was the overthrow
of slavery in the States ; but our assailants
framed the petitions presented chiefly
against slavery in the District of Columbia and
our Territories, and against what /hey call the
internal slave trade?that is, the transmission of
slaves from one southern State to another. Conscious
of the fatal tendency of the agitation ol'sla
-? 1 ' i
very in Uongress to destroy me peuce ?iuu summ
ty of tin, U nion, uij effort was made, supported by
a large portion of the Northern representatives,
to suppress it by a rule in the House of Representatives,
which provided that all petitions on
the subject of slavery should be neither considered,
printed, nor referred. This rule was assailed
by the people of the Northern States, as
violating that clause of the Constitution which
prohibits Congress from passing laws to prevent
the people from peaceably assembling'and
petitioning for a redress of grievances. In December,
1841, this rule fell before the ahngst
unanimous voice of the North; and thus the
unlimited power of introducing and considering
the subject of slavery in Congress was asserted,
in the mean time, the course of the Northern
people showed clearly that tlie agitation of slavery
in Congress was only one of the means they
relied'011 to overthrow this institution throughput
the Union".' Newspapers were set tip j
amongst them, and lecturers were bpxi to
go abroad to excite them against slavery in the
Southern States. Organizations'wereformed to
carry oiff'slaves from'^he South, and to protect
t'lem by violence from recapture. Although the
Constitutioq requjres that fugitive slaves, like
fugitives from justice, 'shoujd be rendered up hjf
the States to which they may have fled, the
legislatures* of almost every Northern State,
faithless to this treaty stipulation between th?|
States, passed laws designed and calculated
entirely to defeat this provision of the Constitution,
without which the Union woidd have
never existed, and by these laws virtually huj?
lified the act of 1794, passed by Congress to
aid its enforcement. Not content with the
agitation of slavery in political circles, the
Northern peqple forced it also into religjcjusj
associationsextending over the Unjon, aud-produced
a separation of the Methodist and Baptist
churches. The result of all these various
methods of assailing slavery in the Southern
States was, that it beqamq' the graqd topic of.
interest and discussion in' Congress and out of
Congress, and one of the most important elements
of politics in the Union. Thus an insti
* J 4^1 A X *
tution, belouging to tne souinern oiaies exclusively,
was wrested from their exclusive control
; and jnstead qf that protegtion which is tliq
great object ot all governments, and which .'>?&?
the Constitution of the United States guarantees \ '
to all the States and their institutions, the Nor^hj * v." ' em
States, and Congress under their control,
combined together to assail and destroy slavery
in the South: The Sqntfiern States did nothing
to vindicate their rights and arrest this course
of things. The Mexican war broke out; and
instead of that patriotic co-operation of ail sections
of the Union which would 'have takeij
place in the better days of the Republic, to
> - - * - i?* a
urillg 11 IU U just 41UU liuuuiauic i/Uuviuoiviij 111
tlie very first appropriation bill to carry it o'u,
the North endeavored to thrust the subject q{
slavery. Throughout the war, they kept up
the agitation; thus clearly maniiestiug their determination
that tne General Government m
rjoue of its operations, internal or external', shall
be exempted from the introduction of this dangerous
subject The war closed with honor;
and an immense territory was added to the
United States'. Their previous threats were
realized; and the non-slaveholding States iniediately
claimed the right to exclude the people of
the Southern Slates from all the territory
quired, and to appropriate it to themselves.?7
If this pretension arose from a mere lust of
power, it would be hard to bear the superiority
and mastery it implies. It would degrade
the Southern States trom beiug the equals of
t ie Northern States, to a position of colonial
inferiority. But when your exelusiou is not
from a mere Just o. ^ow6r, but is only a further
step in the progress of things aiming at the abolition
of slavery iu the States, by the extension
and multiplication of non-siaveholding States
in the Union, tlie pretension is seen to be as uluimjng
as it is insulting. The Southern Stutes,
in'their Legislates, get fprfh )vjfh grepf upgnimity
the rights in our territories belonging to
them in common with the Northern States, and
declared their determination to maiuta in Uiem \
and finding in the Northern States no disposi
lion to abate their demands, the Convention in
which we are assembled has been brought together,
to take counsel as to the course the
Southern States should pursue, lor the maintenance
of their rights, liberty and honor.
Such is a brief, but imperfect, statement of
past transactions; and they force upou us the
question, in what condition do they place the
Southern States ? And lirst, what is tneir condition
in Congress? The time was when your
Representatives in Congress were neither otIbt;
cd, nor would they endure, reproach in your
behalf.* Rut for many years past they have
heard you in Congress habitually revjieo by ih<?
most upprobious epithets on account of the "institution
of slavery, if their spirits are yet unbroken,
they must be chilled by a sense of humiliation
at the insults they daily receive us you;
representatives. You'are arraigned as criminals.
Slavery is dragged into every debate,
onrl rnnnroc.hu hwiimn lift In t>la? flui 11 :i (vr-iiul
i . a'"""
instrument in tlie hands oi' abolitionists to dograde
and ruin the 'South, instead of peao<f
and protection, aggression and insult on the
Soutu characterize Its proceedings and counsels.
And whai is 3 our condition witli respect to your
sister States* Where is that respect aud comity
which (due from all* natious towards each
other) is more especially due from States bound
togetner in a confederacy, and whjeh was gu^e
displayed in all their intercourse* Instead of
respect and sympathy, denunciation and hostility,
on account of your institution of slavery,
have for years past characterized the communications
undressed to you by the-Northern States.
And what is your condition in the Union? The
non-slaveholding States stand combined, not
only to wrest from you your common property,
hut to place upon your front the brand of iuteriority.
l'ou are not to extend, on account of
your institutions; but they are to increase and
multiply, that the sliatn'e and siu of slavery may,
by their philanthropic agency, be extinguished
from ainougst you. Hut the worst feature of
your condition is, that it is progressive. Aslow
and humiliating as it now may be, it is destined,
if not arrested, to " a lower deep." Every effect
is a Cijuse; and the spirit of fanaticism
brooks 110 delay in the progress it creates. If
von were to yield everything the Xortn now re
.(tiiros?abolish slavery in tne District of Columbia?
submit io be legislated pirates for con- y
veying slaves from one State to another?-let \
trial by jury and the writ of habeas corpus wrest
front you in the Northern States every fugitive
slnve?give up all your territories to swell Northern
arrogance and predominance?would
things stop there I These are all means aiming
at one great end?the abolition of slavery "in the
States. ' Surrendering one of these means you
will but inflame the power by which another