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will be exacted?and when nil are conquered, will the evil be .arrested? In fifty years, twenty new non-davein >ldiug States may be added to the Union, whilst some which are now slaveholding may become non-slnvcholding StatesThere then will be no need as now openly to put aside the Constitution to reach their object If they will deign to do it, the non-slaveholding States will then have the power, by two-thirds in Congress and three-fourths of the States, to i amend the Constitution, and then have its ex- ! press sanction to consummate their policy.? j Your condition is progressive If from the past transactions we have narra- j ted we learn our condition in the Union, they j teach us also that our past policy of uoii-actiou J and submission to aggression cannot bring us ! peace ami safety. When the doors of Congress j wr?rA thrown nneti to .Tntntion oil the subject " " 7 ' I O o of slavery, if the Southern States-had moved ! with energy to avert a state of things unconstitutional itself, and surely tending to bring the slaveholding and non-slaveholding States into collision, although late, it might not have been too late to stop subsequent encroachments upon our rights. But the Southern States were passive, and their forbearance has had the effect of inspirmgthe Northern people with the belief either that we value a union with them more than we value the institution of slavery, or that we dare not move from a conscious inability to protect ourselves. You have ungenerously stood still, whilst your supporters and the defenders of the Constitution in the Northern States, in Ur.;.. vnn frmn thft mritfltions I of slavery io Congress, have been politically annihilated or have turned your foes. You have tamely acquiesced, until to hate and persecute the South has become a high passport to honor and power in the Union. You have unwisely ' stood still, whilst year after year the volume of anti-slavery policy and sympathy has swollen into unanimity throughout all thenon-slaveholdingStates, and the sections of the Union now face each other in stern collision. You have waited, until the Constitution of the United States is in danger of being abolished, or, what is worse, of becoming what the majority in Con^ "1' nmnaiitn mito it TTint crrpjit nrin. t ^i too iiumn j/i vja-i' kv ui?nv ?* ? ? * ? >? j? -? . ciple on which our system of free government rests?of so dividing the powers of government,, that to a common government only those powers should be granted which must affect all the people composing it equally in their operation, whilst all powers over all interests, local or sectional, should be reserved to local or sectional governments?is in danger of being uprooted from their Constitution. Local and sectional interests absorb the time and business of Congress ; and thus a sectional despotism, totally irresponsible to the people of the South, consti tuted of the Representatives in Congress from the non-slaveholding States, ignorant of our feelings, condition, and institutions, reigns at Washington. These are the fruits of your past! forbearance and submission. If we look into the nature of things, such results will not seem to be either new or strange. There is but one condition in which one people can be safe under the dominion of another people?and that is when their interests are entirely identical. Then the dominant cannot oppress the subject oeople without oppressing j themselves. The identity of interest between I them is the security for right government. But t as this identify can scarcely ever exist between any two people, history bears but one testimony as to the fate of a subject people. They have always been compelled to minister to the prosperity and aggrandizement of their masters. If this has always been the case under the ordinary difference of interests and feelings which exist between States, how much more certainly must the experience of history be realized between the people of the Northern and Southern States. Here is a difference of climate and productions throughout a territory stretching along the whole belt of the temperate zone, af- ' fecting the pursuits and characters of the peo- j rile inbftliitinT it Rnt the ?rrent. HiffernnirG ? the one great difference?the greatest which can exist among a people, is the institution of slavery. This aloi:e sets apart the Southern States as a peculiar people, with whom independence j as to their internal policy is the condition of their existence. They must rule themselves, or perish. Every colony in the world where African slavery existed, with one exception, has been destroyed; and if this has been the case under the old and effete govern merits of Europe, will it not prevail under the dominion of the restless people ol the Northern States? They do not practically recognise the inferiority of the African to the Caucasian races. They do not realize, because the circumstances of their condition do not compel them to realize, the impossibility of an amalgamation between the races. Exempt from the institution of slavery, it is not surprising that their sympathies should be against us, whilst the dogma on''Which they profess to build their system of free government * ?the absolute rule of the majority?leaves no barrier to their power in the affairs of the general government, and leads them to its consoli elation. Religion, too, false or real, fires their enthusiasm against an institution which many of its professors believe to be inconsistent with its principles and precepts. To expect forbearance from such a people, under such circumstances, towards the institution of slavery, is manifestly vain. If they have been false to the compact made with us in the Constitution, and have allowed passion and prejudice to master reason, they have only exemplified that frailty and fallibility of our nature which has produced the necessity of all governments, and which, if 1 ?1?J ??/v/Jiiaao iiri*Arirv Tkn inotitn. lliiCHCUKt'U, ever |huuuuvo mung, <> <, tion of slavery having once entered the popula1 mind of the non-slaveholding States for actio., and control, the rest is inevitable. If unrestrained by us, they will go on, until African slavery will be swept from the broad and fertile South. The nature of things, therefore, independent of experience, teaches us that there can be no safety in submission. To sabmit to evils, however great, whilst they are endurable, is the disposition of every people?especially of an agricultural people, living apart, and having no association in their pursuits. But the responsibility of preserving a free government rests with all its members, whatever may be their pursuits, and not alone with those who have the power or will to destroy it. A minority, by submission, may as much betray the constitution as a majority by aggression. The constitution does not protect a majority; for they have all the powers of the government in their hands, and can protect themselves. The limitations of a constitution are designed to protect the minority?those who have no power, against those who have it ? Hence, the great motive and duty of self-protection is peculiar to a minority, independent of that faith to the constitution which they owe in common with the majority. They must protect themselves, and protect the constitution; and if they fail in this double duty, they arc at least as culpable as those who, in aggressing upon their rights, overthrow the constitution. And the public opinion of the world is in conformity with these views. The oppressor is ha ted?but the unresistingly oppressed is despised. More respect follows the tyrant than the slave who submits to his power. The Southern States, therefore, although a minority, are not exempt frotn the responsibility of preserving the constitution, and, in preserving it, to protect themselves. In what way shall they preserve the constitution and protect themselves? As a general rule, it is undoubtedly true, that when, in a government like ours, a constitution is violated by a majority, who alone can violate it in matters ol legislation, it cannot be restored to its integrity through the ordinary means of the government; for these means, being under the control of the majority, are not available to the minority. It is for this reason that frequent elections of our rulers take place in our system of free government, in order that the people, by their direct intervention, may change the majority. But his resource cannot avail us in the violations of the consntution which now press and harass the South. By changing their representatives, how can the people of the South affect the majority in Congress and restore the constitution? Their Representatives are true, and have done all that men can do to preserve the constitution from the aggressions of the majority. Removing them, and putting other Representatives in Congress, could have no effect in restoring the constitution. It has been broken by the representatives of the people of the Northern States, who sustain them in the violations of the constitution. It is clear that the ballot-box in the South is powerful tor its protection. And the same causes which induced the violations of the constitution by the North-, ern majority, prevents its restoration to its integrity. Throughout the Northern States there has been no indication of any change in their policy. On the contrary, the majority against the South is greater in the present Congress than in the last, following the usual course of every successive election for years pa6t. Nor have we seen in the action of the States, with few exceptions, any proof of a returning sense of justice to us, or of reverence for the constitution. Several of them, lest false inferences might be drawn as to their position, have taken care lately to reiterate in the most offensive forms their former declaration against our rights; and when a great Senator, representing one of them, anxious for the perpetuation of the Union, has ventured to advocate something of justice to the South, he has been rebuked bv the Legislature of the State he represents, and virtually denounced for his fidelity to the constitution. This resource then, under the ordinary operations of the constitution, is of no avail. And how is it with the present Congress, the only other source of redress in the usual administration of the constitution ? For six months it has been in session, and during this whole period of time slavery has been the absorbing topic of discussion and agitation. Yet nothing has been done to heal the discontents which so justly exist in the South, or restore a bleeding constitution. All we have received has been bitter denunciations of our institutions by many members of Congress, and threats to coerce us into submission. Although nothing has been done, a report has been made in the Senate by a com I 111 LLC U Ul villi LCC11 IIICIIIUCI ?, WHICH 13 IIUW pi'llding in that body; and as the measures it proposes have been pressed upon the South as worthy of her acceptance, we deem it proper to lay before you a brief consideration of the matter it contains. This report embraces four distinct measures ? 1st the admission of California as a State, with the exclusion of slavery in her constitution. 2d. Territorial Governments to be erected over the territories of Utah and New Mexico, with nearly one half of Texas to be added to the latter. 3d. The prohibition of the slave trade in the District of Columbia; and 4th., provisions for the recapture of fugitiue slaves in the non-slavoholding States. To understand whether these measures are consistent with our rights and worthy of our acceptance, each of them must be considered separately. The South Ss excluded by the bill from the whole of that part of California lying on the Pacific, including one hundred and fifty thousand square miles of territory; and if this is done by the legislation of Congress, the mode in which it is done is of no importance. Califor nia helongs to the United States, and all action by the individuals in that territory, whether from the United States or from the rest of the world, appropriating the soil to themselves or erecting a government over it, is of no validity. They constitute a people in no proper sense of the term; but are citizens of the States or countries from which they have come, and to which they still owe their allegiance. When therefore Congress attempts to carry out and confirm the acts of these individuals, erecting Califoro a State and excluding slavery thereit it is the same thing as it Congress had iginnlly passed a law to this effect, without the intervention of these individuals. The ex?! I ? ?l / n j I uiusiuu ui slavery irom ^amornia is uoiio uy the act of Congress, and by 110 other authority. The constitution of California becomes the act of Congress; and the Wilmot proviso it contains, is the Wilmot proviso passed and enforced by the legislation of Congress. Here then is that exclusion from this territory by the act of Congress which almost every Southern State in the Union has declared she would not submit to, plainly and practically enforced by this bill. A free pebple cannot be satisfied with the mode in which they are deprived of their rights. A sovereign State will disdain to inquire in what manner she is stripped of her property, ami degraded from an equality with her sister States. It is enough that the outrage is done. The mode is of little consequence. There is therefore in the mode of extending the Wilmot Proviso over the territory of California presented by the bill nothing to mitigate the indignation of the Southern States, or to baffle their determination to redress the wrong if inflicted. They are excluded from the whole Territory of California, a Territory extensive enough to contain four large States. If the Constitution proposed by California contained nothing about slavery, would the iNorth allow her to enter into the Union ? Such were the territorial bills proposed for California at the last. Pnmrress hilt thev relented them because the South was not excluded from this territory in express terms. The inhabitants of this territory have been left without any civil government, solely because the South would not consent to be legislated out of them with her institutions; and now that this object is accomplished by the Constitution presented by California. these conservatives?these advocates of law and order?are eager to admit her, without right or precedent, into the Union. We are aware of the inconveniences the inhabitants of California may have suffered lor want of a civil government established by Congress, and therefore are prepared to yield much on account ?1 . *1 L_..n ui uiu ciruumsuiiirvB iu wuiuu uicjr uavo ucc? placed. , The next measure is in perfect keeping with this first feature of" the report" It takes from Texas territory sufficient for two large States, and adds them to New Mexico. What the bill contains with respect to slavery will be of little consequence; for it is designed that new Mexico, thus constituted, shall follow the example of California and be admitted as a State with a Constitution excluding slavery from its limits?for without such exclusion she cannot hope to be admitted into the Union. The effect will be that territory, over which slavery now exists, equal to two States, will be wrested from the South, and will be given up to the aou-slaveholding States. The pretext is, there is some doubt as to the boundaries of Texas. Texas, by her laws, when she was admitted intn ITn inn knH Kiit nna kniinftarv tnu'ords the West, and that boundary was the Rio Grande. Congress, in the resolutions admitting her into the Union, rocognised this boun. dary by laying down a line of limitation between the slaveholding States?(being the Missouri Compromise line of 36 deg. 30 min. parallel of north latitude)?through that very part of her territory her right to which is now quostioned. Her boundary of the Rio Grande to its source alone gave her this conntry; and i was thus recognised and ratified by the resolutions of annexation. To vindicate this boundary for Texas, as a member of the Union, the Mexican war took place; and in the treaty of Guadaloupe Hidalgo It was finally vindicated and settled, by a clause in the treaty designa. ting the Rio Grande as the boundary between Mexico and the United States. Thus, by the laws of Texas, by the legislation of Congress, and by a solemn treaty of the United States, the Rio Grande is the western boundary of Texas. Yet the pretension is setup that her territory does not extend to within three hundred miles of fh<? Missouri (lumnrniitiso lino. where Congress, in receiving her into the Union, determined tli.it her territory should be divided between the slaveholdiug and non-slaveholding states. Texas is the only State in the Union which has the solemn guarantee of the Government of the United States in every possible form to her boundaries. Yet this is the Government which disputes them; and, under the pretext that they are very doubtful, proposes to take from her nearly one-half of hor territory.? It is by virtue of such pretensions, that by the bill two States are to be taken from the Southern and given to the Northern States; and this wrong is aggrava'ed by compelling us to pay it through the Treasury of the United States. It is undoubtedly proper that Texas should be quiet as to ber boundaries; but she should be quieted by a law of Congress, plainly acknnwledfrinf* them. If. after her boundaries are settled, the General Government, to carry out the purposes of the constitution, or in good faith to fulfil all the obligations the annexation of Texas to the Union requires, should think proper to purchase any territory from Texas, the arrangement may be unobjectionbblc. But any arrangement concerning her territories, which leaves a shade of doubt as to tho right of the people of tho South to enter an v portion of the territory, which, according to the terms of annexation, are now free to them, neither Texas nor the General Government have any right i i._ ? ? Ill IlllltlU. 1IIC ICilllS VI iHIIICAflLIUll VUUM11ULC the compact of union between Texas and the other States of the confederacy?and this compact secures irrevocably to the people of the slaveholding States the right of entering with their property all her territory lying south of 36 deg. 30 min. north latilude?whilst*from all her territory lying north of that lino they aro excluded. The bill in the Senate makes no provision for carrying out these terms of the cornpact, but leaves in doubt the right of the Southern people, throughout all the territory proposed to be purchased; whilst many who support the bill declare that in effect it excludes entirely the people of the Southern States from all the territory purchased. The least evil, therefore, the bill can bring to the people of the Southern States on entering if, will be contention, harassment and litigation. But you will have a very inadequate conception of the importance of the territory taken from Texas by the bill, if you confine your views 'InvoG If vnn will look at the man nf the United States, you will perceive that the territory [imposed to bo surrendered by Texas lies throughout its whole extent along the western frontier of the Indian territory. This is now a slaveholding country; and must be considered as a pnrt of the South. Place along their whole western boundary two non-slaveholding States and how long will the Indians be able to maintain the institution of slavery ? If the agency of Congross is not used to abolish directly slave- i ry in the Indian territory, this end can be easily accomplished by the very means now in operation against slavery in the Southern States, which the Indian will have but little power to resist. The effect will be, that the Indian territory, large enough for two more States, will .y he controlled by the non-slsveholding States. Thus by these two points in the report, the South will lose four large States in California, two in Texas, and two in the Indian territory. Nor is this all. The non-slaveholdiug States will be brought to the western boundary of Missouri and Arkansas, along their whole extent and will bound Texas on her whole northern and western frontier. Thus the Southern States will be hemmed in by the non-slaveholding States on their whole western bordera policy which they have declared essential to the end of abolishing slavery in the Southern States. What can compensate the South for such enormous wrong and spoliation. cut this is not the end of your concessions by this report. We must not yield to the interests but to the prejudices of the Northern people.? Slavery existed in the District of Columbia when Congress accepted the cession of the territory composing it from the States of Maryland and Virginia. No one can suppose that Maryland and Virginia, slaveholding States then and slaveholding States now, could have designed to gwe Congress any power over the institution of slavery in this territory. Independently of the wrong to the people of the District to emancipate their slaves, it would be an intolerable evil to have a district between them,, where emancipation prevails by 'the authority of Coiigress. Congress, in the bill reported as a part of the so-called compromise, now begins the work of emancipation by declaring that if anv slave is hrnnvht intn the District for sale,- he stall be "liberated and free." If a slave is liberat< d because he is brought into a district, the next step, to liberate him because he is in the dislrct, is not difficult. The power to emancipate the slaves in the District of Columbia is thus claimed and exercised by Congress. Many of the ablest men of the South have denied that Congress possesses any such power, whilst all agreed, until lately, that for Congress'to interfere with this institution, whilst slavery existed in Maryland and Virginia, would be a gross breaclyrf faith towards those States, and an outrage upon the whole South. How long will that facility which yields to the prejudice against the buying and selling of slaves be able to resist the greater prejudice which exists against the holding of slaves at all in the District of Columbia ? For all these sacrifices to the interests and prejudices of the people of the North, the South is tendered the last measure of the compromise?the fugitive slave bill as they propose to amend it.? To understand the extent of the concessioh the South receives on this point, we must look to the rights the constitution confers. The framers of the constitution were perfectly aware that the General Government could have but little power to secure to them their fugitive slaves in the non-slaveholding States. The whole intenlal police of a State must be under the control of the State, and by this chiefly could slaves , be re-captured. The constitution therefore, not rolying on the legislation of Congrpss alone, requires that a fugitive slave, escaping into a nonslaveholding State, shall be " delivered upon claim of the party" to whom he belongs. Fugitive ( oil True era mil rtn tlin CtMin/v aT fiirtitirTn /tin mi no la aii' jiui VII uir iwuiiiip uj |V4^IIIV^ i iiii uairj and are to be delivered up by the State authorities. If these authorities do not enforce the re- J quirement8 of the constitution, and aid In the re capture and recovery of fugitive slaves, Congress I can do but little to enforce them. The bill provi. , ding for the co-operation ot the few officers of the ( United States Government in a State, is praeti- 1 cally quite insufficient to accomplish its aim.? 1 What can they do in such a State as Pennsylva- 1 nia to recover fugitive slaves? Yet if Congress | does all that it can do by legislation to enforce the constitution, it only does its duty to the South. There can be no concession or favor to the South, 1 in giving her only what she has a right to have i under the constitution?unless, indeed, the cousti- . tution for her has no existence. The bill then, is, in the first place, quite inadequate to restore to us our fugitive slaves, and in the second place, gives ( the South nothing but what she is entitled to. If ( this was all. there would be nothing in the bill for . which we should concede anything to the North. ] U Ir, ..II U xjui ii ir? uui ?nif uuurr uir pirirAi vi u? owwiiig 011 us a benefit, It perpetrates a usurpation on the reserved rights of the States. It provides that a slave may arraign his master, by the authority of laws made by Congress, before the courts of the States and the United States, to try his right o his freedom. If Congress can legislate at all between the master and slave in a State, where can its power be stayed ? It can abolish slavery in the States. Thus a power is assumed in the bill which virtually extends the jurisdiction of Congress over slavery in the States. And this is a benefit to the South! Under a guise of a benefit, the bill is useless as n remedy?and worse than useless in its usurpations. Such are the various measures which constitute the compromise. We do not believe that those in the South who, j at an early day, expressed a willingness to support it, had well considered its import or even cjiitemplated supporting it without material amendments. We fully appreciate and duly honor the t - 11 i a !I*A_ t motives oi inose woo wouia restore tranquility 10 j the country, nor shall we impugn in any form those who have assisted to frame or who have yielded a support to the measures. Why the hon-slaveholding State:? do not support these . measures we are unable to understand, unless it be that a haughty fanaticism, inflated with success, disdains accomplishing its objects by indirection. If these measures, however, were really a compromise, in which the South had equal gains with the North, it would be of doubtful expediency for the South to propose it. Three times in Congress, during-this controversy, the South has proposed the Missouri compromise, which has been three timet* rejected by the North. Twice she has proposed a compromise by which she consented to leave it to the courts of the United States' to determine her rights. Instead of requiring sternly their recognition by Congress, fifteen sovereign States have consented to be carried in to the courts of the country, and there to submit their sovereign rights in a territory belonging to J them to their final arbitrament. Their humilia- * tion did not win the respect or confidence of the f North, and the proposition was twice rejected. The South, in our opinion, might accept one other compromise, not because it is co-extensive with our rights, but because it has been twice ?] sanctioned by those who have gone before. If the North offers the Missouri compromise, to ex- . tend to the Pacific ocean, the South cannot reject ! it, provided a distinct recognition of our right to ' enter the territory south of 36 deg. 30 min. north latitude is expressed in the compromise. We s should take this line as a partition line between g the two sections of the Union; and beside this, l nothing but what the constitution bestows, Al? though the Northern States would acquire by this , compromise three-fourths of our vacant territory, they will have renounced the insufferable preten- c ninn nf restricting and nreventlnff the extenRinn nf the South, whilst they should extend indefinitely. Having thus, fellow-citlzens, laid before you a statement of your condition?.your rights?and * the iemedy whichi under present circumstances, you should aopept, we leave you for a brief space of time. It Is proper to state to you, that while we are unanimous in approving the jesolutions which accompany this aadress, the delegates to this convention are not entirely unanimous in ap- r proving all the arguments contained in it, particu. e larly such as relate to this compromise bill pend-* ing in the United States Senate, though none are in'favor of that bill unless it be amended in conformity with our resolutions, or in such manner as shall satisfactorily secure to the South the rights asserted in them. Until Congress adjourns we cannot know what it will do or will fail to do. We must therefore meet again after its adjournment, to consider the final condition in which it will leave you. We recommend to you, and exhort you to send delegates from every county and district in the southern States to meet tu when ae again assemble. It* is no ordinary occasion which has assembled us together. The constitution, and the Union it created, so long dear to your hearts, are to be preserved, and your liberties and your institutions maintained. inane mwmAJL " CAMDEN, S. C. FRIDAY EVENING, JUNE 91, 1850. ??F*Hon. J. L. Obr will please accept our thanks for various public documents. The Southern Address. To-day we publish the Southern Address. It.iV.... an able expositibn of ouf'wrongs, and points div-.' cidedlv to the rertiedw. We ?re a\aA it.AaaA - so mueh unanimity, prevailed?and hope, a! the" ' reaset mbling of the Convention not one Southend State will be unrepresented. The day to decide* whether we will be slaves or freemen, has arrived ?let those who would be slaves, oppose the Southern Convention, and favor a degrading concession, miscalled a "compromise." '' Ths Southern Prsss ' Is on our table. It is a large and handsome sheet. El wood Fisher and Edwin DeLeon; Editors. G. H. Sage and Her. H. Heath, Publisher. Their debut is strong but temperate?firm and decided. It should be a visitor at evert man's fire side in the South. The great object of the paper is the defence of w Southern Rights." The Union, Intelligencer and Republic are devoted to the North ?fab e colors have been thrown over the tree state of things by those Organs?while the South, in the minority any how, has had not one voice raised in her behalf Terms, Daily, $10 >TriWeekly, 5; Weekly, 2. Mr. Soole'a Amendment. It will be seen that this distinguished Senator has offered an amendment in the Senate,- providing that the Territories shall come in as staveholding States if the inhabitants so decide?which was passed by a large vote. With due deference to the man of all others in the Senate, we would pay, this is dangerous ground for the South. Facts stare us plainly in the faoe. California will come in on those grounds. The dreadful Wilmot Proviso threatening, will be brought to life again by the North, in order to frighten the slaveholders away from the Territories until Yankees enough can get there to make another California constitution, and thus will they eventually accomplish what they dare not directly. Is that our best, bopef Is it not then, at least, the best philosophy to 3ee the worst. They will pass, by these very means, the Wilmot Proviso over every territory? admit them as free States?and then legislate to i-uit themselves. The Washington Runaways ?It is supposed that the largp number of slaves who recently escaped must have gone off with Dan Rice's Circus, and that they concealed themselves in the wagous. None have been recovered.?Otniik Carolinian. iliatis good?we only warn tins distinction, shat those who patronize those Northern nuisances?whether they come as Circusplsyers? joujk leymen pieachf-re or school teachers?-notion;venders?or elsewise, should be the ones to lose the legroes. We like the course pursued by the E1sto Islanders last week. A yankee youth, came lowu and offered his services to teach the-young Edisto ideas bow to shoot?his preference howev-i jr for the M darkies," soon induced several Genie men to putin force against him, that unwritten aw, part of which Is found inside a pine, and part >n the back ot a goose. After receiving his coat, le was gallantly escorted out of the Distinct. Miami*, Jane H?9 P.M. Fatal affray at Memphis?Men KiUedr-rQn Saturday evening, the ease of the Farmer's and Merchant's Bank came up before Court, on the mrt of Dr. J. Fowkes and others, that the assets )f the Bank should "be placed under their conrol. The motion was resisted by Gen. Coe, as ittorney for a portion of the creditors. The jleneral read a commonicatioo previously, sign* fd by King dc Trigg, to the effect that such re* listance on bis part would be treated by them is a private1 and personal matter. The argument waaMeferred tovome other diy.v f ^ ; Messrs. CoeajidCoanel left the court room* tnd were met by Triggandhis friends* when a personal assault occurred. Pistols were fired* .. .. m /. k 1" J Lill J m ind in the melee, uoe snoi ana iiuw \ general fight followed, when Coe was attack* id by three different parties, and shot in the >ack. He fell mortally wounded. Others besame engaged in the afcay, and a man named jraines, closed in a contest with Connel, both ailing to the ground, evidently seriously injured. Hie greatest excitement prevailed. ^ The Nashville Convention adjourned on rhursday last. The followingig the substance of a telegraphs o despatch reoetyed in this eitv on Saturday ast, from Nashville, from one or ita members i "The Convention has adionmod to meet igajn in this city on the sixth Monday after the adjournment of Congress. Great harmony add i|gh spirits prevailed. The address and resolations were mdftntevi >y the vote ot every state, a tew (wkIoai* lissenting. Tennessee delegation nuaefcoe*^. Mr. Clay's compromise rejected throughout, The Missouri eomproarise declared to bo the ixtreme concession. Rights of Texas unanimously sustained. Southern Pre?t. At Boston, on the 18th, the Court refbaed th? notion for a new trial tp the case of Prof. Wets ter.