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Treasury with ilu- Executive Department which ha-* created such extensive alarm. < Tn this danger to our Republican instilu* ti ms, and tirstt create I by the influence given to the Executive through the insirn l mentality of tfr Federal officers, I pro- j pose to apply all the remedies which may I he at my command. It was certainly a great error in the frame ra of the Coustistntion, not to have made the officer at the head of the Treasury Department on tirely independent ot t! o Executive. II-.' ' i-?fii<>vablo only should fit icasi 11 upon ilic demand of the popular branch of the legislature. I have determined nover to remove a Secretary of the Treasury without communicating all the circumstances attending such removal to both Houses of Congress. The influence of; the Executive in controlling the freedom j of the elective franchise through the me- , clium of the public officers canbe effectual- l| ly checked by renewing the prohibition i published by Mr. Jefferson, forbidding i their interference in elections father than < giving their own votes; and their own in- : dependence secured by an assurance ofj { perfect immunity, in exercising this sa- j cred privilege of freemen u.tder the die- s fates of their own unbaiscd judgements? t 11 ? - a: ? Never, with my consent, snail an unibKi i i of the people, compensated f??r his ser-1 \ vices out of their pockets, become the in-1 r gtrument of Executive will. U There is no part of the means placed I a in the hands of the Executive which I1 m'ght be used with greater effect, for on-; S hallowed purposes, than the control -of'a the public press. The maxim which .?urj ancestors derived from the mother conn- a try, that "the freedom of the press is the ? great bulwark of civil and religious liber- ii ty," is one of the most precious legacies s which they have left os. We have learn- t ed, too, from our own as well a9 the ex- t perience of other countries, that golden t sliackles, by whomsoever or by what- o ever pretence imposed, are as fatal to it s as the iron bonds of despotism. The p presses in the npcessary employment oft il the G. vernment should never be used "to j tl clear the guilty, or to varnish crimes.'*? ' ii A decent and manly examination of the | n acts of the Government should be riot j 11 only tolerated but encouraged. j h Upon another occasion I have given my A opinion, at some length, upon the itn-io propriety of Executive interference in the j o legislation of Congress. That the arti-r cle in the Constitution making it the duly ti of the President to communicate infor- t< maiio'i, and authorizing him to recmn- p mend measures, was not intended to make e him the source of legislation, and, ii> p*r- G ticular, that he should never he looked to I for schemes of finance. It would be very t strange, indeed, that the Constiiution li should have strictly forbidden one branch n of the Legislature from interfering in the tl origination of such bills, and that it should be considered proper that an alio- k gelher different department of the Go- tl vernment should be permitted to do so.? n Some of our best political maxims and a opinions have been drawn from our parent d Isle. There are.others however, which ? cannot be introduced in our system wit i- ? out singular incongruity, and the pro- c duction of much mischief. And this I a conceive to be one. No matter in which w i?f the Houses of Parliament a billowy o- n tiginate, or by whom introduced, a min- c. ister, or a member of the opposition, by f< the fiction of law, or rather of constitu-; tl tiooai principle, the sovereign is supposed j c tn have orenared it agreeably to his will, J f and then submitted it to Parliament for i c their sdvke and consent. Now, the very ; l reverse is- the case here, not only with , c regtrd to the principle, hut the forms pre- li scribed by the Constitution. Tin' priuci- t pie certainly assigns to the only body t constituted by the Constitution (the l?*gis- t lative body,) the power to make laws, and I' the forms even direct that the enactment g should be ascribed to them. The Spnaic, s mi relation tj revenue bills, have the right a to propose amei'2?> mnls; and so has thc .C Executive, by the po;y?r given him to rc^ I turn them to the Houst.' "f Representa- t lives, with his objections. ,fi in liis i pivwer, also, So propose ameno/fl*"13 10 1 the existing revenue laws, suggested by r his observations upon their defective 01 ' jurious operation. But the delicate dutj", r of devising schemes of revenue should i be left where live Constitution Iratr placed a it?with the immediate representatives of u the people. Fer similar reasons,- the tl mode of keeping the public treasure p -should be prescribed by them; and the I: farther removed it may be from the con- c trod of the Executive, the more whole- <> some the arrangement, and the more in v accordance with Republican principle. f Conaaecie I with this subject is the char- i: aster of the currency: The idea of rna. s king: it exclusively metallic,-howeVer- well f intended, appears to me to be fraught c with' m?re faU-1 consequences than any | other scheme, having n > rrFutiort to the u persottuf rights of the citizen,- that has t erei* been' devised, if nny single scheme * could'produce the clfect' of arresting, at ( mtce, (Hat1 mutation c?t"condition by which t thousands* of our most indigent- f< I low t citizens, by their indnsivy ?ntl enterprise, ( ftre raised to the possossio ? of wealth, that t is the one. v If there is o 'C measure bet- f fsr calculated than another t? prVniucc i that aute of things so inuc.'i depn-cftted i by alhtsrue republicans, by which tlic'rtah c arc-daily edding- lb their hoaids, and the poor sinking deeper into penury, it is-an j exclusive metallic currency. Or if there i is a process tiy which ihe eliarracler ?>f i the country fur generosity and nobleness , of feeling may. he de.trm ec' by- llm great i increase and necessary lolu/aiion of pan- I jry, it Imo exclusm ntctalw* currency, '! v Amongst the other duties a delicate character which the President is called upon to perforin, is the supervision of ihe government of the Territories of the United Slates. These of them which are destined to become members of our great political family, are compensated by their rapid progress from infancy to manhood, for the partial and temporary deprivation of their political rights. It is in this District, only, where American citizens are to he found, who, under a settled system of policy, are deprived of many important political privileges, without any inspiring hope as to the future.? Their only consolation, under circumstances of such deprivation, is that of the devoted exterior guards of n camp?that I heir Bufferings secure tranquillity nnd safety within. Are there any of their countrymen who would subject them to greater sacrifices, to any other humiliations than those essentially necessary to the security of the object for which they tvere thus separated from their fellow-citicens? Are their rights alone not to be guarantied by the application of those >reat principles, upon which all our Conitittitions arc founded? We are told by he greilest of British orators and statesnen, that, at the commencement of the var of the Revolution, the most stupid nen in England spoke of ''their American objects." Are there, indeed, citizens of iny of our Stales who have dreamed of hrir suhincts in the Disti ict of Columbia? Inch dreams can never be realized by any gency of mine. The people of the District of Columbia re nut the subjects of the people of the hates, but free American citizens. Bertg in the latter condition when the Conlitution was formed, no words used in hat instrument could have been intended 0 deprive then* of that character. If here is any thing in the great principles f unalienable rights, so emphatically inisted upon in our Declaration of Indeendence, they could neither make, nor he United States accept, a surrender of heir liberti*'s, and become the subjects, 1 other words, the slaves, of their foricr fellow-citizcns. If this be true, and ; will scarcely be denied by any one who as a correct idea of his own rights as an Lmerican citizen, the grant of Congress f exclusive jurisdiction in the District f Columbia, can be intrepreled, so far as espeels the aggregate people of the Uni d States, as meaning nothing more than > allow to Congress, the controlling ower necessary to afford a free anil safe xercise of the functions assigned to the reneral Government by the Constitution, n all other respects, the legislation of /'ongress should be adapted to their pecuar posfstiirn ami wants, and be conforlabie with their deliberate opinions of 'ieir own interests. I have spoken of the necessity of roping the respective Departments of lie Government, as well as all the other uthoritics of our country, within their ppropriate orhils. This is u matter of ifficulty in some cases, as the powers Inch they respectfully claim are often ot defineif try very distinct lines. Mishirvous, however, in their tendencies, s collisions of litis kind may be, those rhich arise between the respective comtunities, which for certain purpose:, ompose one nation, are much tr.nre so; jr no such nation can long exist without he caTfftil culture of those feelings of onfideneeand affection which are the elective bonds of union between free and .nifrderated Slates, Strong as is the ie of interest, it has been often found infPertunl. Men, blinded by their passions, lave been known to adopt measures for heir country in direct opposition to all he suggestions of policy The altcrna?,r lii>pn down's IVC, IIICU, !S| IU tltOllwj ? ? J- _ tad passion by creating and fostering a ;ood one; and this srems to he the corner tone upon which our American political rchitects have reared the fabric' of our rovernrnent. The cement which wa's to find h, and perpetuate its existence, was he affectionate attachment between all its Members. To insure the continuance ofj his feeling, produced at first by a com-1 nunity of dangers, of sufferings and of nteresls, the advantages of each wercl nade accessible to all. No participation | if any good, possessed by any member of n extensive confederacy, except in do-! lestic government, was withheld from tie citizen of any other member. By a imcess attended with no difficulty, no dc-1 ay,, no expense but that of removal, the. itizen of one might become the citizen' f any other, and successively of the' thole. The lines, too, separating powrs to be exercised by the citizens of one! State froin those ol another, seems lobe! o distinctly drawn as to leave no room| or misunderstanding. The citizens of acli Stale unite in their persons all the irivileges which that character confers, iiid iiH that they may claim as citizens of j he United Stales; but in no case can the; ./imp nerson.- at the same limp, act as the :iiizcn of two separate Stales, and he is herefore positively precluded from any ( nterfereiice with the reserved powers if 'ny State but that of which he is, for the imc being, a citizen. lie may indeed* nfr to the rit'zens of oilier States his ad-1 ice as to their management, and the form n which it is tendered' is left to his own liscrction nnd the sense of propriety. It may be observed, however, that or-; jnnizrd associations of citizens, requiring compliance w.tli their wishes, too much resembles the recommendations of Athens to her allies?supported by an armed and powerful fleet, II was indeed, to the ambition of tho leading States of f?recce to control the domestic corocrns of the others, that the deslfuclron of that celebrated confederacy, and subsequently of all its rfiembers, is mainly to be attributed. And it is owing to the absence of that spirit that the Helvetic confederacy has fur so many years been preserved.? Vovcr has there hebit seen in the instituI tions of the separate members of any | confederacy more elements of discord.? In the principles and forms of government and religion, as well as in the circumstances of the several cantons, so marked a discrepance was observable, as to promise any thing but harmony in their intercourse or permanency in their alliance.? And yet for ages, neither has been interrupted. Content with the possitivc bene fits which their union produced, with the independence and safety from foieign aggression which it secured, these sagacious people respected the institutions oi each other, however repugnant to their own principles and prejudices. Our Confederacy, fellow-citizens, can only be preserved by thesarne forbeara ce. Our citizens must be content with the exercise of the powers witli which the Constitution clothes them. The attempt ol one State to control the domestic institutions of another, can only result in feelings of distrust and jealousy, the certain harbingers of disunion, violence, civil war, and the ultimate destruction ol our free institutions. Our Confederacy is perfectly illustrated by tire terms and principles governing a common copartnership. There a fund of power is to be exercised under the direction of the joint councils of the allied members, but that which bus been reserved by the individual members is intangible to the common Government or the individual members composing it. To attempt it finds no support in the principles of our Constitution. It should be our constant and earnest endeavor mutually to cultivate a spirit of concord and harmony among the various parts of our Confederacy. Experience has ? . .1 L u.. abundantly taugni us inai uik iiuuauuu uy citizens of one part of the Union of a subject not confided to the General Government, but excl-ively under the guardianship of the local authorities, is productive of no other consequences than bitterness, alienation, discord, anil injury 10 thd very cause which is intended to bt advanced. Of all the great interests which appertain to our country, that ol union, cordial, confiding, fraternal union, '? by far the most important, since it is the only true and sure guarantee of all others. f in consequence of the embarrassed state of business and the currency, some of the States may meet with difficulty in their financial concerns. However deeply we may regret any thing imprudent or excessive in the engagements into whicl States have entered for purposes of theii own, it docs not become us to disparage he State Governments, nor to discourugt them from making proper efforts for theii own relief; on the contrary, it is our duty to encourage them, to the extent of out - ? -i-l?. ? 1.. ,u?;. constitutional aninnruv, u? uj'j"/ mm means, and clfeerfully to make all neces sary sacrifices, and submit to all treet-ssB ry burdens to fulfil their engagements an'< maintain their credit; for the rharactei and credit of the several States form par of the character anil credit of the whoh country. Tire resources of the conntrj are abundant, the enterprise and activity of our people proverbial, and w< may well hope that wise legislation ant prudent administration, by the respectivt Governments, each acting within its owt sphere, will restore former prosperity. Unpleasant and even dangerous collisions may sometimes be, between the con stituted authorities or (he citizens of out conrrtry, iir relation to the lines which separate thcii icspective jurisdictions, tin results can be of no vital injury to our in stitutions, if that ardent patriotism, tltadovoted attachment to liberty,- tbat spiri of moderation and-forbearance, for whrcl our countrymen were once distinguished continue to bo-cherished. If this contin ties to be the ruling passion of our souls the weaker feelings of the mistaken enthusiast will be corrected, the Eutopiar dreams of the scheming politician dissi paled, and the complicated intrigues of tht ileinngogue rendered harmless. The spirit of liberty is a sovereign halm for ever)' injury which our institutions may receive. Oil die c intrary, tin care that can be used in the construction of our Government, no division of powers, iiadistribution ol checks in its several departments will proVe effectual to keep us a free people, il this spirit is suffered to decay?and decay it will without constant nurture; Tot lit neglect of this duty, the best historians agree in attributing the ruin of all Republies with whose existence and fall theii writings have made us acquainted. The same causes will ever produce the same effects; and as long as the love of power is a dominant passion in the human bosom, and as long as the understandings ol men can be warped and their affections changed by operations upon their passions and prejudice*, so long will the'liberty ol a people depend on their own constant attention to its preservation. The danger m all well established free Governments arises from lite unwillingness of the people to believe in its existence, or from the influence of designing men, diverting their attention from the quarter whence it np. proachcs, to a source from which it can never come, This is the old trick of those who would usurp the Government of their country.? In the name of? Democracy they speak, warning the people against the influence of wealth ao.d the danger of. nristoctacy.? History, ancient and modern, is full of Sutfh examples. Caesar became the mastef of the Roman people ami the Senate under the pretence of supporting the Democratic claims of the former against the aristocracy of the latter. Cromwell, in the character of protector of the rights 1 and liberties of the people, became the Dictator of England; and Bolivar possessed himself of unlimited power, with the title of his countryTs Liberator. There is, on the contrary, no single instance on record of an extensive and well established Republic being changed into an aristocracy. The tendencies of all such Governments is to monarchy; and the antagonist principle to liberty there Is the spirit of faction?a spit it which assumes the character, and, in times of great excite n.ent, imposes itself upon the people as the genuine spirit of freedom, and like the fatae Chrisis whose coming was foretold by the Savior, seeks to, anil were it passible would, impose upon the true and fuithi ful disciples of liberty. It is in periods . like this that it behooves the people to be most watdkful of those to whom they have intrusted^pbwer. And although there is at times much difficulty in distinguishing the falsj from the true spirit, a calm and dispassionate investigation will delect the counterfeit as well by the character of its operations, as the results that are produced. The true spirit of liberty, although i devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising in principle, that secured, is mild and tolerant and scrupulous to the means it employs; whilst the spirit of party, assuming to be that of liberty, is harsh, Vindictive, and intolerant, and totally reckless of the character of the allies which it brings to the aid of its cause. When the genuine spirit of liberty animates the body of a people to a thorough examination of their affairs, it leads to the eacisision of every excrescence which may have fastened itself upon any of the departments of the Government, and restores i the system to its pristine heahh and beau ty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit of party amongst a free people, seldom fails to result in a dangerous accession to the Executive power introduced and established amidst unusual professions of dei voiion to Democracy. The foregoing remarks relate nTrnofsl r$t olusivcly to matters connected with our t domestic concerns. It may be proper, f however, that i should give some indica, lions to my fellow citizens of my propoi sed course of conduct in the marr-igerr.cnt I of our foreign relations. I assure them, therefore, that it is my intention to use I every means iir my power to preserve the ! friendly intercourse which now so happU i ly subsists with every foreign nation; and that, although, of course, not well inform > cd as t'o the State of pending negociations J with any of them, I see in the personal characters of the Sovereigns, as well as ; the mutual interests of otir own and of the > Governments with which our rdntrnt'isare r most intimate, a pleasing guarantee? thn't the harmony so important to the interests r of their subjects, as well as our citizens, r will not be interrupted by the udvance ment of any claim, or pretension upon - their part to which our honor would not 1 | ermit us to yield. Lt?ng the defender of r my country's rights in the field, I trust 11 that my fellow citizens win not see 11. my s earnest desire to preserve peace with fdrr! eign powers any indications that their rights will ever be sacrificed, or the honor ; of ilie nation tarnished, by admissions on I the part of their Chief Magistrate unwor; thy of their former glory. i In our intercourse with our Aboriginnl neighbors the Same liberality and justice which marked the course prescribed to me by i wo of my illustrious predecessors when r acting tinder their direction in the dis charge of the duties of Superintendent ; and Commissioner,- shall be strictly ob served. I can conceive of no more siibt lime spectacle?none more likely to prot'piliote an impartial- and' common Creai tor, than a rigid adherence to the priuci, pies of justice on the part of a powerful - nation in its transactions with a weaker - ? -I nfinnlp U'TmUTI cirClllll , j miu urn j'? ?j"v, stances have placed at its disposal. > Before concluding, fellow citizens, I . must say so nothing to you on the suhjeci ; of the parlies at this lime existing in our country. To me it appears perfectly clear ' that the interest of that country requires , that the violence of the spirit' by which I those parties are af this time' governed, , j must' be greatly mitigated, if not entirely r; extinguished, or consequences will eusue I which arc appalling to be thought of. If f parties in a republic are necessary to se cure a degree of vigilance sufficient to ; kerp the public functionaries within the i bounds of law and duty, at that point their ' usefulness ends; Beyond that they become destructive of public virtue, the pai rents of a spiiit antagonist to that oflibert ty, and, eventually, its inevitable conqueror. Wc have examples of Republics, where the love ot country and of liberty, at one time, were the dominant passions " of the whole mass of citizens. And yet, with the continuance of the name and forms of free Govermnrnt, not a vestige of these qualities remaining in the bosom ' of any one of- its citizens. It was the beautiful remark of a distinguished English writer that "in the Roman &enate Oc taviis had a party, and Antony a party, ' the Commonwealth had none." Yet the Senate continued to meet in the Temple of Liberty, to talk of the sacredness and beauty of the Commonwealth, and gaze at the statutes of the elder Brutus and of the Curlii and Decii. And the people as(sembh'd in die lorum, not as in the days of Camillns and the Scipios, to cast their free votes for annual magistrates or pass J upon the acts of the Senate, but to recei ve j from the handsof leaders of the ft' spectivc parties their share of the spoils; and to shoot for one or the other of those collected in Gaul or Egypt and the lesser Asia, would furnish the larger dividend. The spirit of liberty had fled, and avoiding the abodes of civilized mart, had sought protection in the wilds of Scythia or Scandinavia; and so, under the operation of the same causes and influences, it will fly front our Gapitol and our forums. ? A, ca1 alYll tV Sft ntulitl am1.? #Ati*. ii.ittnliitf ........y ? ?? imh inib uilijr uui twuiiiijr but to the world, must be depiecated by patriot; and every tendency to a state of things likely to produce it immediately checked. Such a tendency has existed? does exist. Always the friend rif my Countrymen, never their flatterer, it hecomes Ifty duty to say to them from thishigh place to which their partiality has exalted me, that there exists in this land a spirit hostile to their best interests?-hostile to liberty itself. It is a spirit contracted in its views, selfish in its object. It looks to the aggrandizement of a few, even to the destruction.of the interests of the whole. The entire remedy is with the people. Something, however, may be effected bv the means which ihe'y have pla ced in my hands. Ii is union thtfl we wish, not of a pafty for the sake of (hat party, but a union of the whole cotwtry for the sake of the whole country?for thrc defence of its interests and its honor against foreign aggression, for the defence of those principles for wlfich onr ancestors so gloriously contended. As far as it depends upon me, it shall be accomplished. Ail the influence thai! possess, shall be exerted to prevent the formation at least of an Executive party in the halls of the legislative body. I wish fur the support of no member of that body to any1 measure of mine that does not sulisfy .his judgment and his sense of duty to those' from whom he holds his appointment; nor anj- confidence in advance from the people, but that asked for by Mr. Jefferson, "to give firmness and effect fo the legal administration of their affairs." I deem the present occasion sufficiently important and solemn to justify mc in expressing to rny fellow citizens a pro fount! reverence for the Christian religion, and a thorough Conviction that sound' mornl?,< religious liberty, and a just sense, of religious responsibility, are essentially connected with all true and lasting happiness; am! lo that good Being who has blessed us by the gifts uf clv.il inid religious freedom/ who watched over and prospered the labors of onr fathers, and has hitherto preserved to lis institutions far exceeding in excellence those of any other people, let us urrile in fervently commending every interest of our beloved country in all future time. Tire oath of office was then administered lo the President of the Unitpd State's" *Ly Chief Justice Taney, and the Presidentconcluded his Inaugural Address as fol-' 'lows: . t?ri u' Fellow citizens: Being fully invested with thart high office to which the partiality uf my countrymen has called hie, I now take an affectionate leave of you. You will bear with you to your homes the remembrance of the pledge I have this day given to discharge all the high duties of^ .my exalted station to the best of my nbili-' ty: and I shall enter.upon their perform-' ancc with entire Confidence in the support of a just and generous people. f Frnm the Savannah Georgian.1 u FLORIDA, March 3d, 1841. Under date of the 15th ultimo, I afi-' ^rized yoir of the negotiations going on and of the expectations of many in relation thereto,- but Warned you not lo-plurc 'any rc'iance upon the Indians, Havemy predictions been verified??Listen. Yes-* terday, Lt. Alfrurtis, Com'g. Company K., 2d Infantry, was attarked at his post (Foil Brocks,- on the Oelatvaha) by 100* Indians, supposed to. he Alleck-liis-le-nuggee's hand,?the circumstances, (si far as they have been ascertained from a soldier just from the scene of action.) are these." A Corporal' out hunting, was killed;some of his comrades who escaped, repor- led to LtV Alhurlis that the Indians, in* force, were'near him. Taking with him 18 men, he sallied out, leaving the rest of . his company in the block house, with or-tiers in case they were attacked riot'to yi. ld. Lt. Alburtis, in a few moments,fell in with the Indians, and an action' commenced which lasted upwards of an Ijoot. 0?ir brave men were forced lo retreat, but did so in good order, keeping op a continued fire until their ammunition was exhausted. Being cut off front their own post, they retired to Fort Russell ? Cap'. Barnum, with a large force, immediately started in pursuit.. A command of fifty men from Fort f)?>lnics are also out: together with 100 dragoons front Pilatkat The soldier from whom the above is derived, says he believes hut one man was killed and five or six wounded. A number of Indians were seen to fall during the action. We shall have the full parTi culars lo-morrow;'perhaps this afternoon's express may tell us something. If tfie Way Rill contains an endorsmenl I will cndenvor to obtain permission of the Quarter Master to copy it. Yours truly. The Rising Genehation.?About 500 young robbers, it is estimated, daily |?rcambulatc the streets of New York, stealing every thing they can lay their hands on. Another detachment visits the auctions, cut the bags, baskets and barrels, and carry off immense quantities on the "homopoBlhy principle" of a lilllo at ntime.