The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, March 17, 1841, Image 2
Treasury with ilu- Executive Department
which ha-* created such extensive alarm. <
Tn this danger to our Republican instilu*
ti ms, and tirstt create I by the influence
given to the Executive through the insirn l
mentality of tfr Federal officers, I pro- j
pose to apply all the remedies which may I
he at my command. It was certainly a
great error in the frame ra of the Coustistntion,
not to have made the officer at
the head of the Treasury Department on
tirely independent ot t! o Executive. II-.'
' i-?fii<>vablo only
should fit icasi 11
upon ilic demand of the popular branch
of the legislature. I have determined nover
to remove a Secretary of the Treasury
without communicating all the circumstances
attending such removal to both
Houses of Congress. The influence of;
the Executive in controlling the freedom j
of the elective franchise through the me- ,
clium of the public officers canbe effectual- l|
ly checked by renewing the prohibition i
published by Mr. Jefferson, forbidding i
their interference in elections father than <
giving their own votes; and their own in- :
dependence secured by an assurance ofj {
perfect immunity, in exercising this sa- j
cred privilege of freemen u.tder the die- s
fates of their own unbaiscd judgements? t
11 ? - a: ?
Never, with my consent, snail an unibKi i i
of the people, compensated f??r his ser-1 \
vices out of their pockets, become the in-1 r
gtrument of Executive will. U
There is no part of the means placed I a
in the hands of the Executive which I1
m'ght be used with greater effect, for on-; S
hallowed purposes, than the control -of'a
the public press. The maxim which .?urj
ancestors derived from the mother conn- a
try, that "the freedom of the press is the ?
great bulwark of civil and religious liber- ii
ty," is one of the most precious legacies s
which they have left os. We have learn- t
ed, too, from our own as well a9 the ex- t
perience of other countries, that golden t
sliackles, by whomsoever or by what- o
ever pretence imposed, are as fatal to it s
as the iron bonds of despotism. The p
presses in the npcessary employment oft il
the G. vernment should never be used "to j tl
clear the guilty, or to varnish crimes.'*? ' ii
A decent and manly examination of the | n
acts of the Government should be riot j 11
only tolerated but encouraged. j h
Upon another occasion I have given my A
opinion, at some length, upon the itn-io
propriety of Executive interference in the j o
legislation of Congress. That the arti-r
cle in the Constitution making it the duly ti
of the President to communicate infor- t<
maiio'i, and authorizing him to recmn- p
mend measures, was not intended to make e
him the source of legislation, and, ii> p*r- G
ticular, that he should never he looked to I
for schemes of finance. It would be very t
strange, indeed, that the Constiiution li
should have strictly forbidden one branch n
of the Legislature from interfering in the tl
origination of such bills, and that it
should be considered proper that an alio- k
gelher different department of the Go- tl
vernment should be permitted to do so.? n
Some of our best political maxims and a
opinions have been drawn from our parent d
Isle. There are.others however, which ?
cannot be introduced in our system wit i- ?
out singular incongruity, and the pro- c
duction of much mischief. And this I a
conceive to be one. No matter in which w
i?f the Houses of Parliament a billowy o- n
tiginate, or by whom introduced, a min- c.
ister, or a member of the opposition, by f<
the fiction of law, or rather of constitu-; tl
tiooai principle, the sovereign is supposed j c
tn have orenared it agreeably to his will, J f
and then submitted it to Parliament for i c
their sdvke and consent. Now, the very ; l
reverse is- the case here, not only with , c
regtrd to the principle, hut the forms pre- li
scribed by the Constitution. Tin' priuci- t
pie certainly assigns to the only body t
constituted by the Constitution (the l?*gis- t
lative body,) the power to make laws, and I'
the forms even direct that the enactment g
should be ascribed to them. The Spnaic, s
mi relation tj revenue bills, have the right a
to propose amei'2?> mnls; and so has thc .C
Executive, by the po;y?r given him to rc^ I
turn them to the Houst.' "f Representa- t
lives, with his objections. ,fi in liis i
pivwer, also, So propose ameno/fl*"13 10 1
the existing revenue laws, suggested by r
his observations upon their defective 01 '
jurious operation. But the delicate dutj", r
of devising schemes of revenue should i
be left where live Constitution Iratr placed a
it?with the immediate representatives of u
the people. Fer similar reasons,- the tl
mode of keeping the public treasure p
-should be prescribed by them; and the I:
farther removed it may be from the con- c
trod of the Executive, the more whole- <>
some the arrangement, and the more in v
accordance with Republican principle. f
Conaaecie I with this subject is the char- i:
aster of the currency: The idea of rna. s
king: it exclusively metallic,-howeVer- well f
intended, appears to me to be fraught c
with' m?re faU-1 consequences than any |
other scheme, having n > rrFutiort to the u
persottuf rights of the citizen,- that has t
erei* been' devised, if nny single scheme *
could'produce the clfect' of arresting, at (
mtce, (Hat1 mutation c?t"condition by which t
thousands* of our most indigent- f< I low t
citizens, by their indnsivy ?ntl enterprise, (
ftre raised to the possossio ? of wealth, that t
is the one. v If there is o 'C measure bet- f
fsr calculated than another t? prVniucc i
that aute of things so inuc.'i depn-cftted i
by alhtsrue republicans, by which tlic'rtah c
arc-daily edding- lb their hoaids, and the
poor sinking deeper into penury, it is-an j
exclusive metallic currency. Or if there i
is a process tiy which ihe eliarracler ?>f i
the country fur generosity and nobleness ,
of feeling may. he de.trm ec' by- llm great i
increase and necessary lolu/aiion of pan- I
jry, it Imo exclusm ntctalw* currency, '!
v
Amongst the other duties a delicate
character which the President is called
upon to perforin, is the supervision of
ihe government of the Territories of the
United Slates. These of them which are
destined to become members of our great
political family, are compensated by their
rapid progress from infancy to manhood,
for the partial and temporary deprivation
of their political rights. It is in this
District, only, where American citizens
are to he found, who, under a settled
system of policy, are deprived of many
important political privileges, without
any inspiring hope as to the future.?
Their only consolation, under circumstances
of such deprivation, is that of the
devoted exterior guards of n camp?that
I heir Bufferings secure tranquillity nnd
safety within. Are there any of their
countrymen who would subject them to
greater sacrifices, to any other humiliations
than those essentially necessary to
the security of the object for which they
tvere thus separated from their fellow-citicens?
Are their rights alone not to be
guarantied by the application of those
>reat principles, upon which all our Conitittitions
arc founded? We are told by
he greilest of British orators and statesnen,
that, at the commencement of the
var of the Revolution, the most stupid
nen in England spoke of ''their American
objects." Are there, indeed, citizens of
iny of our Stales who have dreamed of
hrir suhincts in the Disti ict of Columbia?
Inch dreams can never be realized by any
gency of mine.
The people of the District of Columbia
re nut the subjects of the people of the
hates, but free American citizens. Bertg
in the latter condition when the Conlitution
was formed, no words used in
hat instrument could have been intended
0 deprive then* of that character. If
here is any thing in the great principles
f unalienable rights, so emphatically inisted
upon in our Declaration of Indeendence,
they could neither make, nor
he United States accept, a surrender of
heir liberti*'s, and become the subjects,
1 other words, the slaves, of their foricr
fellow-citizcns. If this be true, and
; will scarcely be denied by any one who
as a correct idea of his own rights as an
Lmerican citizen, the grant of Congress
f exclusive jurisdiction in the District
f Columbia, can be intrepreled, so far as
espeels the aggregate people of the Uni d
States, as meaning nothing more than
> allow to Congress, the controlling
ower necessary to afford a free anil safe
xercise of the functions assigned to the
reneral Government by the Constitution,
n all other respects, the legislation of
/'ongress should be adapted to their pecuar
posfstiirn ami wants, and be conforlabie
with their deliberate opinions of
'ieir own interests.
I have spoken of the necessity of
roping the respective Departments of
lie Government, as well as all the other
uthoritics of our country, within their
ppropriate orhils. This is u matter of
ifficulty in some cases, as the powers
Inch they respectfully claim are often
ot defineif try very distinct lines. Mishirvous,
however, in their tendencies,
s collisions of litis kind may be, those
rhich arise between the respective comtunities,
which for certain purpose:,
ompose one nation, are much tr.nre so;
jr no such nation can long exist without
he caTfftil culture of those feelings of
onfideneeand affection which are the elective
bonds of union between free and
.nifrderated Slates, Strong as is the
ie of interest, it has been often found infPertunl.
Men, blinded by their passions,
lave been known to adopt measures for
heir country in direct opposition to all
he suggestions of policy The altcrna?,r
lii>pn down's
IVC, IIICU, !S| IU tltOllwj ? ? J- _
tad passion by creating and fostering a
;ood one; and this srems to he the corner
tone upon which our American political
rchitects have reared the fabric' of our
rovernrnent. The cement which wa's to
find h, and perpetuate its existence, was
he affectionate attachment between all its
Members. To insure the continuance ofj
his feeling, produced at first by a com-1
nunity of dangers, of sufferings and of
nteresls, the advantages of each wercl
nade accessible to all. No participation |
if any good, possessed by any member of
n extensive confederacy, except in do-!
lestic government, was withheld from
tie citizen of any other member. By a
imcess attended with no difficulty, no dc-1
ay,, no expense but that of removal, the.
itizen of one might become the citizen'
f any other, and successively of the'
thole. The lines, too, separating powrs
to be exercised by the citizens of one!
State froin those ol another, seems lobe!
o distinctly drawn as to leave no room|
or misunderstanding. The citizens of
acli Stale unite in their persons all the
irivileges which that character confers,
iiid iiH that they may claim as citizens of j
he United Stales; but in no case can the;
./imp nerson.- at the same limp, act as the
:iiizcn of two separate Stales, and he is
herefore positively precluded from any (
nterfereiice with the reserved powers if
'ny State but that of which he is, for the
imc being, a citizen. lie may indeed* nfr
to the rit'zens of oilier States his ad-1
ice as to their management, and the form
n which it is tendered' is left to his own
liscrction nnd the sense of propriety.
It may be observed, however, that or-;
jnnizrd associations of citizens, requiring
compliance w.tli their wishes, too
much resembles the recommendations of
Athens to her allies?supported by an armed
and powerful fleet, II was indeed, to
the ambition of tho leading States of
f?recce to control the domestic corocrns
of the others, that the deslfuclron of that
celebrated confederacy, and subsequently
of all its rfiembers, is mainly to be attributed.
And it is owing to the absence of
that spirit that the Helvetic confederacy
has fur so many years been preserved.?
Vovcr has there hebit seen in the instituI
tions of the separate members of any
| confederacy more elements of discord.?
In the principles and forms of government
and religion, as well as in the circumstances
of the several cantons, so marked a
discrepance was observable, as to promise
any thing but harmony in their intercourse
or permanency in their alliance.?
And yet for ages, neither has been interrupted.
Content with the possitivc bene
fits which their union produced, with the
independence and safety from foieign aggression
which it secured, these sagacious
people respected the institutions oi
each other, however repugnant to their
own principles and prejudices.
Our Confederacy, fellow-citizens, can
only be preserved by thesarne forbeara ce.
Our citizens must be content with the exercise
of the powers witli which the Constitution
clothes them. The attempt ol
one State to control the domestic institutions
of another, can only result in feelings
of distrust and jealousy, the certain
harbingers of disunion, violence, civil
war, and the ultimate destruction ol
our free institutions. Our Confederacy is
perfectly illustrated by tire terms and
principles governing a common copartnership.
There a fund of power is to be
exercised under the direction of the joint
councils of the allied members, but that
which bus been reserved by the individual
members is intangible to the common Government
or the individual members composing
it. To attempt it finds no support
in the principles of our Constitution. It
should be our constant and earnest endeavor
mutually to cultivate a spirit of concord
and harmony among the various parts
of our Confederacy. Experience has
? . .1 L u..
abundantly taugni us inai uik iiuuauuu uy
citizens of one part of the Union of a
subject not confided to the General Government,
but excl-ively under the guardianship
of the local authorities, is productive
of no other consequences than
bitterness, alienation, discord, anil injury
10 thd very cause which is intended to bt
advanced. Of all the great interests
which appertain to our country, that ol
union, cordial, confiding, fraternal union,
'? by far the most important, since it is
the only true and sure guarantee of all
others.
f in consequence of the embarrassed
state of business and the currency, some
of the States may meet with difficulty in
their financial concerns. However deeply
we may regret any thing imprudent or
excessive in the engagements into whicl
States have entered for purposes of theii
own, it docs not become us to disparage
he State Governments, nor to discourugt
them from making proper efforts for theii
own relief; on the contrary, it is our duty
to encourage them, to the extent of out
- ? -i-l?. ? 1.. ,u?;.
constitutional aninnruv, u? uj'j"/ mm
means, and clfeerfully to make all neces
sary sacrifices, and submit to all treet-ssB
ry burdens to fulfil their engagements an'<
maintain their credit; for the rharactei
and credit of the several States form par
of the character anil credit of the whoh
country. Tire resources of the conntrj
are abundant, the enterprise and activity
of our people proverbial, and w<
may well hope that wise legislation ant
prudent administration, by the respectivt
Governments, each acting within its owt
sphere, will restore former prosperity.
Unpleasant and even dangerous collisions
may sometimes be, between the con
stituted authorities or (he citizens of out
conrrtry, iir relation to the lines which separate
thcii icspective jurisdictions, tin
results can be of no vital injury to our in
stitutions, if that ardent patriotism, tltadovoted
attachment to liberty,- tbat spiri
of moderation and-forbearance, for whrcl
our countrymen were once distinguished
continue to bo-cherished. If this contin
ties to be the ruling passion of our souls
the weaker feelings of the mistaken enthusiast
will be corrected, the Eutopiar
dreams of the scheming politician dissi
paled, and the complicated intrigues of tht
ileinngogue rendered harmless. The spirit
of liberty is a sovereign halm for ever)'
injury which our institutions may receive.
Oil die c intrary, tin care that can be used
in the construction of our Government,
no division of powers, iiadistribution ol
checks in its several departments will
proVe effectual to keep us a free people, il
this spirit is suffered to decay?and decay
it will without constant nurture; Tot lit
neglect of this duty, the best historians
agree in attributing the ruin of all Republies
with whose existence and fall theii
writings have made us acquainted. The
same causes will ever produce the same
effects; and as long as the love of power
is a dominant passion in the human bosom,
and as long as the understandings ol
men can be warped and their affections
changed by operations upon their passions
and prejudice*, so long will the'liberty ol
a people depend on their own constant attention
to its preservation. The danger
m all well established free Governments
arises from lite unwillingness of the people
to believe in its existence, or from the
influence of designing men, diverting their
attention from the quarter whence it np.
proachcs, to a source from which it can
never come,
This is the old trick of those who would
usurp the Government of their country.?
In the name of? Democracy they speak,
warning the people against the influence of
wealth ao.d the danger of. nristoctacy.?
History, ancient and modern, is full of
Sutfh examples. Caesar became the mastef
of the Roman people ami the Senate under
the pretence of supporting the Democratic
claims of the former against the
aristocracy of the latter. Cromwell, in
the character of protector of the rights 1
and liberties of the people, became the
Dictator of England; and Bolivar possessed
himself of unlimited power, with
the title of his countryTs Liberator. There
is, on the contrary, no single instance on
record of an extensive and well established
Republic being changed into an aristocracy.
The tendencies of all such Governments
is to monarchy; and the antagonist
principle to liberty there Is the spirit
of faction?a spit it which assumes the
character, and, in times of great excite
n.ent, imposes itself upon the people as the
genuine spirit of freedom, and like the
fatae Chrisis whose coming was foretold
by the Savior, seeks to, anil were it passible
would, impose upon the true and fuithi
ful disciples of liberty. It is in periods
. like this that it behooves the people to be
most watdkful of those to whom they have
intrusted^pbwer. And although there is
at times much difficulty in distinguishing
the falsj from the true spirit, a calm and
dispassionate investigation will delect the
counterfeit as well by the character of its
operations, as the results that are produced.
The true spirit of liberty, although
i devoted, persevering, bold, and uncompromising
in principle, that secured, is mild
and tolerant and scrupulous to the means
it employs; whilst the spirit of party, assuming
to be that of liberty, is harsh, Vindictive,
and intolerant, and totally reckless
of the character of the allies which
it brings to the aid of its cause. When
the genuine spirit of liberty animates the
body of a people to a thorough examination
of their affairs, it leads to the eacisision
of every excrescence which may
have fastened itself upon any of the departments
of the Government, and restores
i the system to its pristine heahh and beau
ty. But the reign of an intolerant spirit
of party amongst a free people, seldom
fails to result in a dangerous accession to
the Executive power introduced and established
amidst unusual professions of dei
voiion to Democracy.
The foregoing remarks relate nTrnofsl r$t
olusivcly to matters connected with our
t domestic concerns. It may be proper,
f however, that i should give some indica,
lions to my fellow citizens of my propoi
sed course of conduct in the marr-igerr.cnt
I of our foreign relations. I assure them,
therefore, that it is my intention to use
I every means iir my power to preserve the
! friendly intercourse which now so happU
i ly subsists with every foreign nation; and
that, although, of course, not well inform
> cd as t'o the State of pending negociations
J with any of them, I see in the personal
characters of the Sovereigns, as well as
; the mutual interests of otir own and of the
> Governments with which our rdntrnt'isare
r most intimate, a pleasing guarantee? thn't
the harmony so important to the interests
r of their subjects, as well as our citizens,
r will not be interrupted by the udvance
ment of any claim, or pretension upon
- their part to which our honor would not
1 | ermit us to yield. Lt?ng the defender of
r my country's rights in the field, I trust
11 that my fellow citizens win not see 11. my
s earnest desire to preserve peace with fdrr!
eign powers any indications that their
rights will ever be sacrificed, or the honor
; of ilie nation tarnished, by admissions on
I the part of their Chief Magistrate unwor;
thy of their former glory.
i In our intercourse with our Aboriginnl
neighbors the Same liberality and justice
which marked the course prescribed to me
by i wo of my illustrious predecessors when
r acting tinder their direction in the dis
charge of the duties of Superintendent
; and Commissioner,- shall be strictly ob
served. I can conceive of no more siibt
lime spectacle?none more likely to prot'piliote
an impartial- and' common Creai
tor, than a rigid adherence to the priuci,
pies of justice on the part of a powerful
- nation in its transactions with a weaker
- ? -I nfinnlp U'TmUTI cirClllll
, j miu urn j'? ?j"v,
stances have placed at its disposal.
> Before concluding, fellow citizens, I
. must say so nothing to you on the suhjeci
; of the parlies at this lime existing in our
country. To me it appears perfectly clear
' that the interest of that country requires
, that the violence of the spirit' by which
I those parties are af this time' governed,
, j must' be greatly mitigated, if not entirely
r; extinguished, or consequences will eusue
I which arc appalling to be thought of. If
f parties in a republic are necessary to se
cure a degree of vigilance sufficient to
; kerp the public functionaries within the
i bounds of law and duty, at that point their
' usefulness ends; Beyond that they become
destructive of public virtue, the pai
rents of a spiiit antagonist to that oflibert
ty, and, eventually, its inevitable conqueror.
Wc have examples of Republics,
where the love ot country and of liberty,
at one time, were the dominant passions
" of the whole mass of citizens. And yet,
with the continuance of the name and
forms of free Govermnrnt, not a vestige
of these qualities remaining in the bosom
' of any one of- its citizens. It was the
beautiful remark of a distinguished English
writer that "in the Roman &enate Oc
taviis had a party, and Antony a party,
' the Commonwealth had none." Yet the
Senate continued to meet in the Temple
of Liberty, to talk of the sacredness and
beauty of the Commonwealth, and gaze
at the statutes of the elder Brutus and of
the Curlii and Decii. And the people as(sembh'd
in die lorum, not as in the days
of Camillns and the Scipios, to cast their
free votes for annual magistrates or pass J
upon the acts of the Senate, but to recei ve j
from the handsof leaders of the ft'
spectivc parties their share of the spoils;
and to shoot for one or the other of those
collected in Gaul or Egypt and the lesser
Asia, would furnish the larger dividend.
The spirit of liberty had fled, and avoiding
the abodes of civilized mart, had sought
protection in the wilds of Scythia or Scandinavia;
and so, under the operation of
the same causes and influences, it will fly
front our Gapitol and our forums. ? A, ca1
alYll tV Sft ntulitl am1.? #Ati*. ii.ittnliitf
........y ? ?? imh inib uilijr uui twuiiiijr
but to the world, must be depiecated by
patriot; and every tendency to a state of
things likely to produce it immediately
checked. Such a tendency has existed?
does exist. Always the friend rif my
Countrymen, never their flatterer, it hecomes
Ifty duty to say to them from thishigh
place to which their partiality has
exalted me, that there exists in this land a
spirit hostile to their best interests?-hostile
to liberty itself. It is a spirit contracted
in its views, selfish in its object. It
looks to the aggrandizement of a few,
even to the destruction.of the interests of
the whole. The entire remedy is with the
people. Something, however, may be effected
bv the means which ihe'y have pla
ced in my hands. Ii is union thtfl we
wish, not of a pafty for the sake of (hat
party, but a union of the whole cotwtry
for the sake of the whole country?for thrc
defence of its interests and its honor against
foreign aggression, for the defence
of those principles for wlfich onr ancestors
so gloriously contended. As far as it
depends upon me, it shall be accomplished.
Ail the influence thai! possess, shall
be exerted to prevent the formation at
least of an Executive party in the halls of
the legislative body. I wish fur the support
of no member of that body to any1
measure of mine that does not sulisfy .his
judgment and his sense of duty to those'
from whom he holds his appointment; nor
anj- confidence in advance from the people,
but that asked for by Mr. Jefferson,
"to give firmness and effect fo the legal
administration of their affairs."
I deem the present occasion sufficiently
important and solemn to justify mc in expressing
to rny fellow citizens a pro fount!
reverence for the Christian religion, and a
thorough Conviction that sound' mornl?,<
religious liberty, and a just sense, of religious
responsibility, are essentially connected
with all true and lasting happiness;
am! lo that good Being who has blessed us
by the gifts uf clv.il inid religious freedom/
who watched over and prospered the labors
of onr fathers, and has hitherto preserved
to lis institutions far exceeding in
excellence those of any other people, let
us urrile in fervently commending every
interest of our beloved country in all future
time.
Tire oath of office was then administered
lo the President of the Unitpd State's"
*Ly Chief Justice Taney, and the Presidentconcluded
his Inaugural Address as fol-'
'lows: . t?ri u'
Fellow citizens: Being fully invested
with thart high office to which the partiality
uf my countrymen has called hie, I now
take an affectionate leave of you. You
will bear with you to your homes the remembrance
of the pledge I have this day
given to discharge all the high duties of^
.my exalted station to the best of my nbili-'
ty: and I shall enter.upon their perform-'
ancc with entire Confidence in the support
of a just and generous people.
f Frnm the Savannah Georgian.1
u FLORIDA, March 3d, 1841.
Under date of the 15th ultimo, I afi-'
^rized yoir of the negotiations going on
and of the expectations of many in relation
thereto,- but Warned you not lo-plurc
'any rc'iance upon the Indians, Havemy
predictions been verified??Listen. Yes-*
terday, Lt. Alfrurtis, Com'g. Company
K., 2d Infantry, was attarked at his post
(Foil Brocks,- on the Oelatvaha) by 100*
Indians, supposed to. he Alleck-liis-le-nuggee's
hand,?the circumstances, (si far as
they have been ascertained from a soldier
just from the scene of action.) are these."
A Corporal' out hunting, was killed;some
of his comrades who escaped, repor- led
to LtV Alhurlis that the Indians, in*
force, were'near him. Taking with him
18 men, he sallied out, leaving the rest of .
his company in the block house, with or-tiers
in case they were attacked riot'to
yi. ld. Lt. Alburtis, in a few moments,fell
in with the Indians, and an action'
commenced which lasted upwards of an
Ijoot. 0?ir brave men were forced lo retreat,
but did so in good order, keeping
op a continued fire until their ammunition
was exhausted. Being cut off front their
own post, they retired to Fort Russell ?
Cap'. Barnum, with a large force, immediately
started in pursuit.. A command of
fifty men from Fort f)?>lnics are also out:
together with 100 dragoons front Pilatkat
The soldier from whom the above is derived,
says he believes hut one man was
killed and five or six wounded. A number
of Indians were seen to fall during
the action. We shall have the full parTi
culars lo-morrow;'perhaps this afternoon's
express may tell us something. If tfie
Way Rill contains an endorsmenl I will
cndenvor to obtain permission of the
Quarter Master to copy it.
Yours truly.
The Rising Genehation.?About 500
young robbers, it is estimated, daily |?rcambulatc
the streets of New York, stealing
every thing they can lay their hands
on. Another detachment visits the auctions,
cut the bags, baskets and barrels,
and carry off immense quantities on the
"homopoBlhy principle" of a lilllo at ntime.