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lewis m. grist, proprietor. J An Independent Journal: For the Promotion of the Pohtical, Social, Agricultural aud Commercial Interests of the South. |?2 per ahnitm, in advahcb. VOL. 4. YOEKYILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, MABCH 35,1858. NO. 13. Cjroicc |joeirg. From the Miasissippian. WHY THEY PARTED. BY SALL1E AIU BEEDY. No sunbeam ever wandered o'er a bank bestrewed l with pearls, And left a foot print brighter than those gold-besprinkled curls; No cloud of stormy darkness ever stfept the summer skies, Darker than the sorrow floating through those blue, blue dreamy eyes; Oh! grief was very dainty, when she made that 1 brow her scroll, And drew her fitful record from that maiden's guileless soul. The moonlight falling through the leaves and on ' those twilight tears I Revealed an eye uplifted?looking earnestly in hers; She knew the secret of that glance; what woman e er misioos The thought that has no eloquence beyond a gentle , look ? She knew no angel ever wooed and won his earthly bride, With love more passionate than his who trembled close beside ; She knew no unkind ocean ever spread its pathless ways With desolation like to that which marked their separate days; She listened calmly to his words?it is no time for tears l When passion in one moment crowds the life of many years. "Thou hast not known how I have loved? Perchance will never know; < The stream whose surface seems unmoved Has living tides below ; Bright rays from out the summer sky May light that upward wave? The stream's most precious jewels lie , Deep in some hidden cave; And I have never breathed thy name, The world had else reproved, Or linked it with some withering shame Because thou art beloved, For lips have momently effaced, With most ungentle art, ! Some record never more retraced Upon the blighted heart. I have not thought of thee as one To share the ills of life, To be my joy when there was none, In all the world's dull strife; The dear companion side by side On love's all buoyant sea, To strengthen when my soul was tried As it henceforth must be. I would not have thee watch and wait, And worship at a shrine Pursued by that relentless fate, That mocks the flame of mine. But thou shalt be a secret thought? The jewel all unseen? The one remembrance of what My life with thee had been. And when no other presence mars The dream that fills my heart, I'll tell unto the quiet stars How wildly dear thou art. Their geutle light would never chide Nor would their smile grow less ; 'Tis left for mortals to deride What heaven would own and bless. Thus let it be! I care not now That other griefs arise, They cannot sear this aching brow Like tears frctn those dear eyes. And future years shall never wring An aooent of thy name? Thou art the one beloved thing The world shall never claim." She & pressure on her brow?she heard a hasty tread Upon the autumn leaves that lay around her cold and dead? Dead as the hopes within her heart?dry as the dust that fell Upon the flowers of feeling, crushed in that unblest farewell; They met no more, and she became in those dull after years That strangest thing we meet in life?a woman ?i And when they told her of his life, they spoke of him as one Too strongly wedded to a grief his pride repealed to none. February. 1838. political. REMARKS OF HO*. W. W. BOYCE, On Mormon Affairs, in the House of Representatives, on Thursday, March 11,1858. Mr. Boycc.?Mr. Chairman, I consider the question of coercing the Mormons of Utah, involved in the bill to increase the army, as one of the gravest nature. This singular people, the wonder and approbrium of the age, have established themselves in the heart of this continent, at a vast distance from the civilized world, and separated from it by vast deserts and mountains. Their voluntary exodus from the Christian world, their selection of the great central basin for the seat of their power, their peculiar system of religion, their domestic institutions, so opposed to the spirit of the age, their singular unanimity of action?all excite our astonishment. Whatever else we may think, there is one thing we must all perceive, that they are actuated by the fiercest fanaticism. They are, what we have not recently seen in the civilized world, an entire community of fanatics. It has been apprehended, from their first development in Utah, that we would have trouble with them, and the apprehension is now being realized. Mr. Fillmore has been a good deal censured for permitting their great leader, Brigham Young, to act as Governor of the Territory. This was xl :.L AT- k.,* -?c?U not lilt; WISH Ui jll. JL 1I1LL1VIC, UUI< Hit ItOUlU of a supposed political necessity. Perhaps it would have been wiser to have met the question then, for it has only been postponed, and comes up for a solution now, when they are far stronger than they were then. The same considerations of political necessity acting on Mr. Fillmore acted also on Mr. Pierce, and Brigham Young was permitted to remain in office as Governor. The public mind of the United States, during the administration of Mr Pierce, seemed to become fixed in opposition to the retention of Brigham Young in power by the Federal Government. One of the political parties of the country, in the recent Presidential election, made opposition to the Mormons one of the planks in their political platform. Influenced, perhaps, in some degree, by the laudable desire of meeting the wishes of the country, and, also, I have uo doubt, upon general views of public policy, the present Administration determined to supersede Brigham Young as Governor, and appointed Mr. Cumming to the position, a gentleman well fitted for the place. During the period that Brigham Young had been allowed to act as Governor, though we had some cause of complaint, yet there was no general revolt against the authority of the United States. Having things pretty much their own way, the Mormons seemed formally to submit to our authority. Individual Gentiles complained of bad treatment; some of the Government officials in the Territory also complained; but a formal obedience was kept up. The emigrant trains to California passed through Utah, as a general rule, undisturbed. But recently matters have changed. The effort upon the part of our Government to put Governor Cumming in authority has been resisted by force, and we appear to be on the eve of a war with the Mormons. A portion of the army, with Governor Cumming, are in the mountains of Utah, waiting for reinforcements with which to begin their march; and put the question to the arbitrament of the sword. This is a sad spectacle in a Republic, and demands our serious consideratiou. The question is before us now, what shall we do with the Mormons? We must decide upon it; we cannot postpone it if we would. Fortunately, it is a question with which nothing of sectionalism mingles. The laws of Utah, it is true, recognise and provide for slavery, but there are no slaves there. Utah while it is technically a slave community, is actually a free community. The President of the United States has simply undertaken to perform his duty in seeing chat the laws are executed in Utah. He has no power to institute a policy, though he may suggest one; he can only enforce the laws as they exist. It is for Congress to determine the policy to be pursued in reference to these people. Whatever that policy may be, I have no doubt the President will carry it out, as far as it depends upon him, and is possible. War, even with a foreign nation, is a grave matter; not to be gone into inconsiderately. But domestic war, upon a portion of our own people, even if they be fanatics, mad<V>rtlo roViolo trnifrnrs is a matter of far lU^U) &V\SSO} tVWVIW| w?M?vviwj ? ? ? graver importance. The genius of our Government in its internal relations, is peace.? It is presumed that the laws will enforce themselves; that the people will submit to the laws. Though force is not excluded from our system, yet it is considered a sad al'crnative, only to be resorted to in the last extremity. Such a condition of affairs as exists in Utah was, I apprehend, never considered as possible by the framers of the Constitution. That a whole people should rise in arms and defy the central Government in the exercise of its undoubted authority, without even a plausible pretext, never entered iuto their minds. They had no conception that an American Mohammed would rise up in the United Statesin the middle of the nineteenth century and promulgate a new dispensation, made up of Christianity and Oriental sensuality, which should fascinate multitudes, and establish a distinct nationality in the bosom of the Rocky Mountains. The condition of Utah, then, is one which, while it has no precedent in our history, will, I trust, for the sake of humanity, have no imitation. Before we undertake to determine what we should do in reference to the Mormons, it is necessary that we should understand precisely what we wish to accomplish, the benefit to be attained, or the evil to be averted.? Utah is settled almost exclusively by Mormons; thcri is scarcely a handful of Gentiles?as those arc called who do not adopt their faith?there. So far as good government, order and obedience to law is concerned in Utah among the Mormons it is a matter of very small importance to us, except frrmi fKo rrnnoml /Inolrn nrn liavn nvnn VUi VtIV UVCiib IT V UU) v bllUU V I VII the Mormons should prosper. But as that region of country is not now wanted for settlement by our citizens generally other than Mormons, and is not likely to be wanted for an indefinite period, we would have no special motive to exert our power to restore order, so far as the interests of the inhabitants of that region may be concerned. If, therefore, Utah, instead of being in the centre of the continent, on the highway of our emigration to the Pacific, were in some other portion of our dominion not traversed by emigrants, we might feel under no necessity to concern ourselves about their proceedings, no more than we do about remote tribes of Indians. But the local position of Utah, the fact that our great emigration trains to the Pacific coast must necessarily pass through' Utah, or make a considerable detour to the north or to the south, invests the condition of affairs in Utah with great practical importance to us. So far as the people of Utah are concerned, we might, without loss to ourselves, abandon them to their own anarchy or madness. The only practical aspect of the case of immediate interest is the necessity we are under of preserving undisturbed our communications through the middle route to our Pacific possessions. It seems to me that this is the extent of our present practical interest in the question. If all Utah were to transform itself into Pandemonium, it would not materially affect us, provided our communications were left undisturbed. While we should, of course, desire to see order in Utah, yet no degree oi disorder would at all disturb us, except ic the single matter of having our communications disturbed. This is, I think, fairly stating the extent of the preseut practical in terests wc have in the Utah question; it is to continue the central route, open andundis turbed to the Pacific. There are two modes of solving the Mor uion question?first, by peaceful means second, by force. There can be no doub that the first mode is infinitely the best, if i can be made efficacious. The peaceful mod< is more congenial to the spirit of our insti tutions. Our Government is, and should b< reluctant to draw the sword against any por tion of the people. It is dangerous to inau gurate the reign of the sword in our llepub lie. The great leading ideaupo^ which oui Government proceeds, is that all governmen rests on the consent of the governed. Whils on the one hand we have not been able entirely to ignore tile sword in enforcing the laws, yet we should be very careful not to proceed to this fatul extremity except under the most imperative necessity. The Spanish Republics on this continent could never settle any dispute without the sword. The result is they are all dying out from :he fatal effect of their own violence. For my part, I shall be sorry to see a question involving the fate of so large a portion of our population as this Utah question, incapable of any other solution than civil war. We have had two rebellions in our history; the firs-,, Shay's rebellion in Massachusetts during r.he Confederation, and the Whiskey Insurrection in Pennsplvania, since the formation of the existing Constitution. In both of these instances order was finally restored without the effusion of blood. Massachusetts, bv a course t y of singular prudence and firmness, succeeded in subjugating their rebels without a battle ; though hostile armies were actually in the field. It became the duty of Gen. Washington, the then President, to deal with the Pennsylvania insurgents. In reading the history of that period, we are struck with the forbearance with which Washington treated the insurgents. He sent commissioners to remonstrate with them, and exerted every possible means tosolve the difficulty by a peaceful solution. When all peaceful means seemed to have failed, he displayed a strong military force, and advanced against the insurgents with the power of the Government, still tendering peace. The result justified the wisdom of Washington. The supremacy of the law was established without bloodshed. General Washington was a man of profound wisdom; though it was an easy matter for the Government to beat down the rebellion, and extinguish it in the blood of the insurgents, yet he knew that the Government could not strike any portion of the people without wounding itself. The same grave consideration which made Gen. Washington reluctant to shed the blood of mis guiaea men in x'eonsjivaoia, maKe:i mo aus.ious, if possible, to avoid the calamity in Utah. I am unwilling, if it can possibly be avoided, to put a whole community of our people to the sword, great as their errors or as their crimes may be. It is a dangerous precedent. I would avoid it if possible. I fear its consequences. Peaceful solution costs nothing; whereas war will entail an expenditure of the most astonishing amount. It will be the most expensive military expedition, to the force employed, ever set on foot in modern times.? Utah is eleven hundred miles from the Missouri ; a land passage through an uncultivated wilderness; a portion of the way through desertsand difficult mountains. Subsistence will have to be carried by wagons from the Missouri; even the animals with the army cannot be 'sustained at all seasons along the route by the native grasses. The expedition of Napoleon to Moscow has been looked upon as a great folly. Yet Moscow was only five hundred miles from Napoleon's supplies in Poland. It will take tons of gold to sup port our troops in Utah. The expense of the army there will, I believe, amount to S3,000 per man for the year. The Seminole war cost something in the neighborhood of one hundred milliou dollars. The Seminole war was a war with a few hundred savages, in a country easily approachable by sea, and to which supplies could be readily carried. A war with the Mormons will have to be carried on at a vast distance from our supplies, eleven hundred miles, againsta people mad with fanaticism, and able to bring ten thousand fighting men into the field. It is * ? A I* * * A I *% ill A iimn mnp AP II UU, 111U l'JLUl 111ULI3 liavu UUU H1C OITauipo U* Florida; but they have the mountains and boundless plains, and vast desert steppes of Utah. To prosecute successfully the war in Utah will require an expenditure absolutely astounding. I say, then, that the peaceful adjustment of this difficulty is a great economy. The peaceful mode of solving the Mormon question is the most conformable to humanity. No one wishes to shed the blood of this misguided people. However great may be their errors or their crimes, they are still a portion of our people, entitled to our protection and good offices. To devastate their country and shed their blood, cannot but be a most painful alternative. A government glorifies itself on the victories gained by its armies over a foreign foe; it regrets those I gained over its own people. It erects triumphal arches to perpetuate the memory of the first: it draws a veil of oblivion over the second. When we consider the infinite miseries we shall inflict upon the people of Utah by an offensive war, we cannot but deplore the necessity, and if possible, endeavor to avoid it. If we could punish the guilty leaders alone, it would be well enough; but we canuot reach them, except by destroying , a vast number of their misguided followers. As a matter of humanity, then, we should be glad to escape from the necessity of ma, king war upon this people. , The peaceful solution of the question, besides the advantages I have already inen tioned, is also by far the most efficacious.? f If we can restore order in Utah without i bloodshed, then we will have accomplished all we desire. Law and order will reign r there; we will have avoided all the evils and sacrifices ol" war, and secured the object : we have in view; the rebellion will have - ceased to exist, and our communications will be open and undisturbed to the Pacific It - is evident, then, that the peaceful solution ; of the question is the best, if it be possible, t The material question, then, in this regard, t is whether this peaceful solution be possible? 3 If it be possible, we should resort to it. How is it possible? This can never be 3 known until the experiment is fairly made. - I am not sanguine that it would succeed, - but still I do not see why it should not; at - any rate, it is worth while to make the efr fort. One advantage of this mode is, that t if you try it, aud fail, then force is still open t to you. Whereas, if you try force first, and fail, in vain will you resort to negotiation ; force failing, you have no other resource but acquiescence in defeat. Mankind are usually controlled by their interests. The Mormons are scarcely exempt from the operation of this universal principle. It is clearly their interest to adjust their difficulties with this Government peacefully. They cannot but realize the fact, that if we exert our power against them we must drive them before us, destroy their cities, and inflict a multitude of evils upon them. Besides even the injuries we may iuflict upon them by actual war in their country, we can subject them to great inconvenience, by cutting off all trade with them, thus interrupting the supply of many articles of prime necessity. Furthermore, the cornerstone of their policy is addition to their power by foreign immigration, which we can entirely cut off from them. Besides, our annual appropriations for their territorial government is a very convenient addition to their income. From these considrations, and others which will naturally suggest themselves, it is clearly the interest of the Mormons to listen to reason, especially when that reason is backed by the great power of n j. t ii r a _ our VJUYCIuLLJclit* 1 LU1U&, LliUItJiUre, LUC prospects of success is sufficiently great to induce us to resort to negotiations with this people. The wisdom of resorting to pacific measures first is sustained by another view of the case. Brigham Young has impressed the Mormons with the idea that this Government wishes to interfere with their religion, to punish them for their polygamy, and generally to crush and destroy them.? I have no idea that Brigham Young believes any such thing; but it is his policy to have it believed by his people. It is our policy to disabuse the people of this false impression. This false idea is a tower of strength for Brigham Young. Let us so act as to overthrow this tower. If we can remove this impression from the popular mind in Utah, Brigham Young will be shorn of a large portion of his strength. The people of Utah may proceed to the most desperate extremities if they believe that our purpose is to destroy them, that we arc naturally hostile to them, and are seizing upon pretexts to subjugate them. Let us pursue such a line of policy as will circumvent the policy of Brigham Young. Brigham Young wishes us to manifest nothing but the most settled hostility to the Mormons, in order to consolidate his power over them. Let us do exactly the thing he does not wish us to do. uet ub gu tu iue uiujuat verge ui uiuuerawuuj let us manifest our intentions of peace, of kindness, and generosity, in the most unmistakable manner to these people; let us, before a gun is fired, gain a moral victory over Brigham Young. That moral victory may supersede the necessity of resorting to force. If it does not accomplish that much, it will weaken the grasp of the Mormon hand upon the sword, and cannot but operate favorably to us in the progress of the struggle. The Mormons can only be stimulated to the resistance of desperation by having their minds poisoned as to the purposes of this Government. A resort to a peaceful policy will be the most effectual way of counteracting the diseased condition of the public mind in Utah. It has been forcibysaid, that "the pen is mightier than the sword." There is infinite truth in this, as expressive of the greater power of ideas over materialism. I would try the force of ideas on the Mormons before resorting to the scourge of humanity, the sword. Let our Government prevent itself to them in the image of a generous, kind, paternal and affectionate Government, anxious, if possible, to forgive even them ; and if thisfails, fhen let destiny take its course. But let us now suppose that all efforts to settle matters peaceably in Utah shall have failed, and that the sword must be drawn? that terrible instrument of the avenging Nemesis, which even Christianity has not been able to supersede; let us suppose that the sword must be restored to its old office of sprinkling the bosom of mother earth with the blood of the children of men ; what then ? There are two modes of prosecuting this war: 1st. By what I shall call offensive war, invasion, destruction, devastation. 2d. By cutting off all communication with Utah, piecing the Mormons in quaran IILIU, IClllUg UUUC UUUiU UUt a LIU UUUU gU lUf aDd guarding our trains of emigrants over the northern and southern routes. As regards the first mode, I shall say nothing of the distance of Utah from us, practically further than Europe, nor of the difficulty of carrying subsistence so far, nor of the difficult approaches through wild gorges in the mountains, nor of the army of fierce fanatics to be encouutered. I shall say nothing of all these, because such is my confidence in our indomitable army, that I believe we shall carry everytning before us, and plant our victorious standards in the heart of their sacred city. I grant you that we shall beat down the Mormon chivalry upon the plains of Utah. But what I fear is, that our greatest success will be our greatest disaster. The defeat of the Mormons will, I fear, be the dispersion of the Mormons through the boundless plains and vast mountain ranges of the middle of the continent. Once they are thus dispersed, they become a fierce banditti; every mountain gorge will resound with the crack of their unerring rifles. Their very women will give forth from their envenomed wombs a race of monsters more horrible than Milton describes as pursuing sin atthe gatesof hell. Confederated with the Indian tribes, a race of American Arabs, they will, become enemies of the human race. In vain will youi emigrant trains endeavor to cross the centre of the continent. The march of every train would be a succession of battles, and you will have upon your hands, for a hundred years, a perpetual war with bandits. Studj the physical geography of the globe, and nowhere else do you find a vast conformation of the earth's surface so well adapted to tribes of robbers as the great basin of the Salt Lake. I said in the beginning, that the immediate practical interest we had in the Mormon question was securing our emigrant routes to the Pacific. This interest, I fear, will be more endangered by a successful war against the Mormons than in any other way. We wish a railroad; we wish the telegraph wires to 'wreak themselves upon expression' through the centre of the continent- How can you accomplish either of these great ideas, after you have driven the Mormons in , desperation and fury to the mountains? My objection to offensive war is that, even if successful, it defeats, more completely than anything else, the very purpose we have in , view?securing our communications with the Pacific. The second mode of employing force against the Mormons, shutting them up in Utah, interrupting all communication with them, seems to me the wisest kind of force to adopt towards them, at least at first. By that mode, with proper criminal legislation, we may place the Mormons in such circuin- , stances as may make them willing to obey ( the laws. The only inconvenience this mode of procedure will cost us will be , some addition, perhaps, to our military strength, and a more circuitous route for our , emigrant trains. The question is not free from difficulty in any aspect. We should choose the least of evils. Let us try peaceful means if they be possible; then the iso- , lating process. If all fail, then, war outright will still be left to us. In the meantime, something may turn up in the chapter of events. Then may be a schism among the Mormons, or something else that may give us the opportunity of acting to more 1 advantage. There is one consideration should not be overlooked in this Mormon question. It is ' this: that the greatest danger to the integrity of the Mormon faith is prosperity. The greater their material, moral, intellectual development, the less hold a false faith will have upon them; the more likelihood of 1 woman asserting her divine mission among LI1CLL1. ?U auuib, L1JU LUUlC LlltiJ ueuuiuu civ- ' ilized, the less they are Mormons. This development will most certainly take place by peace. Mormonism may be eternal a- 1 mong nomadic tribes, Arabs, or bandits; it must perish out under the blaze of civilization. Prosperity will destroy Mormonism; : slowly, it may be, but certainly. The Turks, the Mormons of Europe, are perishing from contract with civilization. They only proclaim a great philosophical principle when the recognize that they are only camping on this side of the Bosphorus, and that it is their destiny to return into Asia. Ci- , vilization is death to Mohammedanism or Mormonism. Let us not lose sight of this consideration in determining our policy to- , wards the Mormons. Before I close, I would cite the House to : some remarks of Mr. Burke, in the British , Parliament, on the subject of coercing the American colonies. Mr. Burke, in his cele- ] brated speech on conciliation with the A- ( merican colonies, says: , "First, sir, permit me to observe that the < use of force alone is but temporary. It ! may subdue for a moment, but it does not i remove the necessity of subduing again; < and a nation is not governed which is per- I petually to be conquered." < Suppose you defeat the Mormons in a 1 series of battles, and they do not fly to the J mountains, but remain sullen, yielding an 1 enforced obedience under the shadow of their holy temple ; how long will that last? As soon as you have withdrawn your troops : they trample your authority under foot. It 1 will oe necessary to Keep a large military force permanently in Utah. Do you pro- ( pose to do this ? It will be a very expensive I operation. Again, Mr. Burke says: "We have no sort of experience in favor of force as an instrument in the rule of our colonies. Their growth and their utility have been owing to methods altogether different. The last cause of this disobedient spirit in the colonies is hardly less powerful than the rest, as it is not merely moral, but laid deep in the natural condition of things Three thousand miles of ocean lie between you and them. Mo contrivance can prevent the effect of this distance in weakening government. Seas roll, and months pass, between the order and the execution; and the want of a speedy explanation of a single point is enough to defeat a whole system.? You have, indeed, your winged ministers of vengeance who carry your bolts in their pounce# to the remotest verge of the sea.? But there is a power steps in, that limits the ' arrogance of raging passions and furious elements, and s&jr3, 'so far shalt thou go, and no further.' Who are you 'that you should fret and rage and bite the chains of nature?' Nothing worse happens to you than does to all nations who have extensive empire, and i it happens in all the forms into which em: pire can be thrown. In large bodies the circulation of power must be less vigorous ' at the extremities. Nature has said it. The Turk cannot govern Egypt and Arabia and ?<- V? a n koa ! VJtll UIBlilLlj US UC ^urciuo uiuou j uvi uoo he the same dominion in the Crimea and Algiers which he has a Brusa and Smyrna. Despotism itself is obliged to truck and huckster. The Sultan gets such obedience 1 as he can. He governs with a loose reign, that he may govern at all; and the whole , of the force and vigor of his authority in i his centre is derived from a prudent relaxation in all his borders. Spain in her proi vinces is perhaps not so well obeyed as you are in yours. She complies too, she sub- 1 mits, she watches time. This is the immu! table condition, the eternal law, of exteni sive and detached empire." 1 i I will not make the application of these I remarks to the present condition of affairs. I only commend them to the consideration i of this House and the country. This Mormon question is a great question. > It is not one of those oommon-plaoe matters |i which you can summarily dispose of. It is not a question of partisanship, but a question of statesmanship. You may turn from it, but there is Utah; there are the Mormons; there is the cancer on your body politic. How will you get rid of it? Will you strike at it with the sword ? Those rough remedies sometimes aggravate the disease. It needs, in my opinion, to be dealt with gently, and with consumate wisdom. With these remarks I leave the question, atleast for the present. UJisttlktteflits pairing BOOTS. Some wag furnishes the CinciDnatti Gazette with an essay on boots, from which we make some extracts: It would be great folly in me to pretend that I am acquainted with all varieties of boots, for they are as infinite and various as men. There is a manner of boot, I believe, as peculiar to every people, as their manner of speech or hand writing. Thus, there are nationalities of men and of boots; and there are individualities of men and of boots.? The German boot, a quaint mixture of solidity, profoundity and transceodalation, is as unlike the boot of the gallant, cowardly, virtuous, vicious, faithful, false, Irishmen, of whom love is said to be the soul, as those two peoples are unlike. The Frenchman's boot? 41 Long, narrow, light?the Gallic boot of love? A kind of cross between the boot and glove," Is only so when worn by a Frenchman, as their language is never French except when spoken by themselves. The English boot sympathises in all the prejudices of its wearer, and announces him everwhere, in a stifly, haughty, bullying fashion; while the American boot is full of vanity, pretence, pluck, dash, and humbug as the American himself. As to boot-individuality, you have but to go upon the street, to remark it on every man you meet. There is not any need that you should look further up than a man's foot to see whether he is proud, insolent, a vain, cruel, generous, kind, ruffianly or gentle! Tennyson, whom you quote to a weariness, Octavius Augustus, understood a very well that Maud's brother could never c have gorgonized her lover with a stony * British stare, had he not been at the same time, J "Leisurely tapping a glossy boot," ? which must have contemptuously inflicted * the lover's, slovenly misanthropic Welling tons. If you are a weak, undetermined 0 vascillating man, be sure your boot will be- ^ tray you; for to-day it will be sharply I enough, and to-morrow run down at the heel, E with a tendency to lop over, when set out- f side your door at night. If on the contrary ^ you are a strong, resolute man, your boots 0 will be miracles of self-respect, uprightness and brilliancy. ' The politicians's boot is observable for a F faintly audible, insinuating and conciliatory F screak, which it has learnt, by walking into office. Nothing can be more complaisant e than its lustre, which seems to be borrowed ^ from the boots of everybody else, and is yet J decidedly peculiar; and it is a boot capable 11 of assuming many different phrases of character, without ever ceasing to be shrewd, r careful and roticent. Sly boots! yet with a the failities common to boots and men; be- c lieving themselves inscrutable yet exhibiting their weakness to every philosophic eye. 1 Wc behold in them too plainly the man who has scrupled at noting that would advanoe F him; the shuffling foe, the false friend, the c dangerous ally. Withal they are boots that y baffle verbal description, and perhaps they ^ could no more be painted than "a dying t groan " The editor's boots! what stories of unre- E quited labor, thankless striving, wasted ? health, are written in every seam and y wrinkle! They are never bright, like the ^ boots of other men, even on a Sunday; and ^ they have a quick, nervous, eagerlook, that ^ betrays their wearer's anxiety to make an ar- F tide or an item out of everything they bring ^ him upon. I cannot regard such boots J without emotions of the most painful kind; c for to me the mute leather is eloquent of an insane devotion to a calling that wears out soul and body?nor makes robust the purse; c of long nights of scribbling and scissoring; fl of wanderings among uncouth people and strange places; of singular sacrifice of self ? fnr t.hp snip sntisfantinn nf hsincr holil on. ^ swerable for unanswerable articles. 1 As I hH said before, boots are as infinite in their variety as men; and it were as vain c to attempt to classify them. Indeed, there 8 is one boot, (never on the right leg,) which 8 might, of itself, form the text of a sermon. c It is often seen on the backs of seats in the a pit of the theatre, where it disputes popular 4 applause with the darling actress of the c hour; it is frequently heard to tap snatches 8 of tune on the door-steps of saloons, and to 1 perform extempore and fragmentary shuffles r within saloons. It is a shabby, dashing 8 boot, patched and run down, yet with an ir- 8 resistible expression of good fellowship 8 about it; and, indeed, it belongs to a man * who is known as a good-hearted fellow among his acquaintances?a weak, kind, wellnatured creature, hurting no one but himself; honest when he may be, and always 0 generous and partly drunk. Such a boot ^ wore Dick Swiveller, and such men will al- 8 ways be known by such boots. ~ Then there is a calm, negative, methodical boot, as unwordly as it is coldly-con- ' ceited and self-conscious, small, but not a Bharply, thin, but not flexible, which is only c to be found on a certain species of olergy- 0 men?a man of whom you feel, when you . see him, that he is only chaste because stoner only gentle because afraid. ^ "With lips depressed, as he were meek, j Himself unto himself he sold; f . Upon himself himself did feed; L Quiet, dispationate, and cold." I should weary you, were I to animadvert at equal length upoa the farmer's hoots, i yellow and coarse, and stiffened and de'ormed by "sore labor;' the merchants' joot, solid, smooth and respectable; the vagabond's boot, exaggerated in its raggediess, run-downness, and redolent with the mwholcsome presence of nnwashed feet; :he lover's boot, pinching and pretty, dashng and cruel; the father's boots, that seem .0 have been made to play mnsic upon tho lorae-threshhold; the grandsire's boot, saralytic, tottering, broad and slow. BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN. An interesting article in the January No. >f the University Magazine?the materials 'or which we suppose were furnished by Gov. Swain?is devoted to a sketch of the life ind character of Col. James Williams, one >f the five commanders at King's Mountain, ind the only one of them who fell in the ;lorious victory. After devotiog ten pages o the subject, the writer closes as follows: ?JNo man has ever seen?no man will ever ee?a King's Mountain muster roll. None iver existed. The followers of Fitz James md Rhoderic Dhu, with few exceptions, can >e individualized by history with as much lertainty as the gallant men who answered he silver whistle of Ferguson with the death lefying shout of Williams and the echoing roice of a thousand rides. It is perhaps impossible to show with much lertainty, not merely who they were, but vhenee they came. Col. Preston, in his iddress at the anniversary celebration of L855, supposes the little army to have been composed 'of men, nearly in equal numbers rora Virginia, North Carolina and South Carolina.' If North Carolina had been as ully and as ably represented at the Celebraion as in the battle field?at the feast as in he fight?we would probably have had a liferent estimate. "Leave slaughter to the Turkish hordes, And shed the blood of Soio's vein." It appears from official accounts of the batle, recently exhumed by Mr. Lossing^ from he papers of Gen. Gates, that on the 25th if September 1780, Col. Campbell with400 Virginians, Col. Isaac Shelby with 240 men rom Washington county, N. C., assembled a *i '? in it uvouga, rrucic Lucy were joiaea oj VjOI. Charles McDowell with 160 men from Barke ind Rutherford. They begun the march icross the mountain on the 26th, and the 10th, on the Catawba, their forces were augnented by the addition of 250 men from Vilkes and Surry, under Col. Cleveland. rVhen they reached the Cowpens on the 6th )ctober, they were met by Col. James Wiliams. At the time the junotion was formid with Williams, the army was composed 400 Virginians under Campbell, and 990 forth Carolinians under Shelby, Sevier, Mc)owell and Cleveland. From these 1390 oen from Virginia and North Carolina, and rom William's regiment, 900 of the best torsemen were selected for the attack and m the following day the victory was won. The number of men who fought under Villiams, will never be ascertained, and the proportion from South Carolina, is a matter perhaps of still greater uncertainty. The authority to raise a company of mouqtd men in Caswell, indicates one element of Villiams's regiment. The father of the Ion. Anderson Mitchell, of Wilkes, was a aember of the Caswell company. The second ascertainable element of this egiment is the sixty men under Hambright nd Chronicle, from then Tyron, now Lincoln ounty. The third (perhaps) about 30 Georgians, inder Major Chandler and Capt. Johnson. The fourth South Carolinians, in wnat proportion we are unable to state with much ODfidence of accuracy. General Lenoir, rho fought as a Captain under Cleveland in .is account of the battle casually remarks bat, <The advanced party of mountain infantry ioin? iAinn/1 V?TT PAI uIIIKAWA viu^ jwiuvu %jj vui ?t iiiiaviOj wii/U a icw South Carolina militia, in the evening arrired at the place called Cowpens in South Carolina,' &c. The South Carolinians unler Williams were doubtless the elite of the State, probably from the Waxhaw in larger iroportion than any other settlement, and >raver men than these, who with the infant rackson were nurtured in the military sohool if Davie, were nowhere to be found. A Curious Wedding.?The New York lorrespondent of the Charleston Courier ays: An interesting wedding took place a few lays since between a Mr. Henry B. Melrille and Mrs. Sarah K. Seymour. The )arties have both been married before, and iach have a family of seven children?those >f the gentleman comprising six daughters ind a son, and those of the lady six sons ind daughter. The sons acted on the ootasion as groomsmen to their future father, ind the daughters acted as bridesmaids to heir future mother. The whole fourteen ihildren dressed alike according to their ex, entered the church arm in arm, and anged themselves on either side of their paents, who are both remarkably handsome ind looked superb. The bride is wealthy, ind was dressed in pearl color colored moire mtique, with costly laces, and diamond iroach and bracelet. t&* A traveler in Palestine says that not ar from the probable site where the sermon n the Mount was delivered, our guide luoked two flowers supposed to be of that pecies to which our Lord alluded when he aid: " Consider the lilies of the field."?* ?he calyx of this lily resembles crimson el vet, and the gorgeous flower was of white nd lilac, and truly no earthly monarch ould be " arrayed" more gloriously than ne of these. 19* Nothing was so much dreaded in oar ohool days as to be punished by sitting be* ween two girls, Ah, the force of education, n after years we learn to submit to such ndignitiea without sheding a tear. g^, Justice is a virtue of the mind, reward* eg all men aeeordiitg to their