Yorkville enquirer. [volume] (Yorkville, S.C.) 1855-2006, March 25, 1858, Image 1
lewis m. grist, proprietor. J An Independent Journal: For the Promotion of the Pohtical, Social, Agricultural aud Commercial Interests of the South. |?2 per ahnitm, in advahcb.
VOL. 4. YOEKYILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, MABCH 35,1858. NO. 13.
Cjroicc |joeirg.
From the Miasissippian.
WHY THEY PARTED.
BY SALL1E AIU BEEDY.
No sunbeam ever wandered o'er a bank bestrewed l
with pearls,
And left a foot print brighter than those gold-besprinkled
curls;
No cloud of stormy darkness ever stfept the summer
skies,
Darker than the sorrow floating through those blue,
blue dreamy eyes;
Oh! grief was very dainty, when she made that 1
brow her scroll,
And drew her fitful record from that maiden's
guileless soul.
The moonlight falling through the leaves and on '
those twilight tears I
Revealed an eye uplifted?looking earnestly in
hers;
She knew the secret of that glance; what woman
e er misioos
The thought that has no eloquence beyond a gentle ,
look ?
She knew no angel ever wooed and won his earthly
bride,
With love more passionate than his who trembled
close beside ;
She knew no unkind ocean ever spread its pathless
ways
With desolation like to that which marked their
separate days;
She listened calmly to his words?it is no time for
tears l
When passion in one moment crowds the life of
many years.
"Thou hast not known how I have loved?
Perchance will never know; <
The stream whose surface seems unmoved
Has living tides below ;
Bright rays from out the summer sky
May light that upward wave?
The stream's most precious jewels lie ,
Deep in some hidden cave;
And I have never breathed thy name,
The world had else reproved,
Or linked it with some withering shame
Because thou art beloved,
For lips have momently effaced,
With most ungentle art, !
Some record never more retraced
Upon the blighted heart.
I have not thought of thee as one
To share the ills of life,
To be my joy when there was none,
In all the world's dull strife;
The dear companion side by side
On love's all buoyant sea,
To strengthen when my soul was tried
As it henceforth must be.
I would not have thee watch and wait,
And worship at a shrine
Pursued by that relentless fate,
That mocks the flame of mine.
But thou shalt be a secret thought?
The jewel all unseen?
The one remembrance of what
My life with thee had been.
And when no other presence mars
The dream that fills my heart,
I'll tell unto the quiet stars
How wildly dear thou art.
Their geutle light would never chide
Nor would their smile grow less ;
'Tis left for mortals to deride
What heaven would own and bless.
Thus let it be! I care not now
That other griefs arise,
They cannot sear this aching brow
Like tears frctn those dear eyes.
And future years shall never wring
An aooent of thy name?
Thou art the one beloved thing
The world shall never claim."
She & pressure on her brow?she heard a hasty
tread
Upon the autumn leaves that lay around her cold
and dead?
Dead as the hopes within her heart?dry as the
dust that fell
Upon the flowers of feeling, crushed in that unblest
farewell;
They met no more, and she became in those dull
after years
That strangest thing we meet in life?a woman
?i
And when they told her of his life, they spoke of
him as one
Too strongly wedded to a grief his pride repealed
to none.
February. 1838.
political.
REMARKS OF HO*. W. W. BOYCE,
On Mormon Affairs, in the House of Representatives,
on Thursday, March 11,1858.
Mr. Boycc.?Mr. Chairman, I consider
the question of coercing the Mormons of
Utah, involved in the bill to increase the army,
as one of the gravest nature. This singular
people, the wonder and approbrium of
the age, have established themselves in the
heart of this continent, at a vast distance
from the civilized world, and separated from
it by vast deserts and mountains. Their
voluntary exodus from the Christian world,
their selection of the great central basin for
the seat of their power, their peculiar system
of religion, their domestic institutions,
so opposed to the spirit of the age, their singular
unanimity of action?all excite our
astonishment. Whatever else we may think,
there is one thing we must all perceive, that
they are actuated by the fiercest fanaticism.
They are, what we have not recently seen in
the civilized world, an entire community of
fanatics. It has been apprehended, from their
first development in Utah, that we would
have trouble with them, and the apprehension
is now being realized. Mr. Fillmore
has been a good deal censured for permitting
their great leader, Brigham Young, to
act as Governor of the Territory. This was
xl :.L AT- k.,* -?c?U
not lilt; WISH Ui jll. JL 1I1LL1VIC, UUI< Hit ItOUlU
of a supposed political necessity. Perhaps
it would have been wiser to have met the
question then, for it has only been postponed,
and comes up for a solution now, when they
are far stronger than they were then. The
same considerations of political necessity
acting on Mr. Fillmore acted also on Mr.
Pierce, and Brigham Young was permitted
to remain in office as Governor. The public
mind of the United States, during the administration
of Mr Pierce, seemed to become
fixed in opposition to the retention of
Brigham Young in power by the Federal
Government. One of the political parties
of the country, in the recent Presidential
election, made opposition to the Mormons
one of the planks in their political platform.
Influenced, perhaps, in some degree, by the
laudable desire of meeting the wishes of the
country, and, also, I have uo doubt, upon
general views of public policy, the present
Administration determined to supersede Brigham
Young as Governor, and appointed Mr.
Cumming to the position, a gentleman well
fitted for the place.
During the period that Brigham Young
had been allowed to act as Governor, though
we had some cause of complaint, yet there
was no general revolt against the authority
of the United States. Having things pretty
much their own way, the Mormons seemed
formally to submit to our authority. Individual
Gentiles complained of bad treatment;
some of the Government officials in the Territory
also complained; but a formal obedience
was kept up. The emigrant trains to
California passed through Utah, as a general
rule, undisturbed. But recently matters
have changed. The effort upon the part of
our Government to put Governor Cumming
in authority has been resisted by force, and
we appear to be on the eve of a war with
the Mormons. A portion of the army, with
Governor Cumming, are in the mountains of
Utah, waiting for reinforcements with which
to begin their march; and put the question
to the arbitrament of the sword. This is a
sad spectacle in a Republic, and demands
our serious consideratiou.
The question is before us now, what shall
we do with the Mormons? We must decide
upon it; we cannot postpone it if we would.
Fortunately, it is a question with which nothing
of sectionalism mingles. The laws of
Utah, it is true, recognise and provide for
slavery, but there are no slaves there. Utah
while it is technically a slave community, is
actually a free community. The President
of the United States has simply undertaken
to perform his duty in seeing chat the laws
are executed in Utah. He has no power to
institute a policy, though he may suggest
one; he can only enforce the laws as they
exist. It is for Congress to determine the
policy to be pursued in reference to these
people. Whatever that policy may be, I
have no doubt the President will carry it out,
as far as it depends upon him, and is possible.
War, even with a foreign nation, is a grave
matter; not to be gone into inconsiderately.
But domestic war, upon a portion of our
own people, even if they be fanatics, mad<V>rtlo
roViolo trnifrnrs is a matter of far
lU^U) &V\SSO} tVWVIW| w?M?vviwj ? ? ?
graver importance. The genius of our Government
in its internal relations, is peace.?
It is presumed that the laws will enforce
themselves; that the people will submit to
the laws. Though force is not excluded from
our system, yet it is considered a sad al'crnative,
only to be resorted to in the last extremity.
Such a condition of affairs as exists
in Utah was, I apprehend, never considered
as possible by the framers of the Constitution.
That a whole people should rise
in arms and defy the central Government in
the exercise of its undoubted authority,
without even a plausible pretext, never entered
iuto their minds. They had no conception
that an American Mohammed would
rise up in the United Statesin the middle of
the nineteenth century and promulgate a
new dispensation, made up of Christianity
and Oriental sensuality, which should fascinate
multitudes, and establish a distinct nationality
in the bosom of the Rocky Mountains.
The condition of Utah, then, is one
which, while it has no precedent in our history,
will, I trust, for the sake of humanity,
have no imitation.
Before we undertake to determine what we
should do in reference to the Mormons, it is
necessary that we should understand precisely
what we wish to accomplish, the benefit
to be attained, or the evil to be averted.?
Utah is settled almost exclusively by Mormons;
thcri is scarcely a handful of Gentiles?as
those arc called who do not adopt
their faith?there. So far as good government,
order and obedience to law is concerned
in Utah among the Mormons it is a matter
of very small importance to us, except
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VUi VtIV UVCiib IT V UU) v bllUU V I VII
the Mormons should prosper. But as that
region of country is not now wanted for settlement
by our citizens generally other than
Mormons, and is not likely to be wanted for
an indefinite period, we would have no special
motive to exert our power to restore order,
so far as the interests of the inhabitants
of that region may be concerned. If, therefore,
Utah, instead of being in the centre of
the continent, on the highway of our emigration
to the Pacific, were in some other portion
of our dominion not traversed by emigrants,
we might feel under no necessity to
concern ourselves about their proceedings,
no more than we do about remote tribes of
Indians. But the local position of Utah,
the fact that our great emigration trains to
the Pacific coast must necessarily pass through'
Utah, or make a considerable detour to the
north or to the south, invests the condition
of affairs in Utah with great practical importance
to us. So far as the people of
Utah are concerned, we might, without loss
to ourselves, abandon them to their own anarchy
or madness. The only practical aspect
of the case of immediate interest is the
necessity we are under of preserving undisturbed
our communications through the middle
route to our Pacific possessions. It seems
to me that this is the extent of our present
practical interest in the question. If all
Utah were to transform itself into Pandemonium,
it would not materially affect us,
provided our communications were left undisturbed.
While we should, of course, desire
to see order in Utah, yet no degree oi
disorder would at all disturb us, except ic
the single matter of having our communications
disturbed. This is, I think, fairly
stating the extent of the preseut practical in
terests wc have in the Utah question; it is
to continue the central route, open andundis
turbed to the Pacific.
There are two modes of solving the Mor
uion question?first, by peaceful means
second, by force. There can be no doub
that the first mode is infinitely the best, if i
can be made efficacious. The peaceful mod<
is more congenial to the spirit of our insti
tutions. Our Government is, and should b<
reluctant to draw the sword against any por
tion of the people. It is dangerous to inau
gurate the reign of the sword in our llepub
lie. The great leading ideaupo^ which oui
Government proceeds, is that all governmen
rests on the consent of the governed. Whils
on the one hand we have not been able entirely
to ignore tile sword in enforcing the
laws, yet we should be very careful not to
proceed to this fatul extremity except under
the most imperative necessity. The Spanish
Republics on this continent could never settle
any dispute without the sword. The result
is they are all dying out from :he fatal
effect of their own violence. For my part,
I shall be sorry to see a question involving
the fate of so large a portion of our population
as this Utah question, incapable of any
other solution than civil war. We have had
two rebellions in our history; the firs-,, Shay's
rebellion in Massachusetts during r.he Confederation,
and the Whiskey Insurrection in
Pennsplvania, since the formation of the existing
Constitution. In both of these instances
order was finally restored without the
effusion of blood. Massachusetts, bv a course
t y
of singular prudence and firmness, succeeded
in subjugating their rebels without a battle
; though hostile armies were actually in
the field.
It became the duty of Gen. Washington,
the then President, to deal with the Pennsylvania
insurgents. In reading the history
of that period, we are struck with the forbearance
with which Washington treated the
insurgents. He sent commissioners to remonstrate
with them, and exerted every possible
means tosolve the difficulty by a peaceful
solution. When all peaceful means
seemed to have failed, he displayed a strong
military force, and advanced against the insurgents
with the power of the Government,
still tendering peace. The result justified
the wisdom of Washington. The supremacy
of the law was established without bloodshed.
General Washington was a man of
profound wisdom; though it was an easy
matter for the Government to beat down the
rebellion, and extinguish it in the blood of
the insurgents, yet he knew that the Government
could not strike any portion of the
people without wounding itself. The same
grave consideration which made Gen. Washington
reluctant to shed the blood of mis
guiaea men in x'eonsjivaoia, maKe:i mo aus.ious,
if possible, to avoid the calamity in
Utah. I am unwilling, if it can possibly be
avoided, to put a whole community of our
people to the sword, great as their errors or
as their crimes may be. It is a dangerous
precedent. I would avoid it if possible. I
fear its consequences.
Peaceful solution costs nothing; whereas
war will entail an expenditure of the most
astonishing amount. It will be the most expensive
military expedition, to the force employed,
ever set on foot in modern times.?
Utah is eleven hundred miles from the Missouri
; a land passage through an uncultivated
wilderness; a portion of the way through
desertsand difficult mountains. Subsistence
will have to be carried by wagons from the
Missouri; even the animals with the army
cannot be 'sustained at all seasons along the
route by the native grasses. The expedition
of Napoleon to Moscow has been looked
upon as a great folly. Yet Moscow was only
five hundred miles from Napoleon's supplies
in Poland. It will take tons of gold to sup
port our troops in Utah. The expense of
the army there will, I believe, amount to
S3,000 per man for the year. The Seminole
war cost something in the neighborhood of
one hundred milliou dollars. The Seminole
war was a war with a few hundred savages,
in a country easily approachable by sea, and
to which supplies could be readily carried.
A war with the Mormons will have to be
carried on at a vast distance from our supplies,
eleven hundred miles, againsta people
mad with fanaticism, and able to bring ten
thousand fighting men into the field. It is
* ? A I* * * A I *% ill A iimn mnp AP
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Florida; but they have the mountains and
boundless plains, and vast desert steppes of
Utah. To prosecute successfully the war in
Utah will require an expenditure absolutely
astounding. I say, then, that the peaceful
adjustment of this difficulty is a great economy.
The peaceful mode of solving the Mormon
question is the most conformable to humanity.
No one wishes to shed the blood of this
misguided people. However great may be
their errors or their crimes, they are still a
portion of our people, entitled to our protection
and good offices. To devastate their
country and shed their blood, cannot but be
a most painful alternative. A government
glorifies itself on the victories gained by its
armies over a foreign foe; it regrets those I
gained over its own people. It erects triumphal
arches to perpetuate the memory of
the first: it draws a veil of oblivion over the
second. When we consider the infinite miseries
we shall inflict upon the people of Utah
by an offensive war, we cannot but deplore
the necessity, and if possible, endeavor to
avoid it. If we could punish the guilty
leaders alone, it would be well enough; but
we canuot reach them, except by destroying
, a vast number of their misguided followers.
As a matter of humanity, then, we should
be glad to escape from the necessity of ma,
king war upon this people.
, The peaceful solution of the question,
besides the advantages I have already inen
tioned, is also by far the most efficacious.?
f If we can restore order in Utah without
i bloodshed, then we will have accomplished
all we desire. Law and order will reign
r there; we will have avoided all the evils
and sacrifices ol" war, and secured the object
: we have in view; the rebellion will have
- ceased to exist, and our communications will
be open and undisturbed to the Pacific It
- is evident, then, that the peaceful solution
; of the question is the best, if it be possible,
t The material question, then, in this regard,
t is whether this peaceful solution be possible?
3 If it be possible, we should resort to it.
How is it possible? This can never be
3 known until the experiment is fairly made.
- I am not sanguine that it would succeed,
- but still I do not see why it should not; at
- any rate, it is worth while to make the efr
fort. One advantage of this mode is, that
t if you try it, aud fail, then force is still open
t to you. Whereas, if you try force first,
and fail, in vain will you resort to negotiation
; force failing, you have no other resource
but acquiescence in defeat.
Mankind are usually controlled by their
interests. The Mormons are scarcely exempt
from the operation of this universal
principle. It is clearly their interest to adjust
their difficulties with this Government
peacefully. They cannot but realize the
fact, that if we exert our power against them
we must drive them before us, destroy their
cities, and inflict a multitude of evils upon
them. Besides even the injuries we may
iuflict upon them by actual war in their
country, we can subject them to great inconvenience,
by cutting off all trade with them,
thus interrupting the supply of many articles
of prime necessity. Furthermore, the cornerstone
of their policy is addition to their
power by foreign immigration, which we can
entirely cut off from them. Besides, our
annual appropriations for their territorial
government is a very convenient addition to
their income. From these considrations,
and others which will naturally suggest
themselves, it is clearly the interest of the
Mormons to listen to reason, especially when
that reason is backed by the great power of
n j. t ii r a _
our VJUYCIuLLJclit* 1 LU1U&, LliUItJiUre, LUC
prospects of success is sufficiently great to
induce us to resort to negotiations with this
people. The wisdom of resorting to pacific
measures first is sustained by another view
of the case. Brigham Young has impressed
the Mormons with the idea that this Government
wishes to interfere with their religion,
to punish them for their polygamy,
and generally to crush and destroy them.?
I have no idea that Brigham Young believes
any such thing; but it is his policy to have
it believed by his people. It is our policy to
disabuse the people of this false impression.
This false idea is a tower of strength for
Brigham Young. Let us so act as to overthrow
this tower. If we can remove this
impression from the popular mind in Utah,
Brigham Young will be shorn of a large
portion of his strength. The people of
Utah may proceed to the most desperate extremities
if they believe that our purpose is
to destroy them, that we arc naturally hostile
to them, and are seizing upon pretexts
to subjugate them. Let us pursue such a
line of policy as will circumvent the policy
of Brigham Young. Brigham Young wishes
us to manifest nothing but the most settled
hostility to the Mormons, in order to
consolidate his power over them. Let us do
exactly the thing he does not wish us to do.
uet ub gu tu iue uiujuat verge ui uiuuerawuuj
let us manifest our intentions of peace, of
kindness, and generosity, in the most unmistakable
manner to these people; let us,
before a gun is fired, gain a moral victory
over Brigham Young. That moral victory
may supersede the necessity of resorting to
force. If it does not accomplish that much,
it will weaken the grasp of the Mormon
hand upon the sword, and cannot but operate
favorably to us in the progress of the
struggle. The Mormons can only be stimulated
to the resistance of desperation by
having their minds poisoned as to the purposes
of this Government. A resort to a
peaceful policy will be the most effectual
way of counteracting the diseased condition
of the public mind in Utah. It has been
forcibysaid, that "the pen is mightier than
the sword." There is infinite truth in this,
as expressive of the greater power of ideas
over materialism. I would try the force of
ideas on the Mormons before resorting to the
scourge of humanity, the sword. Let our
Government prevent itself to them in the
image of a generous, kind, paternal and affectionate
Government, anxious, if possible,
to forgive even them ; and if thisfails, fhen
let destiny take its course.
But let us now suppose that all efforts to
settle matters peaceably in Utah shall have
failed, and that the sword must be drawn?
that terrible instrument of the avenging
Nemesis, which even Christianity has not
been able to supersede; let us suppose that
the sword must be restored to its old office
of sprinkling the bosom of mother earth
with the blood of the children of men ;
what then ? There are two modes of prosecuting
this war:
1st. By what I shall call offensive war,
invasion, destruction, devastation.
2d. By cutting off all communication
with Utah, piecing the Mormons in quaran
IILIU, IClllUg UUUC UUUiU UUt a LIU UUUU gU lUf
aDd guarding our trains of emigrants over
the northern and southern routes.
As regards the first mode, I shall say
nothing of the distance of Utah from us,
practically further than Europe, nor of the
difficulty of carrying subsistence so far, nor
of the difficult approaches through wild
gorges in the mountains, nor of the army of
fierce fanatics to be encouutered. I shall
say nothing of all these, because such is my
confidence in our indomitable army, that I
believe we shall carry everytning before us,
and plant our victorious standards in the
heart of their sacred city. I grant you that
we shall beat down the Mormon chivalry
upon the plains of Utah. But what I fear
is, that our greatest success will be our
greatest disaster. The defeat of the Mormons
will, I fear, be the dispersion of the
Mormons through the boundless plains and
vast mountain ranges of the middle of the
continent. Once they are thus dispersed,
they become a fierce banditti; every mountain
gorge will resound with the crack of
their unerring rifles. Their very women will
give forth from their envenomed wombs a
race of monsters more horrible than Milton
describes as pursuing sin atthe gatesof hell.
Confederated with the Indian tribes, a race
of American Arabs, they will, become enemies
of the human race. In vain will youi
emigrant trains endeavor to cross the centre
of the continent. The march of every train
would be a succession of battles, and you
will have upon your hands, for a hundred
years, a perpetual war with bandits. Studj
the physical geography of the globe, and
nowhere else do you find a vast conformation
of the earth's surface so well adapted to
tribes of robbers as the great basin of the
Salt Lake.
I said in the beginning, that the immediate
practical interest we had in the Mormon
question was securing our emigrant
routes to the Pacific. This interest, I fear,
will be more endangered by a successful war
against the Mormons than in any other way.
We wish a railroad; we wish the telegraph
wires to 'wreak themselves upon expression'
through the centre of the continent- How
can you accomplish either of these great
ideas, after you have driven the Mormons in ,
desperation and fury to the mountains? My
objection to offensive war is that, even if
successful, it defeats, more completely than
anything else, the very purpose we have in ,
view?securing our communications with
the Pacific.
The second mode of employing force
against the Mormons, shutting them up in
Utah, interrupting all communication with
them, seems to me the wisest kind of force
to adopt towards them, at least at first. By
that mode, with proper criminal legislation,
we may place the Mormons in such circuin- ,
stances as may make them willing to obey (
the laws. The only inconvenience this
mode of procedure will cost us will be ,
some addition, perhaps, to our military
strength, and a more circuitous route for our ,
emigrant trains. The question is not free
from difficulty in any aspect. We should
choose the least of evils. Let us try peaceful
means if they be possible; then the iso- ,
lating process. If all fail, then, war outright
will still be left to us. In the meantime,
something may turn up in the chapter
of events. Then may be a schism among
the Mormons, or something else that may
give us the opportunity of acting to more 1
advantage.
There is one consideration should not be
overlooked in this Mormon question. It is '
this: that the greatest danger to the integrity
of the Mormon faith is prosperity. The
greater their material, moral, intellectual
development, the less hold a false faith will
have upon them; the more likelihood of 1
woman asserting her divine mission among
LI1CLL1. ?U auuib, L1JU LUUlC LlltiJ ueuuiuu civ- '
ilized, the less they are Mormons. This
development will most certainly take place
by peace. Mormonism may be eternal a- 1
mong nomadic tribes, Arabs, or bandits; it
must perish out under the blaze of civilization.
Prosperity will destroy Mormonism; :
slowly, it may be, but certainly. The
Turks, the Mormons of Europe, are perishing
from contract with civilization. They
only proclaim a great philosophical principle
when the recognize that they are only camping
on this side of the Bosphorus, and that
it is their destiny to return into Asia. Ci- ,
vilization is death to Mohammedanism or
Mormonism. Let us not lose sight of this
consideration in determining our policy to- ,
wards the Mormons.
Before I close, I would cite the House to :
some remarks of Mr. Burke, in the British ,
Parliament, on the subject of coercing the
American colonies. Mr. Burke, in his cele- ]
brated speech on conciliation with the A- (
merican colonies, says: ,
"First, sir, permit me to observe that the <
use of force alone is but temporary. It !
may subdue for a moment, but it does not i
remove the necessity of subduing again; <
and a nation is not governed which is per- I
petually to be conquered." <
Suppose you defeat the Mormons in a 1
series of battles, and they do not fly to the J
mountains, but remain sullen, yielding an 1
enforced obedience under the shadow of
their holy temple ; how long will that last?
As soon as you have withdrawn your troops :
they trample your authority under foot. It 1
will oe necessary to Keep a large military
force permanently in Utah. Do you pro- (
pose to do this ? It will be a very expensive I
operation.
Again, Mr. Burke says:
"We have no sort of experience in favor
of force as an instrument in the rule of our
colonies. Their growth and their utility
have been owing to methods altogether different.
The last cause of this disobedient
spirit in the colonies is hardly less powerful
than the rest, as it is not merely moral, but
laid deep in the natural condition of things
Three thousand miles of ocean lie between
you and them. Mo contrivance can prevent
the effect of this distance in weakening
government. Seas roll, and months pass,
between the order and the execution; and
the want of a speedy explanation of a single
point is enough to defeat a whole system.?
You have, indeed, your winged ministers of
vengeance who carry your bolts in their
pounce# to the remotest verge of the sea.?
But there is a power steps in, that limits the
' arrogance of raging passions and furious elements,
and s&jr3, 'so far shalt thou go, and
no further.' Who are you 'that you should
fret and rage and bite the chains of nature?'
Nothing worse happens to you than does to
all nations who have extensive empire, and
i it happens in all the forms into which em:
pire can be thrown. In large bodies the
circulation of power must be less vigorous
' at the extremities. Nature has said it. The
Turk cannot govern Egypt and Arabia and
?<- V? a n koa
! VJtll UIBlilLlj US UC ^urciuo uiuou j uvi uoo
he the same dominion in the Crimea and
Algiers which he has a Brusa and Smyrna.
Despotism itself is obliged to truck and
huckster. The Sultan gets such obedience 1
as he can. He governs with a loose reign,
that he may govern at all; and the whole
, of the force and vigor of his authority in
i his centre is derived from a prudent relaxation
in all his borders. Spain in her proi
vinces is perhaps not so well obeyed as you
are in yours. She complies too, she sub- 1
mits, she watches time. This is the immu!
table condition, the eternal law, of exteni
sive and detached empire." 1
i I will not make the application of these
I remarks to the present condition of affairs.
I only commend them to the consideration
i of this House and the country.
This Mormon question is a great question.
> It is not one of those oommon-plaoe matters |i
which you can summarily dispose of. It is
not a question of partisanship, but a question
of statesmanship. You may turn from
it, but there is Utah; there are the Mormons;
there is the cancer on your body
politic. How will you get rid of it? Will
you strike at it with the sword ? Those
rough remedies sometimes aggravate the
disease. It needs, in my opinion, to be
dealt with gently, and with consumate wisdom.
With these remarks I leave the question,
atleast for the present.
UJisttlktteflits pairing
BOOTS.
Some wag furnishes the CinciDnatti Gazette
with an essay on boots, from which we
make some extracts:
It would be great folly in me to pretend
that I am acquainted with all varieties of
boots, for they are as infinite and various as
men. There is a manner of boot, I believe,
as peculiar to every people, as their manner
of speech or hand writing. Thus, there are
nationalities of men and of boots; and there
are individualities of men and of boots.?
The German boot, a quaint mixture of
solidity, profoundity and transceodalation,
is as unlike the boot of the gallant, cowardly,
virtuous, vicious, faithful, false, Irishmen,
of whom love is said to be the soul,
as those two peoples are unlike. The
Frenchman's boot?
41 Long, narrow, light?the Gallic boot of love?
A kind of cross between the boot and glove,"
Is only so when worn by a Frenchman, as
their language is never French except when
spoken by themselves. The English boot
sympathises in all the prejudices of its
wearer, and announces him everwhere, in a
stifly, haughty, bullying fashion; while the
American boot is full of vanity, pretence,
pluck, dash, and humbug as the American
himself.
As to boot-individuality, you have but to
go upon the street, to remark it on every
man you meet. There is not any need that
you should look further up than a man's
foot to see whether he is proud, insolent, a
vain, cruel, generous, kind, ruffianly or
gentle! Tennyson, whom you quote to a
weariness, Octavius Augustus, understood a
very well that Maud's brother could never c
have gorgonized her lover with a stony *
British stare, had he not been at the same
time, J
"Leisurely tapping a glossy boot," ?
which must have contemptuously inflicted *
the lover's, slovenly misanthropic Welling
tons. If you are a weak, undetermined 0
vascillating man, be sure your boot will be- ^
tray you; for to-day it will be sharply I
enough, and to-morrow run down at the heel, E
with a tendency to lop over, when set out- f
side your door at night. If on the contrary ^
you are a strong, resolute man, your boots 0
will be miracles of self-respect, uprightness
and brilliancy. '
The politicians's boot is observable for a F
faintly audible, insinuating and conciliatory F
screak, which it has learnt, by walking into
office. Nothing can be more complaisant e
than its lustre, which seems to be borrowed ^
from the boots of everybody else, and is yet J
decidedly peculiar; and it is a boot capable 11
of assuming many different phrases of character,
without ever ceasing to be shrewd, r
careful and roticent. Sly boots! yet with a
the failities common to boots and men; be- c
lieving themselves inscrutable yet exhibiting
their weakness to every philosophic eye. 1
Wc behold in them too plainly the man who
has scrupled at noting that would advanoe F
him; the shuffling foe, the false friend, the c
dangerous ally. Withal they are boots that y
baffle verbal description, and perhaps they ^
could no more be painted than "a dying t
groan "
The editor's boots! what stories of unre- E
quited labor, thankless striving, wasted ?
health, are written in every seam and y
wrinkle! They are never bright, like the ^
boots of other men, even on a Sunday; and ^
they have a quick, nervous, eagerlook, that ^
betrays their wearer's anxiety to make an ar- F
tide or an item out of everything they bring ^
him upon. I cannot regard such boots J
without emotions of the most painful kind; c
for to me the mute leather is eloquent of an
insane devotion to a calling that wears out
soul and body?nor makes robust the purse; c
of long nights of scribbling and scissoring; fl
of wanderings among uncouth people and
strange places; of singular sacrifice of self ?
fnr t.hp snip sntisfantinn nf hsincr holil on. ^
swerable for unanswerable articles. 1
As I hH said before, boots are as infinite
in their variety as men; and it were as vain c
to attempt to classify them. Indeed, there 8
is one boot, (never on the right leg,) which 8
might, of itself, form the text of a sermon. c
It is often seen on the backs of seats in the a
pit of the theatre, where it disputes popular 4
applause with the darling actress of the c
hour; it is frequently heard to tap snatches 8
of tune on the door-steps of saloons, and to 1
perform extempore and fragmentary shuffles r
within saloons. It is a shabby, dashing 8
boot, patched and run down, yet with an ir- 8
resistible expression of good fellowship 8
about it; and, indeed, it belongs to a man *
who is known as a good-hearted fellow among
his acquaintances?a weak, kind, wellnatured
creature, hurting no one but himself;
honest when he may be, and always 0
generous and partly drunk. Such a boot ^
wore Dick Swiveller, and such men will al- 8
ways be known by such boots. ~
Then there is a calm, negative, methodical
boot, as unwordly as it is coldly-con- '
ceited and self-conscious, small, but not a
Bharply, thin, but not flexible, which is only c
to be found on a certain species of olergy- 0
men?a man of whom you feel, when you .
see him, that he is only chaste because stoner
only gentle because afraid. ^
"With lips depressed, as he were meek, j
Himself unto himself he sold; f
. Upon himself himself did feed; L
Quiet, dispationate, and cold."
I should weary you, were I to animadvert
at equal length upoa the farmer's hoots, i
yellow and coarse, and stiffened and de'ormed
by "sore labor;' the merchants'
joot, solid, smooth and respectable; the
vagabond's boot, exaggerated in its raggediess,
run-downness, and redolent with the
mwholcsome presence of nnwashed feet;
:he lover's boot, pinching and pretty, dashng
and cruel; the father's boots, that seem
.0 have been made to play mnsic upon tho
lorae-threshhold; the grandsire's boot,
saralytic, tottering, broad and slow.
BATTLE OF KING'S MOUNTAIN.
An interesting article in the January No.
>f the University Magazine?the materials
'or which we suppose were furnished by Gov.
Swain?is devoted to a sketch of the life
ind character of Col. James Williams, one
>f the five commanders at King's Mountain,
ind the only one of them who fell in the
;lorious victory. After devotiog ten pages
o the subject, the writer closes as follows:
?JNo man has ever seen?no man will ever
ee?a King's Mountain muster roll. None
iver existed. The followers of Fitz James
md Rhoderic Dhu, with few exceptions, can
>e individualized by history with as much
lertainty as the gallant men who answered
he silver whistle of Ferguson with the death
lefying shout of Williams and the echoing
roice of a thousand rides.
It is perhaps impossible to show with much
lertainty, not merely who they were, but
vhenee they came. Col. Preston, in his
iddress at the anniversary celebration of
L855, supposes the little army to have been
composed 'of men, nearly in equal numbers
rora Virginia, North Carolina and South
Carolina.' If North Carolina had been as
ully and as ably represented at the Celebraion
as in the battle field?at the feast as in
he fight?we would probably have had a
liferent estimate.
"Leave slaughter to the Turkish hordes,
And shed the blood of Soio's vein."
It appears from official accounts of the batle,
recently exhumed by Mr. Lossing^ from
he papers of Gen. Gates, that on the 25th
if September 1780, Col. Campbell with400
Virginians, Col. Isaac Shelby with 240 men
rom Washington county, N. C., assembled
a *i '?
in it uvouga, rrucic Lucy were joiaea oj VjOI.
Charles McDowell with 160 men from Barke
ind Rutherford. They begun the march
icross the mountain on the 26th, and the
10th, on the Catawba, their forces were augnented
by the addition of 250 men from
Vilkes and Surry, under Col. Cleveland.
rVhen they reached the Cowpens on the 6th
)ctober, they were met by Col. James Wiliams.
At the time the junotion was formid
with Williams, the army was composed
400 Virginians under Campbell, and 990
forth Carolinians under Shelby, Sevier, Mc)owell
and Cleveland. From these 1390
oen from Virginia and North Carolina, and
rom William's regiment, 900 of the best
torsemen were selected for the attack and
m the following day the victory was won.
The number of men who fought under
Villiams, will never be ascertained, and the
proportion from South Carolina, is a matter
perhaps of still greater uncertainty.
The authority to raise a company of mouqtd
men in Caswell, indicates one element of
Villiams's regiment. The father of the
Ion. Anderson Mitchell, of Wilkes, was a
aember of the Caswell company.
The second ascertainable element of this
egiment is the sixty men under Hambright
nd Chronicle, from then Tyron, now Lincoln
ounty.
The third (perhaps) about 30 Georgians,
inder Major Chandler and Capt. Johnson.
The fourth South Carolinians, in wnat proportion
we are unable to state with much
ODfidence of accuracy. General Lenoir,
rho fought as a Captain under Cleveland in
.is account of the battle casually remarks
bat,
<The advanced party of mountain infantry
ioin? iAinn/1 V?TT PAI uIIIKAWA
viu^ jwiuvu %jj vui ?t iiiiaviOj wii/U a icw
South Carolina militia, in the evening arrired
at the place called Cowpens in South
Carolina,' &c. The South Carolinians unler
Williams were doubtless the elite of the
State, probably from the Waxhaw in larger
iroportion than any other settlement, and
>raver men than these, who with the infant
rackson were nurtured in the military sohool
if Davie, were nowhere to be found.
A Curious Wedding.?The New York
lorrespondent of the Charleston Courier
ays:
An interesting wedding took place a few
lays since between a Mr. Henry B. Melrille
and Mrs. Sarah K. Seymour. The
)arties have both been married before, and
iach have a family of seven children?those
>f the gentleman comprising six daughters
ind a son, and those of the lady six sons
ind daughter. The sons acted on the ootasion
as groomsmen to their future father,
ind the daughters acted as bridesmaids to
heir future mother. The whole fourteen
ihildren dressed alike according to their
ex, entered the church arm in arm, and
anged themselves on either side of their paents,
who are both remarkably handsome
ind looked superb. The bride is wealthy,
ind was dressed in pearl color colored moire
mtique, with costly laces, and diamond
iroach and bracelet.
t&* A traveler in Palestine says that not
ar from the probable site where the sermon
n the Mount was delivered, our guide
luoked two flowers supposed to be of that
pecies to which our Lord alluded when he
aid: " Consider the lilies of the field."?*
?he calyx of this lily resembles crimson
el vet, and the gorgeous flower was of white
nd lilac, and truly no earthly monarch
ould be " arrayed" more gloriously than
ne of these.
19* Nothing was so much dreaded in oar
ohool days as to be punished by sitting be*
ween two girls, Ah, the force of education,
n after years we learn to submit to such
ndignitiea without sheding a tear.
g^, Justice is a virtue of the mind, reward*
eg all men aeeordiitg to their