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lewis m. grist, proprietor, j An Independent Journal: For the Promotion of the Political, Social, Agricultural and Commercial Interests of the South. |$2 pee ahnum, ih advakce. VOL. 4. YORKVILLE, S. C., THURSDAY, MARCH 18, 1858. NoTlT. C|aitE - MY SWEETEST SONG FOR THEE. BY SALMK ADA REEDY. There's not a careless wind that blows But has its own beloved rosp, And when the West foretells the hour It hies to that remembered bower, And in some myrtle's dewy shado Begius its gentle serenade. And though at morn upon the hills It trifles with the morning rills, Aud whispers to each flower it meets Some gentle word that's f ull of sweets, Still?still the dearest song it knows Is saved for that beloved rose. There's not a star in yon blue sky But downward turns a listless eye, Until its wandering glances rest On that blue wave it loves the best, Then it begins to tell once more Things sweet as if unheard before. The beauties of the land may smile, That star may turn and sport awhile, With those soft dews that wet the cheek Of flowers tlmt with their perfume speak, Ami though its glance may idly seem To have for all a loving beam, The first, the brightest, and the last On that blue wave is fondly cast. t have a message for the rose And for that wave that gently flows, And they will tell to wind and star Of one sweet love that's brighter far, Than aught that winds or stars of heaven To flowers or waves have ever given, And thus where'er thy home may be I'll \?aft ray s^e;te?t soijg for tifeo, Jackson, ,ilits., Dec. 19,185". |)o!itieal. fiPEElH OF HOV. J, H. HAHHOSD, OF SOUTH CAROLINA. In the Senate of the United States, Thursday, March 4,1858, the bill for the adraissionof Kansas into the Union being under consideration. Mr. Hammond addressed the Senate as follows: >Jr. President, in the debate which occurred here in the early part of the month, I understood the Senator from Illinois [Mr. Douglas] to say that the question of the reception of the Lecompton constitution was narrowed down to a single point. That point was, whether that constitution embodied the will of the people of Kansas. Am I correct ? !ur. JtaycL-iS- Senator is correct, With this qualification : I could waive the irregularity and agree to the reception of Kansas into the Union under the Lecompton constitution, provided I was satisfied that it was the act and deed of that people, and embodied their will. There are otner objections ; but the others I could overcome, if this point were disposed of. Mr. Hammond. I so understood the Senator. I understood that if he could be satisfied that this constitution embodied the ~i!l of the people o? Kansas, all other dercptb and irregularities would he cured by. the act of Congress, and that he himself would be willing to permit such an act to be passed. Now, sir, the only question with him is, how is that will to be ascertained ? and upon that point, and that alone, it is probable we ?hall differ. I think the Spr.aiov fall into a fundamental error in his report dissenting from the report of the majority of the territorial committee, in saying that the convention which framed this constitution was a creature of the Territorial Legislature; and from that error he has probably arisen all his aaLsoqueni error-cn vuiasubje'ot. How can it be possible that the convention should be the creature of a Territorial Legislature?? The convention was an assembly of the people in their highest sovereign capacity, about to perform their highest possible act of sovereignty. The Territorial Legislature is a ,Mv.ro provisional govcruKieoi j u petty operation, appointed and paid by the Congress of the United States, without a particle of sovereign power; and yet, shall that interfere with a sovereignty?inchoate, but still a sov creignty? Why, sir, Congress cannot interfere ; Congress cannot confer on the Tcrrivortai legislature i'iie powor to interfere.? Congress is not sovereign. Congress has sovereign powers, but no sovereignty. Congress has 110 power to act outside of the limitations of the Constitution ; no right to carry into effect the supiemc will of any people if it has not been expressed in their constitu ;c,g; ar.dj iheraforc; (.'qngrcss is ncc sever cign, Nor does Congress hold the sovereignty ol Kansas. The sovereignty of Kansas resides if it resides anywhere, with the sovercigr States of this Union. They have conferrct upon Congress, among other powers, the au thoritv ot adunuistermv tucr sovermwnty t: ^ ? -o f> M?cir iaiiitaciioD. 'limy have given Gongres: the power to make needful rules and rcgu latious regarding the Territory; and thci have given Congress power to admit a State Under these two sovereign powers, Congrcs.' may first establish a provisional territoria government merely for municipal purposes ^nd whep a State has grown intoeGvcvcignty when that aovereignty which has been kep in abeyance demands recognition, when i community is formed there, a social compac created, a sovereignty born as it were upoi the soil, then Congress is gifted with tin power to acknowledge that sovereignty; ant the Legislature, only by mere usage, often times neglected, assists at the birth :f it b; pacing a precedent resolution assembling i convention. But, sir, when that convention assemble to form a constitution, it assembles in th highest known capacity of a people, and ha no superior in this Government but a f^tat sovereignty; or ratlmr the State sovereign ties ot ail the .States alone can do anythim With the act of that convention. Then, i that convention was lawful, if there is noob jeetion to the convention itself, there can b no objection to the action of the convention and there is no power on earth that has ; i?ght to m.'juuo whether the convention rep rescuted the will of the people of Kansas o ; not. I do not doubt but that there might be j some cases of such gross and palpable frauds j committed in the formation of a convention, | as might authorize Congress to investigate J them, but I can scarcely conceive of any; and I do not think that Congress has any other power, when a State knocks at the door for admission, but to inquire if her constitution is republican. If what I have said be correct, then the will of the people of Kansas is to be found in the action of her constitutional convention, and it is not safe to look for it anywhere else. It is immaterial whether it is the will of a majority of the people of Kansas now, j or not. The convention was, or ought to have been, elected by a majority of the people of Kansas. A convention, elected in April, may well frame a constitution that would not be agreeable to a majority of the people of a new State, rapidly filling up, in the succeeding January; and if Legislatures are to be allowed to put to a vote the acts of a convention, and have them beaten down by a subsequent influx of emigrants, there is no finality. If you were to send back the Lecompton Constitution, and another was to be framed, In the slow way in which we do public business here, before it would reach Congress, in another year, perhaps the majority would be turned the other way. Sir, whenever }-ou go outside of the regular forms of law and constitutions to seek for the will of the people, you are wandering in a wilderness?a wilderness of thorns. If this was a minority constitution I do not know that that would be an objection to it. Constitutions arc made for minorities. Per1 i !.! t-i. a. 1 a! :_La i I naps m;uormes ungui iu nuve uiu ngut to make constitutions, for they are administered by majorities. The Constitution of this Union was made by a minority, and as late as 1840, a minority had it in their hands, and could have altered or abolished itj for, in 1840, six out of the twenty-six States of the Union held the numerical majority. The Senator from Illinois hasf upon his view of the Lcoouipton constitution and the present situation of affairs in Kansas, raised the cry of popular sovereignty. The Senator from New York, [Mr. Seward] yesterday made himself facetious about it, and called it "squatter sovereignty." There is a popui lar sovereignty which is the basis of o',tr Government. and I am unwilling that the Senator should havo the benefit of uuiting squatter sovereignty with popular sovereignty.? Sir, in all countries aud in all time, itis well understood that the numerical majority of the people could, if they chose, exercise the sovereignty of the country \ but for want of intelligence, and for want of leaders, they have never yet been able successfully tocorni bine and form a popular government. They have often attempted it, but it has always turned out, instead of a popular sovereignty, a populous sovereignty: and demagogues, placing themselves upon the movement, have invariably led them into military despotism. I think that the popular sovereignty which the Senator from Illinois would derive from the acts of his Territorial Legislature, aud j from the information received from partisans ! and partisan presses, would lead us directly I into populous sovereignty, and not popular j sovereignty. The ?rst organisation of pop i uiav ooveretgnty on a proper basis, tooK place in this country. The first gun of the Revolution was a salute to a new organization of a popular sovereignty that was embodied in the Declaration of Independence, developed, ! elaborated, and inaugurated forever in the I Constitution of tho United States; and the i true pillars of it were representation and the ' ballot-box?the legal and constitutional ballot-box ordained by the people. In the division of power, in distributing the sovereign powers among the various departments of the Government, the people retained for them selvps fhp single power or the ballot-box; J and a great power it was. Through that I power they were able to control all the dc! partuieuts of the Government. It was not for the people to be exercising political power in detail; it was not for them to be annoyed with the cares of government; but, from time to time, through the ballot-box, to exert their power to control the whole organization, and sovereignty remained with them. This is popular sovereignty, the popular sovereignty of a legal, constitutional ballot-box; and i when spoken through that box, the voice of ! the people, for all political purposes, is tho 1 voice of (jod; but when it ie outside of that, i it is ihc voice of a demon, tho doctrine of the reign of terror, f Permit me to say, that in passing I omit> i ted to answer a rjuestiou that the Senator 1 | from Illinois has, I believe, repeatedly asked; ' i and that is, what were the legal powers of ' | the Territorial Legislature aftertbe formation ) i and adoption of ihe Lcoompton C'onstitu ' ; tion ? That had nothing to do with the Territorial Legislature. They moved in to' tally differentspheres. . The Territorial Leg islaturc was a provisional government, almost 3 without power, appointed and paid by this i (Jovcrmiicnt. The liCeompton Constitution was the act of a people, and the sovereign > ! act of a people. They moved in different * | spheres and on different planes, and could 1 not eon:e in contact at all without usurpation 1 on the one part or the other. It was not 1 i competent for the Lccompton Constitution - to overturn the Territorial government and * setup a government in place of it because - ! that Constitution, uglu aoKiiowledgcd liy i' j Congress, was nothing; it was not in being. * j It could well order the people of Kansas to pass upon it; it could do whatever was ncs ccssary to perfect that constitution, but nothc ing beyond that, until Congress had agreed s | to accept it. In the mean time the territoe ! rial government, u government tel int<rhn. - j was entitled to exercise all the sway over the z I Territory that it ever had been entitled to. f j The error of assuming, as the Senator did, i. j that the convention was the creature of the c territorial government, has led him into the ; j difficulty and confusion ci uniting and U-ss. | uniting these tv,'o governments according as i-1 it may suit his argument. There is no govr J erument in the convention until after the i adoption by Congress of its Constitution ; j and there is no interference at any time with j the Territorial Legislature, as there is noaci tual power in the Territorial Legislature even ! to call a convention, but what is derived from ; usage and permission, and by an enabling i act sometimes from Congress. If the Senator from Illinois, whom I reI gard as the Ajax Telamon of this debate, j does not press the question of frauds, I shall : have little or nothing to say about that.? ! The whole history of Kansas is a disgusting one, from the beginuingto the end. I have avoided reading it as much as I could. Had I been a Senator before, I should have felt it my duty, perhaps, to have done so; but not expecting to be one, I aiu ignorant, fortunately, in a great measure, of detail; and I was glad to hear the acknowledgment of the Senator from Illinois, since it excuses me from the duty of examining it. I hear, on the other side of the Chamber, j a great deal said about gigantic and stupendous frauds ; and the Senator from New I York, yesterday, in portraying the character | of his party and the opposite one, laid the whole of those frauds upon the pro-slavery I party. To listen to him, you would have supposed that the regiments of emigrants recruited in the purlieus of the great cities of the North, and sent out, armed and equipped with Sharpe's rifles, and bowie knives and revolvers, to conquer for freedom in Kansas, stood by, meek saints, innocent as doves, and humble as lambs brought up to the sacrifice. Think of them: General Lane's lambs! They remind one of Col. Kirk's lambs, to whom they have a family resemblance. I presume that there were frauds; and that if there were frauds, they were equally great on all sides; and that auy investigation into them on this floor, or by a commission, would end in nothing but inflicting almost unendurable disgrace on the United States. But, sir, the true object of the discussion on the other side of the Chamber, is to agitate the question of slavery I have very great doubts whether the leaders on the other side of the House really wish to defeat this bill. I think they would consider it a vastly greater victory to crush out the Democratic party at the North, and destroy the loaders of the Kansas-Nebraska bill; and I am not sure that they have not brought about this imbroglio for the very purpose.? How strange is it that they tell us that, year after year, the majority in Kansas is beaten at the polls ? They have always had a majority, but they always get beaten ! How could that be? It does seem, from the most reliable sources of iuformatiou, that they have a majority, and have had a majority for some time. Why has not this majority come forward and taken possession of the ..nrnrmnnnt o n rl mnlrn !l flW>RhltO nnnStifll ^V*VIUIUVU|J ??UV? lUUIkV ~ Mvv WW tion, and brought it here ? We should all have voted for its admission cheerfully.? There can be but one reasou : if they had brought, as was generally supposed at the time the Kansas-Nebraska act was passed would be the case, a free State constitution here, there would have been no difficulty among the Northern Demoorats; they would have been sustained by their people. The statement madebysomc of them, as I understood, that that act was a good free State act, would have been verified, and ;he Northern Democratic party would have been sustained; but its coming here a slave State, it is said, will kill that party, and that is the reason they have refrained from going to the polls; that is the reason they have refrained from making it a free State when they had the power. They intended to make it a free State as soon as they have effected that purpose of destroying the Democratic party at the North, and their true reason here is | to agitato slavery. For one, lam not disj posed to discuss that question here in any abstract form. I think the time has gone by for that. Our minds arc all made up.? 1 am willing to discuss it?and that is the way it should be and must be discussed?as a practical thing, as a thing that is, and is to | be; and to discuss its effect upon our political institutions, and to ascertain how long those political institutions will hold together uuder its effects. The Senator from New York entered very fairly into this field yesterday. I was surl prised, the other day, when ho so openly { said the battle had been fought and won.? ! Although l knew, and had long known it to j be true, I was surprised to hear him say so. ! I thought that he had been entrapped into a ! hasty expression by the sharp rebukes of the Senator from New Hampshire; and lam glad to see that yesterday he has come out i anil' shown that it is matured nvoieot of his : ] th?.t these words mean all that I thought I they meant; that they mean that the South ; is a coufjucrcd province, and that the North j intends to rule it. lie said that it was their i intention to take this Government from un! just and unfaithful hands, and place it in I just and faithful hands; that it was their j intenticu to tonsoorato all the Territories of j the I'nion to free labor; and that, to effect i their purposes, they intend to reconstruct the i Supreme Court. Yesterday, the Senator said, "Suppose we i admit Kansas with the Lccompten constitu' iion: what "uarantecs are there that Con:'ress *"* ! will not again int'^fpre with the affairs of ICausas i" meaning, I suppose, that if she abolished slavery, what guarantee there was ' that Congress would not force it upon her i again. Sir, so far as we of the South arc | concerned, you have, at least, the guarantee j of good faith that never has beeu violated, i liut what guarantee h-vo we, when you have | this Government in your possession, in all | its departments, even if we submit (juietly to what tlie Senator cxnorts us tu suDmit to? i : the concentration of slavery in its present I I territory, and even to the reconstruction of J ' the Supremo Court?that you will not plun- J : uer us with tariffs; that you will not bank! rapt us with internal improvements and { bounties on iish ; that you will not restrain : us with navigation laws, and other laws iuij pending the facilities of transportation to Southern produce? What guarantee have l we that you will not create a new bank, and I concentrate all the finances of this country at the North, where already, for the want of I direct trade and a proper system of banking c in the South, they are ruinously concentrat- i ed? Nay, sir, what guarantee have we that ( you will not emancipate our slaves, or, at j least, make the attempt? We cannot rely j on your faith when you have the power. It t has been always broken whenever pledged, s Now, sir, as I am disposed to see this i question settled as soon as possible, and am ( perfectly willing to have a final and conclu- f sivc settlement now, instantly, and after j what the Senator from New York has said, f I think it not unimportant that I should at- j tempt to bring the North and South face to 1 face, and see what resources each of us c might have in the contingency of separate a organizations. If we never acquire another c foot of territory for the South, look at her. I Eight hundred and fifty thousand square C miles; as large as Great Britain, France, a Austria. Prussia, and Spain. Is not that r territory enough to make an empire that i shall rule the world? With the finest Soil, ? the most delightful climate, whose produc- t tions none of those great countries can pro- l duce, we have three thousand miles of con- t tincnental shore line, and so indented with u bays and crowded with islands, that, when p their shore lines are added, we have twelve thousand miles of shore line. Through the J heart of our country runs the great Missis- a sippi, the father of waters, into whose bo- <j sora are poured thirty-six thousand miles of i tributary streams; and beyond, we have the 1 desert prafrie waters, to protect us in our ^ rear. Can you hem in such a territory as a that? You talk of putting up a wall of fire c around eight hundred and fifty thousand ? square miles so situated ! How absurd. d But, sir, in this territory lies the great 1 valley of the Mississippi, now the real, and f soon to be the acknowledged, seat of the o empire of the world. The sway of that a valley will be as great as ever the Nile knew b in the earlier ages of mankind. We own j the most of that valley. The most valuable C part of it belongs to us; and although those n who have settled above us are now opposed i to us, another generation will tell a different o tale. They are ours by all the laws of na- t ture; slave labor will go over every foot of fc this great valley where it will be found i profitable to use it, and] those who do not use \ it are soon to be united with us by such ties as will make us one and inseparable. The t iron horse will soon be clattering over the r sunny plains of the South to bear the pro- r ducts of its upper tributaries to our Atlantic t ports, as it now clatters over the ice-bound a North. There is the great Mississippi, a t bond of union made by nature's law. She r will forever vindicate her right to the Union, a On this fine territory we have a populotion t four times as large as that with which these r colonies separated from the mother country, a and a hundred, I might say a thousand, fold \ as strong. Our population is now sixty per s cent., greater than that of the whole United c States when we entered into the second war i of independence. It is twice as large as the a whole population of the United States was c ten years after the conclusion of that war, x and our exports are three times as great as s those of the whole United States then.? j Upon our muster-rolls we have a million of t men. In a defensive war, upon an emergen- a cy, every one of the them would be avail- c able. At any time, the South can raise, equip, and maintain in the field, a larger s army than any Power of the earth can send r against her. and an army of soldiers?men a brought up on horseback, with guns in their r hands. \ If we take the North, even when the two c large States of Kansas and Minnesota shall v be admitted, her territory will oe one Hundred thousand square miles short of ours. I do not speak of California and Oregon; there is no antagonism between the South and those countries, and never will be. The population of the North is fifty per cent, greater than ours. I have nothing to say in disparagement either of the soil of the North or the people of the North, who are a brave, intelligent, energetic race, full of intellect, but they produce no greatstaplc that the South docs not produce; but we produce two or three, and those are the very greatest, that she can never produce. As to her men, however high they may be, they have never proved themselves to be superior to those of the South, either in the field or in the Senate. Hut, sir, the strength of a natiou depends in a great measure upon its wealth, and the wealth of a nation, like that of a uiau,is to be estimated by its surplus production. You may go to your trashy census books, all of which is perfect nonsense, and they will tell you that in the State of Tenuessce the whole number of house servants is not equal to one half those in my own house, and such things as that. You may ascertain what is made throughout the country from these census books, but it is no matter how much is a made if it is all consumed. If a man is s worth millions of dollars and consumes his a income, is he rich ? Is he competent to om- c bark in any new enterprise? (Jan he build 1 ships or railroads? And could a people in t tiiut condition build ships and roads and go fc to war? All the enterprises of peace and f war depend upon the surplus productions of f a people. They may be happy, they may t be comfortable, they may enjoy themselves y in eating what they make; but they are not y rich, they aie not stroDg. It seems, by going to the reports of the Secretary of the ? Treasury, which arc authentic, that last year 1 the United States exported in round ni\tg- g bers 3:279,000,000 woith cf Domestic pro- v ducc, excluding gold and foreign merchandize c ra-exportcd. Of this amount 8158,000,000 o worth is the clear produce of the South; t articles that are not and cannot be made at c the North Here arc also SSO,000,900 f worth cf exports of products of the forest, v animal provisions, and breadstuff's. If we i assume that the South' made but one third s of these, and I think that is a low calcula- a tioD, our exports are 8185,000,0?0, leaving io the North less than $95,000,000. In addition to this, we send to the North ?30,000,000 worth of cotton, which is nol rnunted in the exports. "We send to hei ?8,000,000 worth of tobacco, which is nol :ountcd in the exports. We send naval stores, lumber, rice, and many other minoi irticles. There is no doubt that we send tc he North $40,000,000 in addition; but iupposc the amount to be 835,000,000, and t will give us a surplus production of $220,>00,000. The recorded exports of the South now are greater than the whole cxjorts of the United States in any year bcore 1858. They are greater than the whole ivcrage exports of the United States for the ast twelve years, including the two cxtrairdinary years of 1S5G and 1857. They re nearly double the amouDt of the average ixports of the twelve preceding years. If . am right in my calculations as to 8220,>00,000 of a surplus produce, there is not ,nation on the face of the earth, with any lumerous population, that can compete with is in produce per capita. It amounts to >16.66 per head, supposing that we have welve million people. England, with all ler accumulated wealth, with her concenrated and intellectualizcd energy, makes indcr sixteen dollars of surplus production >er head. I have not made a calculation as to the "forth, with her 895,000,000 surplus; but, draitting that she exports as much as we lo, with her eighteen millions of population t would be but little over twelve dollars a lead at the outside. She cannot export to is and abroad exceeding ten dollars a head gainst our sixteen dollars. I knew well nough that the North sends to the South a ast amount of the productions of her inlustry. I take it for granted that she, at east, pays us in that way for the thirty or orty million dollars worth of cotton and ther articles we send her. I am willing to dnait that she pay# us considerably more; tut to bring her up to our amount of surilus production, to bring her up to $220,'00,000 of surplus production, the South nust take from her S125,000,000; and this, n addition to our share of the consumption f the $330,000,000 worth introduced into lie country from abroad and paid for in part >y our own exports. The thing is absurd ; t is imposible; it can never appear anywhere but on a census statistic book. With an export of $220,000,000 under he present tariff, the South organized sepaately would have about $40,000,000 of evenue. With one fourth the present ariff she would have a revenue adequate to 11 her wants, for the South would never go o war; she would never need an army or a lavv, beyond a few garrisons on the frontiers nd a few revenue cutters. It is commerce hat breeds war. It is manufactures that equirc to be hawked about over the world, nd give rise to navies and commerce. But re have nothing to do but to take off retrictions on foreign merchandise and open iur ports, and the whole world will come to is to trade. They will be too glad to bring nd carry for us, and we never shall dream if a war. Why, sir, the South has never ret had a just cause of war. Every time he has seized her sword it has been on the >oiut of honor, and that point of honor has men mainly loyalty to her sister Colonics nd sister States, who have ever since plunlered and calumniated her. But if there were no other reason why we hould never have a war, would any sane lation make war on cotton ? Without firing i gun, without drawing a sword, when they uake war on us we can bring the whole vorld to our feet. The South is perfectly iompetent to go od, one, two, or three years, without plantinga seed of cotton. I believe hat if she was to plant but half her cottoo, t would be an immense advantage to her.? ' am not so sure but that after three years' essation she would come out stronger than iver she was before, and better prepared to nter afresh upon her great career of enter>rise. What would happen if no cotton vas furnished for three years ? I will not top to depict what every one can imagine, >ut this is certain: Old England would opple headlong and carry the whole civilzed world with her. No, sir, you dare not nake war on cotton. No power on earth lares make war upon it. Cotton is King. Jntil lately the Bank of England was king, >ut she tried to put her screws as usual, the all before last, upon the cotton crop, and vas utterly vanquished. The last power ias been conquered. Who can doubt it hat has looked at recent events ? When he abuse of credit had destroyed creditand mnihilated confidence, when thousands of he strongest commercial houses in the world vere coming down, and hundreds of milions of dollars of supposed property evapirating in thin air, when you came to a dead ock, and revolutions were threatened, what >rought you up ? Fortunately for you it vas the commencement of the cotton season, nd have poured in upon you one million * - 1 J?J xl J C :..?i ix uuuuruu luousuuu umw ui uuuuu just it tho crisis to save you from sinking. That otton, but for the bursting of your specuative bubbles in the North, which produced he whole of this convulsion, would have irought us 8100,000,000. We have sold it or 805,000,000, and saved you. T'uirtyive millions dollars we, the slaveholders of he South, have put into the charity box of our magnificent financiers, your cotton lords, our merchant princes. But, sir, the greatest strength of the jouth arises from the harmony of her poitcal and social institutions. This harmony ives her a frame of society the best in the rorld, and an extent of political freedom, ombined with entire security, such as no ither people ever enjoyed upon the face of he earth. Sooiety preoedes government; Testes it, and ought to control it; but as ar as we can look back in historic times, re find the case different; for government 3 no sooner created than it becomes too trong for society, and shapes and moulds, s well as controls it. In later centuries the j progress of civilization and of intelligence lias made the divergence so great as to pro- i i dace civil wars and revolutions; and it is 1 t nothing now but the want of harmony be- ( tween governments and societies which oc- 1 ; casions all the uneasiness and trouble and ] I terror that we see abroad. It was thi3 that 1 brought on the American Revolution. We 1 > threw off a Government not adapted to our i , social system, and made one for ourselves.? i The question is, how far have we succeeded? t The South, so far as that is concerned, is ^ satisfied, content, happy, harmonious, and prosperous. ( In all social systems there must be a class . to do the mean duties, to perform the drudgery of life. That is, a class requiring but j a low order of intellect and but little skill. ^ Its requisites are vigor, docility, fidelity.? , Such a class you must have or you would not have that other class which leads progress, refinement, and civilization. It constitutes the very mud-sills of society aDd of political government; and you might as well attempt to build a house in the air, as to build either the one or the other, except on the mud-sills. Fortunately for the South, she found a race adapted to that purpose to her hand. A race inferior to herself, but eminenrly qualified in temper, in vigor, in docility, in capacity to stand the climate, to answer all her purposes. We use them for the purpose, and call them slaves. We are old fashioned at the South yet; it is a word discarded now by ears polite; hut I will not characterize that class at the North with that term; but you have it; itisthere; it is everywhere; it is eternal. The Senator from New York said yesterday that the whole world had abolished slavery. Ay, the name, but not the thing, and all the powers of the earth cannot abolish it. God only can do it when he repeals the fiat, "the poor ye always have with you;" for the man who lives by daily labor, and scarcely " lives at that, and who has to put out his laborin the market and take the best he can get for it; in short, your whole class of manual laborers and operatives, as you call them, ' are slaves. The difference between us is, 1 that our slaves are hired for life and well 1 compensated ; there is no starvation, no beg- 1 ging, no want of employment among our ' people, and not too much employment either. ' Yours are hired by the day, not cared for, 1 and scantily compensated, which may be 1 proved in the most deplorable manner, at ( any hour, in any street in any of your large ' towns. Why, sir, you meet more beggars ' in one day, in any single street of the city of ( New York, than you would meet in a life- * time in the whole South. Our slaves are * black, of another inferior race. The status ( in which we have placed them is an eleva- 1 tion. They are elevated from the condition 1 in which God first created them, by being ' made our slaves. None of that race on the whole face of the globe can be compared ' with the slaves of the South, and they know J it. They are happy, content, uuasjliring, 1 and utterly incapable, from intellectual degi radation, ever to give us any trouble by their aspirations. '' Your slaves are white, of your own race; 1 ' you are brothers of one blood. They are ' your equals in natural endowment of intel- ^ Iect, and they feel galled by their degrada- ' i tion. Our slaves do not vote. We give 1 them no political power. Yours do vote, ^ and being the majority, they are the depositaries of all your political power. If they ; knew the tremendous secret, that the ballot- 1 box is stronger than an army with bayonets, and could combine, where would you be?? I Your society would be reconstructed, your ' ? A wAiir nrnnorfTT ill- I ? guveruiueui icwusviuuicu) juui ?vided, not as they have mistakenly attempted to initiate such proceedings by meeting in 1 parks, with arms in their hands, but by the 1 quiet process of the ballot-box. You have 1 been making war upon us to our very hearth- ' stones. How would you like for us to send ! lecturers or agitators North, to teach these ' > people this, to aid and assist in combining, and to lead them? Mr. Wilson and others. Send them a- 1 ; long. j Mr. Hammond. You say, send them i North. There is no need of that. They < are coming here. They are thundering at i our doors for homesteads of one hundred and i sixty acres of land for nothing, and South- ' ern Senators are supporting it. Nay, they I are assembling, as I have said, with arms in < their hands, and demanding work at SI,000 I a year and six hours a day. Have you heard i that the ghost of Mendoza is stalking in the i streets of your big cities; that the inquisi- i tion is at hand? There is afloat a fearful 1 rumor that there have been consultations for t vigilance committees. You know what that 1 means already. Transient and temporary ] causes have thus far been your preservation, t The great West has been open to your sur- i plus population, and your hordes of semibnrbariaD emigrants, who are crowding in year by year. They make a great movement, and you call it progress. Whither? f It is progress; but it is progress towards ? "n n . 1 i vigilance committees, rue soum nave sus- i tainedyou in a great measure. You are our f factors. You bring and carry for us. One c hundred and fifty million dollars of our r money passes annually through your hands, c Much of it sticks; all of it assists to keep r your machinery together and in motion.? c Suppose we were to discharge you; suppose v we were to take our business out of your \ hands; we should consign you to anarchy T and poverty. ' t You complain of the rule of the South : c that has been another cause that has preserved you. We have kept the Government conservative to the great purposes of the I Government. We have placed herandkept 1< her upon the Constitution, and that has been 0 the cause of your peace and prosperity.? I The Senator from New York says that that c is about to be at an end; that you intend to f< take the Government from us; that it will li pass from our hands. Perhaps what he p says is true; it may be; but do not forget? U it can never be forgotten; it is written on v the brightest page of human history?that n we, the slaveholders of the Soath, took oar country In her infancy; and, after ruling her for sixty out of the seventy years of her existence, wc shall surrender her to you without a stain upon her honor, boundless io prosperty, incalculable in her strength, the wonder and admiration of the world. Time will show what you will make of her; but ao time can ever diminish our glory or your responsibility. gjkellattefltts leading Affection for a. Mother.?The followng beautiful passage, as true as it is beautiful, is from Mr. James: "Round the idea >f one's motherthe mind of men clingswith 'ond affection. It is the first deep thought itaraped upon our infant heart when yet soft, japable of receiving the most profound imcressions, and all the after feelings of the i i 1 _ 1!.Li _ vorid are more or less ugac in compansuu. I do not koow that even in our old age we lo not look back to that feeling as the sweet;st we have through life. Our passions and jur wilfulness may lead us far from the obect of our filial love; we learn to pain her beart, to oppose her wishes, to violate her jommands; we may become wild, headstrong and angry at her counsel or opposition, jut when death has stilled her monitory voice, and nothing but calm memory remains :o recapitulate her virtues and good deeds, iffection, like a flower, beaten to the ground )y a past storm, raises up her head and imiles amongst her tears. Round the idea, vc have said the mind clings with fond affection, and even when the earlier period of )ur loss forces memory to be silent, fancy ;akes the place of remembrance, and twines ;he image of our dead parent with a garland )f graces, and beauties, and virtues, which ve doubt not that she possesses." Jgy-It is said that Governor Gilmer, of jeorgia, had a passion forbuyingall sorts of )ld iron trunk, broken-down wagons, and such ubbish, which he had piled up in the yard,' \ ander the impression that it would come into jsesorae time or other. It annoyed his wife jxcessively; and one day, when the Goveraor was away from home, she had the whole ? ?. i i pile carted off to auction. It so nappenea :hat just as the auctioneer had put up the ot the Governor was riding by, and buy it lie would; for, as he looked at it, he deilared that he had a lot at home in which ;here were several things to match. He bid ;en dollars, and the whole concern was knock;d down to him. A few days afterward he ?ras admiring Mrs. Gilmer's new bonnet, ind asking her its cost, she said, "Ten dolars, husband; the same ten you paid for pour own old iron, and if you don't clear it iut of the yard I shall sell it again!" The jrovernor shortly after that retired from the Iron business. Keep your own Secrets.?If you are i courting character, and your star of suc3ess is rapidly ascending?it makes no difference?keep your own secrets. "We have known many a failure which was the result ef imprudently telling everybody bow smoothly he or she was getting on. If you have a trade on hand, keep your own secrets. You are not obliged to toll all you know lbout your horse, or your negro; and then, it would be nonsense in you, to tell the man, tvho wants your property and is willing to j rt n ?ive your price, wuere uo wum uuj uvu^jr bargain. But some people can't keep a secret, to save them from "old Harry."? Their tongue itches?their mouths water, ind their brains bum, with all manner of uneasiness, until the cat is turned out of the (vallet They can't bear the idea of not letting other people into their enjoyment, ind the consequence is?they tell all they know or liec.r.?Live Giraffe. Baptism in the Night.?The watchmen heard a singular noise in and about the grounds of Ethan Allen, Esq., a little after midnight on Saturday night last, and, upon drawing near, they heard first a prayer, and then the song of Zion, the words being an appropriate selection from Watts' hymns.? They also observed four men standing upon the edge of the ornamental pond in the yard lforesaid. Very soon a hole was made in ;he ice and two of the young men walked in:o the element, and each immediately immersed his comrade. After another prayer and another song of praise, they turned to leave, when the watchmen intercepted them, ind inquired "what on earth they were aDout ?" They replied that the wet and drip Ding individual who was shivering before ;hem had just become converted, andcouWt cait until morning to be baptised! Worcester (Mass.) Spg. Lying.?Iu the Massachusetts Teacher, 'or February, there is an article on lying, ind one of the remarks is worthy of general jirculation: " When a lie has been told, ind out its motives, and treat the child aclordingly. The real merit of a deed lies leither in its appearance nor its subsequent sonsequences, but only in its motives. To ead these in the hearts of the pupils is one if the highest duties of all who have to deal rith children; and to purify these is to eleate their moral standard most effectually. The various motives which induce children o lie may be brought in three groups?inliscretion, fear and desire." A Greensboro correspondent of the ^tersburg Express, says: " We learn by 3tter from Elizabeth city, that about $60,00 of the money belonging to the Farmer's lank of that place, has recently been found oncealed in a safe owned by W. W. Griffin, :rmer Cashier of said Bank. Rascality, ke murder, will always out, and should be . V.,* nnltltn oanfttTl Allt is too &nt UUIOUPU y UUU puuiiu UVM... ? 4 3 brand a man who steals a dollar as a thief,, rhile he who steals a thousand is a gentle*ion. Away with such a principle."