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When only published Monthly-orQuarterly,.One Dollar persquare willie hirged.~All Advertise ments not having the desired number.t insertions marked on tha margin, will be coritmued until forbid and charged accordingl Those desiring to advertise by tho year can do so on liberal terms.-it being distinctly under sto6Tthat contracts for yearly advertising are con fined to the immediate, legitimate business of the firm or individual contracting. Transient Adver tiseinents- must be paid for in advance. For aurw.cxing a Candidate; Three Dollars, in advance. For Advertising Estrays Tolled, Two Dollars, to be paid by the Magistrate advertising. EDGEFIELD, S. C THURSDAY, MAY 22,1851. Religious 'Notice. The Rev. H. C. HERLONG, of the 3Methodist de nomination, will preach in Pottersville on next Lord's day, at 4 o'clock P. M. "INDEPENDENCE" is assured that "DECISION OF 1850," and " JoiN RANDOLPH" are different writers. "JoHN RANDOLPH" was received after the other communications which appear to-day. Want of a single spare corner must be our apology for post poning its publication till next week. - ---0 WE refer all, who are interested to know how our merry maidens conducted their May-day cele bration, to our first page, where a full account of the proceedings is published. Mir. St. P. F. L was the Poet-laurate of the occasion, and every little nymph did ample justice to his muse, by the grace and precision of her delivery. Another fete of the same sort was enacted on the same day, in a diffirent place, by Mrs. Mc CLINTOCI'S scholars, which was equally interest ing. WHAT IS THE TRUE NATURE OF THE QUESTION ? ARE we, as a-State, to do something, or are we to do nothingI Are we to resist the outrageous injustice of the American Government, or to ac quiesce in, and thereby, sanction enactments which have virtually robbed us of our dearest rights? Let the people of South Carolina weigh well this important question, before giving a defi nite reply. Let not the excitement or fears of the moment hurry them into a decision, which may be regretted through life. First and foremost, let this great question be considered, with reference to the .UsTIcE, the TauTu and the RIGHT involv ed in its decision. Neither the hope of happy consequences, nor the fear of disastrous ones, should be suffered to bias hejudy 7~ gardingsthe questionin this pointc. dwnginerogto'ismay. a~hwpr~a~onthagould arise.. the rancli of'tine ideIidn - ir fnsaying that the foules -Nedo~e toithe State of South C- -r -Midoera15onresl - 90-friEt c - ing/tha-South Carolin'a is the bes. properjudge of the grievances she 5 Are wo right or wrong, in saying, tL-. - ally~and politically, at perfect liberty to sever the link:that'ueonnects her with an agent, which has been guilty of-usurpingauthority, contrary to-a writteh and express agreement? Can, or cannot, the right of secession be claimed upon undeniable * groundsi Would, or would not, a repudiation-of this right on the part of our opponents, be ample cause for the disruption of this Confederacyi Is it true, that there exists, nowhere, constitutional authority for a single State taking steps, for saving her citizens from the palpably vicious and illegal measures of wrong and violence, forced upon her by a combination of a majority- of her confede ratesI In a. word, is secession a rightful mode of proceeding, and is the aggrieved State the only proper judge of the occasion that may demand it ? Let every one, who is capable of thinking atal, reflect upon these things, until his mind is brought to absoluete conviction, on one side or the other. It is often said, that there is no question as to our wrongs-no doulgt as to the bare right of secession. And yet some act, talk and write, as though they did not feel that they were standing on the .broad and immutable foundations of Truth and Justice. We want such of our fellow-citizens to think, until they are carried far beyond a simple acknowledgement of this fact. We wish it to be. come with them a deep-seated, earnest and ever abiding, conviction-a conviction that will not " down at their bidding"-a conviction that shall be ever present to the mind, giving color to all its calculations and speculations as to the issue of this great strife. This feature, in all the struggles, hithertorecorded, for justice and for freedom, has been deemed the one of primary and paramount importance. And it has, ever and invariably, predominated over prospective anticipations, whether of evil or of good. Such ought now to be the case ; and hence the imperative necessity of a thorough coniction. If this conviction is against us, the presente contest may as well be given up if it is with us, we have an element of strength, that will make one man as tea, a battalion as a regiment, and a thousand freemen, as "terrible as an army with banners." Because the corres ponding conviction of error and injustice in the minds of our opponents, would render their arms comparatively nerveless. Sampson when bearing the jgates of Gaza upon his shoulders, and Samp son whenashorn of his locks, does not present a stronger contrast, than enlightened men contend. ing for Justice under the shield of Truth, and enlightened men inflicting a gross wrong without even a plausible pretext. Gentlemen are pleased to ask, as if in mockery, " what will your cry of Justice avail you ! what, your claiming of the Right ! what, your being backed by the power of Truth !" We are surprised to read such cold suggestions, emanating from a child of the " sunny South." In is the very essence of the most frigid utilitarianism. It is giving direct countenance to a code of principles, be fore which, (if it prevails,) all that is good and pure and honorable, must fall, if, in the least op posed, to what is profitable to the present genera tion of mnen. ..I-is naking present advantage and individua-inelundent, higher motives than future, pennianeit beneit' and'moral reputation. If this be indeed tihiPiif oFthe Algi, it; should be the noble endeavor 9f rhdsewalzh lot has been east in this genial ehm ; mi~gWselhamea are still made dear by so-many hallowe reminiscences of - honorable -Freedom, to wa against sits fate progresa " to the .lest extremity' Suceurab be fore the baneful influence, and you lesathe strong hold, that guards your liberties! Admit thal Justice agpd Freedom are but empty names, and the talismanik spell which sustained the finting troops of WAHINGTON in that diimal retreat across the Delaware-which prompted the generous Ameri can to support the filing cause, against hope, with almostprofuse liberality-which enabled MARiON and Suepva and BUTLERa and PICKENS, to struggle on against all odds, and with the most heart-sickening difficulties, until the dawn of a bettet day, gleamed from old King's mountain this spell, we say, will bo gone forever, and with it, the hopes of true Freedom. No-there is a power in Truth-there is a force in Justice-there is a spell in the Right, which has often led the week and oppressed to triumph, when the prospect was far more cheerless than that which lies before us now. To say that there is not, is to controvert the tenor and spirit of our holy Religion-it is to trample under foot the teachings of Christ himself. His whole example-his every precept was intend ed to illustrate the intrinsic power and strength of Justic, Truth and Right. If the nations of the earth are prepred, in this boasted 19th century, to adopt as their standard and guide, the motto of a vindictive Robber-chieftain, in preference to the lessons of that noble Religion, which has made our civilization all that it is,-if the philosophy of a coarse Scottish thief, is to be placed in the scales against the "Wisdom that cometh from above," then have we indeed fallen upon desperate times. Is it not our golemn duty, as Christian men, to meet and to repel these dangerous notions? If the great principles, upon which modern civilization rests, are in progress of subversion, (as has been intimated) then is it indeed time that the opposing forces were marshalled, not only on political, but on religious grounds. Such intimations are well calculated to arouse every thinking mind, to the vast importance of the issue, which South Caroli na, the weaker power in pointof physical strength, but confessedly the stronger morally, may soon make with a stronger Government, whose rapacity and injustice its own constituent membersfeel and e/plore. It is an issue of principle-it is a ques tion of right, and Christian civilization is tojudge between us. And in answering the question pro. pounded in the beginning of this article, (viz: " Shall South Carolina act or not ?" these are the most prominent and most important considerations -" Is Justice with us? Is Truth with us? Is the Right with us ?" We therefore reiterate the hope that our people will ponder gravely and consci enciously this branch of the enquiry, until they are brought to a settled conviction. Without this, they cannot properly approach the discussion of the probable consequences of our action. In the following article, we will venture to give some suggestions as to the rational mode of.con ducting the second branch of the enquiry. --. rHE RESULTS THAT MAY BE ANTICIPATED. There are only three results that seem to be at ill worthy of being considered, as inany man ner probable. Either South Carolina will be co rced by the strong arm of direct war, or her right to her own unrestricted port will be contested by Federal Revenue-cutters, or she will be permitted to secede unmolested. The first supposition coincides with the erpecta lions of a very limited number of intelligent gen lemen. Ask the question, upon what grounds are hese expectations based ? If it be said that there a authority for this proceedure, we should desire o be informed whether this authority is derived ~rom a written Constitution, or gathere bvj -, epon this point, there is no difference of opinion hat we have heard. of. All of us, who have ex irensed any opinion whatever, are agreed that rmed interference will not have the sanction of [.aw. What other ground is there for this expectationi Efit be affirmed to you that the Federal Govern nent weill pursue this course, because she has the lorwer to do it, we would suggest the following in luiries as beinggermain to the matter. What have he Northern States to gain by persecuting us with Nar ! What incoming pecuniary or civil advan ages can be held up to the calculating people of those States, as inducements to incur the vast ex pense of such a wari What effect would such a war produce upon Mississippi, Alabama, North Carolina, Florida and even Georgia, (Mr. Cons to the contrary notwithstanding ?) Would they sup port this war by contributions, of men or of money? could their people be restrained from revolution, .pon the happeninur of such an event ? We think hat candid, and well-considered answers to these iuestions, will bring each mind to the conclusion, hat an armed attempt to control South Carolina, s a distant probability-or, if it should happen, lhnt it will tend directly to strengthen our cause. Others may think differently. Let us all reflect Fully and dispassionately. Another apprehended result is that our right to aur oon free port will be restricted and contested by Federal Revenue-cutters. What difference be twveen this and armed interference, is the first en guiry suggested. Suppose that sloops of war are sent to blockade our port, would it, or would it riot be the opening of a military campaign ? Ifeso, the same difficulties lie in the way of its being set ra foot, and sustained by the American States, as in the case of direct war. But perhaps the South sn States would consent to the experiment, un ler the assurance that no open act of war would be committed, and that intimidation only was in tended. And yet, this point, having to be discuss ed not only in Congress, but before the people of the hesitating States, would necessarily be known in South Carolina, and to the world, and the ex periment would readily be tested, by some mer chantman coming to Charleston. Were the attempt made to bring her to with a blank gun, she would sail on her way laughing at the farce. She would thenperhaps be chased, grappled with and board ed, or a regular broad-side would be poured upon her ; and thus would be violated the stipulation which induced the friends of Truth, Justice and the institutions of the South, to sanction the arma ment. The supposition that an armament with such ridiculous restrictions, would be floated to our harbor, may excite a smile. But upon what other terms can it be supposed, that the Govern ment could avoid the reprobation, protest and re sistance of several of its constituent members. Is not a blockade supported by powder and lead, wvar, palpable war ? Can any sophistry make it other than wvar ? Would not the object of this block ade be to subdue South Carolina ? A portion of our opponents would exult in this deed-but the just and honorable everywhere, and especially in the South, would ask, what do you propose to effeict by conquering this Free Statei The precedent would be an inminently startling one. Perhaps ii would at once occur to the slave States that eni ty to slavery was the true secret of this inveterate hostility. Perhaps the desire to settle forever, the question of State sovereignty might be discovered to be the chief stimulant to the passions of our as mailants. Perapsn, aot the same time. it mio-ht be recalled to mind that this insued State, had never injured a single sister, while a member of the Confederacy-had never violated the Constitution of the Confederacy-bad never failed to do her part with alacrity and zeal, in sustaining the Flag of the Confederacy-and, 'only when compelled by grievous wrongs, had left the Confederacy, and assertedheroriginal and uncompromitted sovereign. ty. We think that such reflections might cause a very large number of the people of the Southka least, to pause and reconsider the question in i& true light. Others may think differently. Iet Reason decide between us. Butit may be said, that a sagacious scheme can be devised, by which the command of South.Car olina can be attained without the appearance of war. What is it! A floating custom-house out. side the bar, to intercept and collect duties on cargoes coming into our port. Does its being loca ted on the high seas, do away with the illegality of the act? The illegality consists in defining and exacting duties which it is rightfully ours to define and exact. What if this were done one hundred miles from shore! It does not make the transac tion one whit less unjust. It is a gross violation of international law. But this floating custom-house, alone and unassisted by gun-shipe, would of course be the merest child's play. Would it be attempted without some such support, either from vessels or forts ! Every one will say, no. Here then is powder and lead again. Our enemies must use these instruments of war first; for, otherwise, our trade and commerce would go on cheeringly, with only the additional excitement of an occasional race between a light trader, and a clumsy, brist ling man-of-war. View this matter in everylight, and ask yourselves, can it be other than war, and war commenced by Federal guns. What then is the true result, into which these several supposed modes of proceeding against us resolve themselves ? Is it not an act of war, which must either be sustained by a declaration of war coming from Congress, or disavowed by that body ? The question of war upon South Carolina, must, as a consequence of either of the courses prophe sied, come up and be discussed in the Federal Legislature, and that too at an early period of the contest. What then is the-naked and only issue, that can arise between Congress and South Caro lina, in case of interference by the former? We think it is the issue of war or peace. Our minds will then revert to the enquiry, is it probable that the American States will wage war upon South Carolina ! We should remember that this, if ac complished, would be done in defiance of Right and Justice-in defiance of Reason and Expedi ency-in defiance of the doubts and scruples of the good and generous at the North-in defiance of almost the entire public opinion of the South-in defiance of the great probability of throwing a a vast number of American citizens, into the ac tive support of our cause, and of enlisting-for us the sympathy, the "moral aid and comfort" at least, of other Governments, and lastly, in defi ance of the grand difficulty of vanquishing a hun dred thousand brave men, contending for Justice, and their family altars. Is it not a rational ex pectation thata Government, hampered and stag gered by these considerations, would be imbecile and inefficient for any purpose of war upon South Carolina? We are constrained to think that it is. Others may differ from us. Let calm reflection be invoked in deciding this question of probabilities. The last supposed result, and one whibh is said to hve the sanction and support, of many of our opponents in the present Government, is that South 'rln wil be nerrnit.Il tjo ----L --.& e - : .. again on the otner, can be mentioned, sufficient to restrain the commercial world, from using our market to the full extent of the commodities it can supply!? It cannot be that nations trading with us, shall,for that reason, be subjected to additional restrictions in all tEiborts of the Union. This would involve the Govern ment in wrangling and confusion without end, both at home and abroad. It would be manifestly impracticable. Nor would it be less so, to say that the Congress should declare that all countries, re pudiating the trade of South Carolina, shall have increased facilities and privileges. For this would result in a rapid and material reduction of the pre sent Tariff duties. How else could these facilities be brought about!? If it be said that these propo sitions are laughable, we may well ask, whatsoth ers, bearing upon this point of rival custom-houses, are worthy of more serious attention!i They have not been pointed out as yet. When this is done, we may judge better. But again, our commerce is to be fettered by rival interests. The nearest representatives of these interests will be. perhaps, the towns of Sa vannah, Georgia, and Wilmington, North Caroli na. AR this is a mera surmise, for which no rea sons whatever have been given, we must await, as upon the other point, the development of these reasons. In the mean time, we may consider the following questions. Will our commerce interfere with the welfare of the people of those States! Will they get less for their cotton than if we were in the Union!? Will their property be decreased in value, by the fact of our independence!? Will it be to their interest to break down, by inimical leg islation, the institutions of South Carolina, which are identical with their own! 'Will there be a shadow of a pretext, for molesting our Govern ment! Answer such questions as these, calrmly and with due reflection, and we are of the opinion, that each mind will arrive at the conclusion, that the idea of rival custom-houses and rival interests, operating against us, is a harmless scare-crow. But granting all this, we are told that South Caro lina, even if unmolested in any shape or form, by the American States, cannot sustain her indepen dence and preserve her respectability. As our article is already to long, we refer our readers, for many good views upon this last posi tion, to the temperate and sensible articles now appearing in our paper, over the signature of " RUTI.EDGE." In conClusion we say, read and study this great question for yourselves. Z!ditor's Table. " Tus HEIRS OF DERwENTwATER," and "THE SISTERS or the FATAL.MARtRIAGEs."-These novels have been sent to us, we perceive, by the Publishers. The first is from the house of DEWITT & DAVEN POaT, N. Y.-the second from H. LoNG & Broth er of the same city. These Publishers announce that they will transmit by mail, to any part of the country, any new works of the kind, upon a re mission of the cash. .A work of two hundred pages will cost fifty cents, (without binding.) These houses, doubtless issue a vast amount of good reading; but wve must say, that they have made an unfortunate selection in the specimens we have mentioned. Not that they are uninteresting -on the contrary, they are of much more than ordinary interest. Once begin them, and it is rather difficult to put them down, even for dinner. Their fault, is the fault of Emigene Sue% works. They are decidedly immoral and corruptingintheir influence-more so thtan any novels we have read for a long time. Villainy, debaucheryg robbery and henr ..ue .. ar thirprviling features. There are at th'e ametii;O, omew e1a pure , key. The plot of either rorlis rather defective z and unnatiral. B -tihii is partially lost ight of - by the reader, amid tlie iwried and hurriedici- a dents of the story. these novels'posses some interest of;i-t chaacter,. theyr ar certainly not worthy l emmended 'o a refined community. E.L DBjAHAaD is the au thor of iheisfirtirA d r CoCer4N, of the second. - - BYaNz's-Poicxtr o, AM 06X AC& Iif M, MECHANICS AND ENaria i as also been for warded by DzwrrT &4,1 4oa'r, Tribune f Buildings, N.- Y.; andetis gotohe alad- p mirable and eice6di it 'It iaclear I and condensed statementof.11 the information requisite-for a scienfictistsiV-han the ap pearanee moreover, of being esminently practical and simple. We can, withio t heiti4on, recom-. mend it to every -one, deoofacomnplishing himself in these direnaebe.of0bu ne . Price of mai Editioninw jditr. Address the firm, as-above. F -OR TE mr5 CAN SOUTH CAROLINAMA1NTAIN AN INDE 'PENDENT GOVJEMENT? We are now to Co aility of the State, under a scpa 4ii '-Io maintain her respectability a noim ons, andto protect herself against iggre , 1 Once Out of the U gliat.ia to prevent? The elements of stren astate are compact ness of territory, unio Wf niiest and feeling, pecuniary resources, ai men of strong nerves and stout hearts. So grpat men have said, that " Iar Aas no *ameinetdx thee of good sol diers." And again:. a,6Stite to be great, must be of a military 'rc ' by origin and disposition warlike." Tliere-is much wis dom in these words. -t e-'ualy true, that mere force never yet subdued ispirited and in- s telligent race of men. A.brave and determined people may be whipped, hut, if united, they can z never be subdued. -Mtorydoes not.furnish a single example. jt is a remark, worthy of its c author, f who overcomes By force, hath overeonmeiuthalf.-his foe." Nor do numbers alwey cotialtute the strength of a State. A Territoryof moderate size, with a warlike population, afrds ample bulwarks for protection and defence.-. Small States, by a prompt Concentration-of eir power, can always exert a force greater in -proportion than large States, and hence usually defend themselves be yond all expectation a nozst large forces sent against them. " It. is. . ownj- says a great Statesman, " that it takes a.mueh less force, in proportion, to subject aige.country with *nu merous population, thaii . small territory with F an inconsiderable pop tkn-;" Apply these principles to our'csse.Inth Carolina is strong in arms, and rich in toil She has a territory of 31,000 sqr. miles weiltll- to the amount of $250,000,000; and a zliiary-force of 55,000 men, who may be constantly employed in active service, without subtratc . erf largely from the agricultural ind e State. And she will have "good sol re not our men of ua a "military race ?" not warlike both a But on a subject.lik~e tims, ala once of expe~ rience is worth a pound.Qf speculation. Let us t look to history. Many of the most thriving and t powerful nations of alutiquity, and of modern, times, have been less in.pztent of territory than South Carolina. Take, f~r instance, the Repub- ~ lies of AruzEs, SAra and Rout. The teri tory of A-rrICA, includig the ralands, of which e A'rHENs was the Capitaleontained only 874 aqr. tI miles ; 135,000 eitizens ad alien residents ; and, 305,000 slaves (white,) th an aggregate wealth of about $40,000,000. Sma-rA liad a small area, with only 150,000 eitizensi and 220,000 slaves. til Its wealth, in the palmy inys of the State, was very inconsiderable. Yetthe combined army of ni these little States, not lageri'tan the military g, force of South Carolina, repulsed 300,000 Per ,, sians in a pitched battle and drove back from Si their borders, the Pesninvader with his mil- de lion of soldiers. The ~oution itself to meet li: this armed multitude m M excite our highest ad miration. and teach us in example wvorthy of imni The power of Rousz roe in a single city and in a small adjacent terribry ; and when this great rei State was at its highestdegree of strength and th power, it embraced ont the principal proyinces U1 of Italy, not exceedinggerhaps, in extent, 50,000 bli square miles. It was ijthe meanwhile poor aind all without trade. Nothig but its warlike sons Sc could have given it .sopomplete an ascenidency. th< In coming down tothe period of the middle thi ages, we find, among ire miost prosperous and aft powerful States, the tle Italian Republies of du VENICE, GENOA and BoasuNcE, with territories fat not larger, perhaps, Ian Edgefield District.- of There, too, was the iii Republic of SAN MaAR- by NO, which exists at thiday, with an area of only the 21 square miles, and bopulation of 7,600-one les of the most remarkablexamples on record of the me capacity of small Stab to preserve their inde pendenc and liberts. For centuries, it has of stood amid the most detdful political convulsions; ur and though invaded brpetually by the formida- pr< ble powers of the .P1e, which surrounded it, we grew, as the historia~lls un, " populous, happy eoi and illustrious." Th'arose, we learn, from the amr honest simplicity anlirtuouse manners of its in- wo habitants. May we it aspire to the noble career ha' of this gallant little i -e of Look, also, to theresent nations of Europe. va On the map we diseer some 45 States, less in me extent of territory tjn South Carolina-King- cul doms and RepubLia that not only enjoy the at blessings of liberty is higher degree than most an< of the States arounlthemn, but maintain a high - respectability amnondie nations of the earth.- we The reader will reepiize among these, Bzwuo- oth uw, DENxARK, Gisos, HOLLxAND, PORTUoAL., Ric SARDnIrA and SwrrysAn. Yet Belgium has are an area of only 12,$. square miles; Denmark, an1 22,000; Greee, 2100;.IHolland,11,000; Por- clii tugal, 39,000; 8aep,- 28,830; and Switzei-- by land, 17,208. Ex~xa-itdlf, which has gradu- asi ally risen in magde, till she lias become at wh once the most w4and ufoit powurful nation at c otheglobe,.hai ' of only 51,500 square one miles~ beiagrlels tLthrGeorgiaer Florida, pea 'helab -aeb5es- e-nbd~ but hae mintained..their independence. -How do the umberlesuitdo Priueipafitis, Duehics and King oms in Gernany, mafy of them not as large as dgefield Districtj preserve theii sovereignty nd independence gniong the despotic family.of luropean nations? There are the free cities o! IAURnUO, BusaxN, LUDEc and FANirOa-r, only bird rate towns, that have existed as Independent DVereignties f'r centuries. True, they belong, t present, to the Germanic confederation; but his is a mere league of defence against external owers, not interfering with the sovereignty and reedom of these cities. Yes! these Republies, ot one of them having an area over 150 square riles, nor a population above 200,000, have long pheld, and do now maintain their individual overeignties, enjoying the glorious sweets of berty, in the neighborhood of large and power Al despotisms-under the very eyes of tyrants, rho have their standing armies of 150,000 and 00,000 men, and who frown upon every sem lance of political freedom. Once members of a ;onfederacy, styled the "Hanseatie League," rhich comprized some 85 States or Cities, and rhich, by its wealth and arms, ruled nearly the rhole of Northern Europe, these little States ave had the nerve to achieve their independence, nd to maintain it under all the frowns and threats f despotism. Yet the people of Carolina, with quadruple heir wealth, and military force, and more than entuple their territory, are actually hesitating, rhether or not they shall give up their sovereign V, and become the mere tributary allies of a Torthern consolidated despotism. 0, Temporal ), Mores! But in estimating the elements of success for a eparate State Government, it is not proper to onsider only our physical resources. The true trelngth of a nation rests as much, perhaps, on he operation of moral causes, as on the organi ation of physical power. The Government, rhich, by its reckless administration and lawless ppressions, has sown the seeds of discontent and iction, need not expect to exert the full measure fits strength or greatness. For this tobe done, specially in free countries, the moral energies of he people must be awakened. Among a great nd free people, before the national mind can be rged to exert its full power and will, a plausible *retext must offer itself-a prospect of gain, or, t least, of some seeming good. Factions among s may combine for the accumulation of wealth nd power, but they will rarely unite to consume realth by extravagant wars, unless driven to Item in self-defence. The Federal Government, y arousing disaffections in the minds of the peo le, on the great sectional matters at issue before be country, has deranged its springs of power, ) as necessarily to cripple its energies, if not en rely to paralize them, in any struggle it may rage relative to these sectional issues. And -hile its power thus becomes weakened, a com ioh interest and safety must inevitably urge us, Doner or later, to that union of feeling and senti tent, that concert of will and action, which the esire for self-preservation never fails to inspire, nd which are the chief sources of national trength. -e, e.s . y - 4. * ..uan the aggressive >iritof military, despoticenations, Dlespots know int, under the enlightened diplomacy of modern mes, every community of'Sfates~for their mutual elfare and saf'dty, will use the utmost efforts to reserve a baldu~ct of pols'. 'They gre begin g to learn, also, that, in time of high po~pular ex tement, standing armies, how well so eter dis plinied, are not always to be relied -on and at the spark of liberty, once kindled by the ish of fire-arms, is in danger of soon lightting the whole mess of the people, and of extenhd g to the soldiery itself. Hence the cautious nidity of the crowned heads of Enrope, in the cent outbreaks among their' siubjectd, And >thing but the dread of public opinion-s-f a neral Congress of Nations--of ant awakcening nse of indignation throughout the European ates and the eivilzed world, prevents the mlore spotie powers from interfering to suppress the oeral movements now going on in the smaller ntinental States. South Carolina may, with reason, count upon is moral element. All the Southern slave-hold States know and feel, that, on the proper straint of Northern power, absolutely depends air safety and welfare; and this, whether the iion exists, or be dissolved. , Without the most nded prejudice and suicidal policy, they cannot1 nt the equilibrium between Northern and uthern power to be destroyed. It would be *ir certain destruction. They know and feel * ; and how much soever they may for awhile, er South Carolina withdraws, listen to thei leet strains of the Northern Syren, when that il Goddess creeps out fronm her secret places, aggression, and attempts to force her designs the otitward forms of power, rest assured, 1 ~y will rise tip iin their might to stay the heart course of the greedy and cruel monster. No ral reckoning can be moi-e certain. Consider now the situation and circumstances South Carolina. In the first place, these will re us to a policy of peace. Cut off from all epect of enlarging our dominion. by force, should be entirely free from the ambition of iquest--that prolific source of strife and war ong the nations of the world. Our efforts uld be directed to the pursuit of liberty and >piness; to striving after a high development our internal resources; and to making ad-t icements in our moral and intellectual attain nts. While this would naturally lead us to tivate peace and conuity towards other States, would ensui-e from them feelings of friendship I sympathy for us.a Again: The nature of our produce would be c Il calculated to beget friendly relations with s er States. Our Exports consist of Cotton, a c, Lumber, &c.-products of the earth. We ii almost the only State that exports Rice to il extent. Our produce, therefore, is of that fi maeter, which will cause it to be eagerly sought il many nations, while our situation will be such ( o lead us to seek from others, commodities v ich they may have to~exchange. This begets, v ace, a lively and heathful trade ; and every q knows, that trade and commerce are great Butthirdly, wo-shall avlittloexcit animosity or envy of other nations., .Our Terri tory will be comparatively small, and in-gresl part, subject to cultivation only by the African It would,' therefore, scarcely tempt a conquerorf or invite the rapacity of the North. Our wealth also, is of such a nature, as not to excite North ern cupidity. Consisting almost wholly of land and negroes, it would be of little value to any ex cept those whowould own slaves and live .upor the soil, while any serious disturbance of our In. stitutions would efreetually destroy our produce, which it is so much the interest of others to ob. tain. Nothing but a spirit of revenge in the Northern mind, could provoke an attempt tc conquer our State; and we need have fears froni no other quarter. While, then, other States would have little temptationto interruptus, every consideration of interest and policy would lead them to let us alone; in which ease, as shown in our former article, we should enjoy an unexam pled state of prosperity. With our native strength, therefore, and by'the operation of the moral causes, we have been con sideringi there can be little doubt as to the ability of the State to maintain her liberty and indepen dence. As to her respectability, that may very well be left to time. One thing is certain, it will never depend on mere physical strength. Under the judgment of a christian wdrld, physical power is no longer the single test of worth among nations or individuals. A people who practice virtue and justice among themselves, and in their inter course with others ; who excel in morul and in tellectual attainments; who are brave, high minded and honest; and who always tread the paths of duty and honor, need have no fears, for their respectability either among contemporane ous nations, or with posterity, though they may chance to occupy a small territory, and to enjoy few of the luxuries of life. It may too, with safe ty be affirmed, that while small States have some times afforded substantial liberty, large oneshave always been despotic; and hence, the people who sacrifice to their ambition by seeking to live in large and magnificent empires, must do so at the expense of their liberty and happiness. RUTLEDGE. FOR THE A DVERTIsER. Ma. En'rro: That your correspondent" Dx crooN or 1850," should deem me deficient in courtesy has excited my unaffected regret. Ful ly realizing the difficulties of conducting a con troversy in print, and of avoiding every cause of offence, both seeming and real, I endeavored to exercise an unwonted degree.of prudence, and to this end actually consulted my dictionary upon the very word to which objection is made. In the books to which I referred, the adverb " flippantly," means fluently, smoothness and rapidity of speech, &e. In this sense was it used, and when I assure " DzcisioN oF 1850," that I have no conception of his real name, I hcipe'and believe that he will resume his good temper and former signature and drop Ius alias. I suspect that "Dzcsion oF 1850" and "Jomx Rax oLn.". are the same, and if so, I cannot obect - &- .-of the latter article as it was impressin that 'Independence' -corteous -If, however, " Jdux different writer, I will sofar u of " Dzeusrow'ow 185,1-as r. ~ ever asserted "that a State however smal eanot pay for the edippsfof her own government." Iaid expressly that South Carolina " would be rich enough-to entice the cupidity of the world, but too feeble to defend herself," if attacked by a powerful Nation; and secondly, that the assertion, though understood as it *as by "Joax RANDOras," is not more " disgusting'" than the stupidity of his -'deelara tion "that the experience of military men has tau-ght us that it is much easier to take strong positions thaif to maintain them." Upon this principle it follows, that it is mnore dificeult to subdue a weak man than one who is strong. But enough ; wrangling was never more out of place than at the present time, and I here de elare that in whatever I may write, not one word of acrimony or disrepeet shall escape me, unless used as retort, The " Dgcrsros of 1850," finds it diffilut to reconcile my approbation of the appropriation of 9300,000 made by the L~egislaturo, and my ivowed opposition to separate State action, and solds tirat li'paration for an issue that may or uny not arise ifpon some future contingency is in absurdity. 'The explanation is simply this, liat preparation to meet an issue is the most ffeetual method of' averting it. Were the hirteen Southern States to secede i a body, I inve no idea that a blow would be strucek. 1But do not require a coalition of all those States to nduce me to advocate secession. The co-opera ion of any two States with South Carolina would entent me and I would then advocate action ostanter. I believe that three States would rrm a nucleus of strong attractive power, which rould rapidly increase, and I further believe that uch a coalition of a few States would be more ikely to result in war than the secession of a ingle State. By war I mean actual fighting iot blockading. The preparedness of South larolina under these circumstances, would be a aluable absurdity. Nor does it follow that be ause I approve of one appropriation of a given mount that I recommend others and each larger mounts. Three hundred thousand dollars ju iciously invested in small arms and cannon, in ddition to the arms now owned by the State private rifles included) would be quite suficeient r her wants while looking to thte co-operation f Alabama and Missisrippi. Every dollar of ist amount invested in Steam Ships, built with view to their conversion into vessels of War, think will be money thrown away. Towards uilding a Navy, $300,900 is but a drop in the ucket. It is not the appropriation which has Iready been made, but those which are yet to amo in carrying out the scheme of separate aceession, to which Ialluded when I asked " will ot the heavy debt the State will be forced to icur in order to put her in a condition of de nec, (by land and sea, with her men in the old, her navy afloat, besides the previous debt ecident to her organization as an Independent ~overnment) entail a burden of taxation which ill depopulate the State ?" .The sentence as I rote it was an enquiry, not an assertion suit is moted. ' Your correspondent helds me coniinitted to a~ illfrathiicrn..2+taatniea and nTfa thi appropriation made1fy Ih6atis .1- ali I would hawe her Cdo.40-m w liser. pariod followed theword "more?-DmIgtihav bixi.nBut take the sentenes awbole, andI doojliink the meaning given to psrtsfaiyv. inferable. The sentenceiuas followso-'w.ld have-herinneMWan&: - 1 training for anyneeny," by wh iji-eia. cause her young men tbU them,-to-marc~rand whede=aadeia of this idea, Ireommen 'in the bl the organization of Volunteer-Coup j equipped, in every neigh - Neither am I an "anti-State under all circumstances. I have "that when every e'o'-hpe the South shall have vanished (which w 4be. determined upon the passage other law injuriously affietg-our instititions, without producing.eo-oberation1tesIilthe emergency justify :drepeisasie, andithemi let South Carolina, single and alone, takelhIbreel, &c." I would then adoptsemion ayrs resort and believing that our politicalsestsep was at its crisik, would consent to the ezeriment of plunging South Carolina ints this "Ocea of uncertainty;" with that hope wbiehis the rt comfort of all secessionists-the hopeAiUt so e e of the States of the South may Womd rescue. - - I desired to say more on other poinswhei have been misinterpreted and. misgiote_ matters-of a private nature are nqw . -ng pqg my time and-my labour. TO THE PEOPLE 01 EGEFIE It' would be a reproach to yourn for any citizen, to endeavoio peii we have hot reached a point in the State, that demands all your viglani u ment, courage, and firames. - tteiptsiae been, and will b'nade-to deoeve'anf7aislua you,.by timid men, and by unworthy .iriige n . Many of you have already been ..etrya p great error. The-truth has not. been is n and the true issues for.y.fj eie been fairly presented to your minds. T vidual who addresses bas no rations to and Wre no what le now has to say;'r foi 'AmiA studiously kept hidden from the pu-ia*. me, then, with patience and confidence. . Among the many specio r agintea1. uto divert you from the sale qutiortimIhuld now engross your-thoughtsankyur if yott mean to. vindicatd yourtghif,iltha shallow coaterfeit of a reas, tyiir 4 gates did -not sere you with felit* 4 Session of the Legslature "6. vo -o call of a Convention-ofthi to your wishes and your ei i onbk iy unholy -attempt to.:injure a rig casting an unmerited i -- Let this argiment b i i scrutiny and'if.0siin stiepredeltendne on" to tierre .'which weel"pti. peetand homait should be guarded udj te chastity of yourdaug iai it ehomlkh 4 egually-as sensiltive to iniydatras reudygts. repel every rude stifsiit3.il1 adinonliye, that you willapei te mrdsilrrde . bus sovereigns, and 'hbi er-in'equtW. proofs of your claims toth'atligkppellistion,if your servants are the only beings en -earth fromas whom you can resent an injury. -Every -cow ardly little monster een tyrannize over-i.s slave.-. It is very unbecoming in -you to expend yournc wrath and fieroc resentment on-those whorsse complish your behests with fear andtremliing, while you are meely enduring from-the-hndof. a strong man,. the foules-t -enormities that, ever blighted the prosperity of a once free people. The truth is, you had no right-to expect to be consulted in relation to the calling of your State Contention.. It was impossible that -you eool have been advised in that regard. You re often asked, even until the question becamedsa miliar to your ear, if we should resist in tl4 event of the passage by Congress of certainh noxious measures recommended by the famous Committee or Thirteen, and Amen wa teldd response from everf heart and ee'ryilip Now, my Fellow-Citizenu, I enghitifewvr you well, for I have lived long amoneityen na~ I have endeavored toexjpore every avenue-that. leads to your hearts. I shall speak plainly-o you, because I have enjoyed your heilftiltjl confidence, and honesty needs no-coueeids~t, You are -reasonable men-gallant sadih toned, while you keep your tempers 1mfeba manly control, and you never play..the tyrants, until you are mastered bfpaaion','oblid b" prejudice.- You are then, as any other angry people. Listenr argument, and if you hate even'tl~e mdt~ rate patience and capacity for rieetio(T4W prove to you, beyond donbt, t1Nstion1iP the sade ofa reason to complaiba ist --- consulted about the Convention. During the Canvass last yea, for ueatiitthe General Assembly, it was- not certainly haimgsur that'the various Billatermedthe",Cmpis4ijg't would, at any time, receive the sanegen~ikhe National Legislature.. On the contrarygwead good grounds to hope that they..would nggo the passage of the Great "OmnbbUgas entirely defeated, and it~wagnt until)lekte year, that its various passenges gerelbroget into Congress for a separate hearing. Th.ar rupt barga'inwith Texas, u4h ctestahlish' ing a Territorial Gove meti4IO . aid not receirve the assent of thefjeisigi the 9th of Septemnber y and~h~t~ mission of the State of C 4 e was also only approved~uh ., - sets establishing..a rtoil Utah, and amending the. btaineathe approvalo he 18th offetsae njustie-.to suppressa.