University of South Carolina Libraries
IS PUBLISHED EVERY THuRSDAY BY W. F. DURISOE, Proprietor. ARTHUR SIIKINS, Editor, T3RMS.-Two DOLLARS per year, if pai< in advance-Two DOLLARS and FIFTY CENTS i not paid in six months-end THREE DOLLARS i n1ot paid before the expiration of the year. Al subscriptiois not distincily limited at the time o subscribing, will be considered as made for an in definite period, and will- be continued -until al arrearages are paid, or at the option of zthe Pub lisher. Subscriptions from other States must b) accompanied with the cash or reference to somi one known to us. ADVERTISEMENTS will be'conspicuouslyinsertet at 75 cents per Square (121ifies or les,) for the fire insertion and 37 1-2 for each subsequent insertion When only published Monthlyor Quarterly,.Oni Dollar persquaie willsiolirged. All Advertise men ts not having the desired numbet4 insertioni marked on the. margin, will be continued unti forbid and charged accordingly. Those desiring to advertise by the year can d so on liberal terms.-it being distinctly under sto6'thit contraits for yearly advertising are con fined to the immediate, legitimate business of tho firm or individual contracting. Transient Adver tisements- must be paid for in advance. For anr.car.cing a Candidate; Three Dollars in advance. For Advertising Estrays Tolled, Two Dollars to be paid by the Magistrate advertising. EDGEFIELD, S. C. THURSDAY, MAY 22,1851. Religious 'Notice. The Rev. H. C. HEnLoNG; of the Methodistde nomination, will preach in Pottersville on nexi Lord's day, at 4 o'clock P. M. "INDEPENDENCE" is assured that "DEcIszoN oF 1850," and " Jonu RANDOLPH" are diffierent writers. "JouN RANDoLPH" was received after the other communications which appear to-day. Want of a single spare corner must be our apology for post. poning its publication till next week. WE refer all, who are interested to know how our merry maidens conducted their May-day cele. bration, to our first page, where a full account of the proceedings is published. Mr. St. P. F. L was the Poet-laurate of the occasion, and every little nymph did ample justice to his muse, by the grace and precision of her delivery. Another fete of the same sort was enacted on the same day, in a diflerent place, by Mfrs. Mc. CLINTOCK's scholars, which was equally interest ing. *0 WHAT IS THE TRUE NATURE OF THE QUESTION ? ARE we, as a State, to do something, or are we to do nothing? Are we to resist the outrageous injustice of the American Government, or to ac. quiesce in, and thereby, sanction enactments which have rirtually robbed us of our dearest rights? Let the people of South Carolina weigh well this important question, before giving a defi nite reply. Let not the excitement or fears of the moment hurry them into a decision, which may be regretted through life. First and foremost, let this greit question be considered, with reference to the jusTicE, the TRUTH and the RIGHT involv ed in its decision., Neither the hope of happy consequences, nor the fear of disastrous ones, ,should'.be suffered to bias.the judy'. garding.the question,in this point c. tO~owing interrogatories mnay . altwpiIst~nthgwould arise. the brnNE offhbe Tteition ' i~insaying that the 'foules a. W iddoe tth&Skate of-.South Cer properjudge ~of the grie'vances se Are we right or wrong, in 'saying, t... c. ~ allysand politiceally, at perfect liberty to sever the link that tonnects her with an agent, which has been guilty of usurping.authory, contrary to a writtetr and express agreement! Can, or cannot, the right of secession be claimed upon undeniable groundsi Would, or wvould not, a repudiation-of this right on the part of our opponents, be ample cause for the disruption of this Confederacy ? Is it true,-that there exists, .nowhere, constitutional authority for a single Statetaking steps, for saving her citizens from the palpably vicious and illegal measures'of wrong end violence, forced upon her by a combination of a majority- of her confede rates 1 'In a. word, is secession a rightful mode of proceeding, and is the aggrieved State the only proper judge of the occasion that may demand it ? Let every one, wvho is capable of thinking atal, reflect upon these things, until his mind is brought to abisolute conriction, on one side or the other. It is often said, that there is' no question as to our wrongs-no doulgt as to the bare right of secession. And yet some act, talk and write, as though they did not feel that they were standing on the .broad arnd immutable foundations of Truth end Justice." We want suck of our fellow-citizens to think, until they are carried far beyond a simple acknowledgement of this fact. We wish it to be come with them a deep-seated, earnest and ever abiding. conviction-a. conviction that will not " down at'their bidding"-a conviction that shall be ever present to the mind, giving color to all its calculations and speculations as to the issue of this great strife. This feature, in all the struggles, hithertorecorded, for justice and for freedom, has been deemed the one of primary and paramnount importance. And it has, ever and invariably, predominated over prospective anticipations, whether of evil or of good. Such ought now to be the case ; and hence the imperative necessity of a thaorough coniction. If thiseconvictionis against us, the presentae contest may as wall be given up-. if it is with us, we have an element of strength, that will make one man as ten, a battalion as a regiment, and a thousand freemen, as " terrible as an army with banners." Because the corres. ponding conviction of error and irnjustice in the minds of our opponents, would render their arn comparatively nerveless. Sampson when bearini the igates of Gaza upon his shoulders, and Samp, son whenshorn of his locks, does not present stronger contrast, than enlightened men contend ing for Justice under the shield of Truth, ant enlightened men inflicting a gross wrong withoul even a plausible pretext. Gentlemen are pleased to ask, as if in mockery " what wfli your cry of Justice avail you! what your claiming of the Right!. what, your being backed by the power of Truth!" We aresurpriset to read such cold suggestions, emanating from child of the " sunny South." It is the verj essetnce of the most frigid utilitarianism. It i giving direct countenance to a code of principle's before which, (if it prevails,) all that is good ant pure and honorable, must fall, if, in the least op posed, to what is profitable to the present genera tion of men. It is1 making preseutadvantage anc inidividual emol'ament, higher motives than future : perminent berneft and moral reputation. If this 'be indeed thespirit of-the Age, it should be the -noble indeavarzof-thdsepwhose lot has been casi In this genial clime, an'd wbose homes are itll made dear by so-many hallowed reminiscences a 'IhonorableiFriedIom, to waaais -t ferthe "~orestarthe .last extremity." Succumb be, ld, that 'guards jour'lilertiesi Admit that I Justice nad Freedom are but empty names, and the 1 talismanic spell whichsustained the fainting troops I of WASH1INGTON in that dismal retreat across the 4 Delaware-which prorpted'the generous Ameri- I I can to support the failing cause,against hope, with i r almost profuse liberality-which enabled MARIoN and SUrPTERa and BUTLER and PICKENS, to I f struggle on against all odds, and with the most i heart-sickening difficulties, until the dawn of a bettei day; gleamed from old King's mountain- I this spell, we say, will be gone forever, and with I it, the hopes of true Freedom. No-there is a power in Truth-there is a force in Justice-there is a spell in the Right, which has often led the week and oppressed to triumph, when the prospect was far more cheerless than that which lies before us now. To say that there is not, is to controvert I the tenor and spirit of our holy Religion-it is to 4 trample under foot the teachings of Christ himself. His whole example-his every precept was intend- I ed to illustrate the intrinsic power and strength of I Justic, Truth and Right. If the nations of the I earth are prepared, in this boasted 19th century, I to adopt as their standard and guide, the motto of 1 a vindictive Robber-chieftain, in preference to the i lessons of that noble Religion, which has made I our civilization all that it is,-if the philosophy of I a coarse Scottish thief, is to be placed in the scalvs against the " Wisdom that cometh from above," then have we indeed fallen upon desperate times. I Is it not our Solemn duty, as Christian men, to I meet and to repel these dangerous notions? If the I great principles, upon which modern civilization rests, are in progress of subversion, (as has been I intimated) then is it indeed time that the opposing I forces were marshalled, not only on political, but I on religious grounds. Such intimations are well calculated to arouse every thinking mind, to the vast importance of the issue, which South Caroli na, the weaker power in pointof physical strength, I but confessedly the stronger morally, may soon I make with a stronger Government, whose rapacity and injustice its oten constituent members feel and deplore. It is an issue of principle-it is a ques tion of right, and Christian civilization is tojudge between us. And in answering the question pro pounded in the beginning of this article, (viz: " Shall South Carolina act or not ?" these are the most prominent and most important considerations -"Is Justicewithus? IsTruthwithus? Isthe Right with us?" We therefore reiterate the hope that our people will ponder gravely and consci enciously this branch of the enquiry, until they are brought to a settled conviction. Without this, they cannot properly approach the discussion of the probable consequences of our action. In the following article, we will venture to give I some suggestions as to the rational mode of.con ducting the second branch of the enquiry. --- .9 THE RESULTS THAT MAY BE ANTICIPATED . t There are oily three results that seem to be at i all worthy of being considered, as inany man ner probable. Either South Carolina will be co erced by the strong arm of direct war, or her right to her own unrestricted port will be contested by I Federal Revenue-cutters, or she will be permitted to secede unmolested. The first supposition coincides with the erpecta tions of a very limited number of intelligent gen tlemen. Ask the question. upon what grounds are these expectations based ? If it be said that there is authority for this proceedure, we should desire t to be informed whether this authority is derived from a written Constitution, or gathered by inmH. upon this point, there is no difference of opinion v that we have heard. of. All of us, who have ex- tl pressed any opinion whatever, are agreed that r armed interference will not have the sanction of a Law. What other ground is there fo this expectation? s If it be affirmed to you th& the Federal Govern- b meat weill pursue this course, because she has the il powoer to do it, we would suggest the following in- t] quiries as being germain to the matter. What have p the Northern States to gain by persecuting uswith il war ? What incoming pecuniary or civil advan- ri tages can be held up to the calculating people of s those States, as inducements to incur the vast ex- b pense of such a war? What effect would such a s war produce upon Mississippi, Alabama, North e Carolina, Florida and even Georgia, (Mr. Coaa to a the contrary notwithstanding ?) Would they sup- a port this war by contributions, of meni or of money! v Could their people be restrained from revolution, upon the happeninr of such an event!i We think r that candid, and well-considered answers to these t questions, will bring each mind to the conclusion, y, that an armed attempt to control South Carolina, r is a distant probability-or, if it should happen, s, that it will tend directly to strengthen our cause. ~ Others may think differently. Let us all reflect r fully and dispassionately. Another apprehended result is that our right to y our ocn free port will be restricted and contested 3 by Federal Revenue-cutters. What difference be- 1 tween this and armed interference, is the first en- o quiry suggested. Suppose that sloops of war are I seat to blockade our port, would it, or would it i not be the opening of a military campaign ? Ifso,a the same difficulties lie in the way of its being set , on foot, and sustained by the American States, asr in the ease of direct war. But perhaps the South- a era States would consent to the experiment, un der the assurance that no open act of war would be committed, and that intimidation only was in tended. And yet, this point. having to be discuss ad not only in Congress, but before the people of 1 the hesitating States, would necessarily be knownt in South Carolina, and to the world, and the ex periment would readily be tested, by some mer chantman coming to Charleston. Were the attemptr made to bring her to with a blank gun, she wouldt sail on her way laughing at the farce. She would then-perhaps be chased, grappled with and board ed, or a regular broad-side would be poured upon her; and thus would be violated the stipulation which induced the friends of Truth, Justice and the institutions of the South, to sanction the arma meat. The supposition that an armament with such ridiculous restrictions, would be floated to our harbor, may excite a smile. But upon what Iother terms can it be supposed, that the Govern meat could avoid the reprobation, protest and re sistance of several of its constituent members. Is not a blockade supported by powder and lead, war, palpable war ? Can any sophistry make it otheri than war ? Would not the object of this block ade be to subdue South Carolinai A portion of our opponents would exult in this deed-but the just and honorable everywhere, and especially in thei South, would ask, what do you propose to effect1 by conquering this Free State ? The precedent would be an iminently startling one. Perhaps it< would at once occur to the slave States that enmi ty' to slavery was the true secret of this inveterate hostility. Perhaps1.he desire to settle forever, the question of State sovereignty might be discovered to be the chief stimulant to the passions of our as ailant. Perapsn about the ene time, It aught >e recaled to mind that isisulte State, bad a tecer injured a single sister, while a member of the k 3onfederacy--had newer violated the Constitution a if the.Confederacy-had never failed to do her b )art with alacrity and zeal, in sustaining the Flag d >f the Confederacy-and, only token compelled by si trievous wrongs, had left the Confederacy, and e asertedheroriginaland uncompromitted sovereign- ri y. We think that such reflections might causea; tl rery large number of the people of the South.at a east, to pause :and reconsider the question In ils rue light. Others may think differently. Let A eason decide between us. I Butit may be said, that a sagacious scheme can E )e devised, by which the command of South-Car-, B dina can be attained without the appearance of a war. What is it? A floating custom-house out, I ide the bar, to intercept and collect duties on :argoes coming into our port. Does its being loca- a ad on the high seas, do away with the illegality of n he act? The illegality consists in defining and h aacting duties which it is rightfully ours to define j md exact. What if this were done one hundred f iles from shore! It does not make the transac ion one whit less unjust. It is a gross violation of nternational law. But this floating custom-house, C Ione and unassisted by gun-ships, would of course e the merest child's play. Would it be attempted vithout some such support, either from vessels or orts? Every one will say, no. Here then is S iowder and lead again. Our enemies must use h hese instruments of war first; for, otherwise, our 'h rade and commerce would go on checringly, with inly the additional excitement of an occasional ' ace between a light trader, and a clumsy, brist ing man-of-war. View this matter in everylight, .nd ask yourselves, can it be other than war, and var commenced by Federal guns. What then is the true result, into which these d everal supposed modes of proceeding against us d esolve themselves ? Is it not an act of war, which n ust either be sustained by a declaration of war a :oming from Congress, or disavowed by that body i d, ['he question of war upon South Carolina, must, n s a consequence of either of the courses prophe- t ied, come up and be discussed in the Federal cgislature, and that too at an early period of the n ontest. What then is the-naked and only issue, hat can arise between Congress and South Caro in, in case of interference by the former? We a hink it is the issue of war or peace. Our minds vill then revert to the enquiry, is it probable that he American States will wage war upon South arolina? We should remember that this, if ac- 0 omplished, would be done in defiance of Right a. nd Justice-in defiance of Reason and Expedi- P1 ney-in defiance of the doubts and scruples of the pi ood and generous at the North-in defiance of e; Imost the entire public opinion of the South-in S efiance of the great probability of throwing a y . vast number of American citizens, into the ac ive support of our cause, and of enlisting for us he syinpathy, the "moral aid and comfort" at mest, of other Governments, and lastly, in defi- P1 nce of the grand difficulty of vanquishing a hun-. n red thousand brave men, contending for Justice, - nd their family altars. Is it not a rational ex- P ectation that a Government, hampered and stag- in cred by these considerations, would be imbecile 3 nd inefficient for any purpose of war upon South arolina? We are constrained to think that it is. hhers may differ from us. Let calm reflection be rivoked in deciding this question of probabilities. The last supposed result, and one whidh is said , ShAve the sanction and support, of many of our pponents in the present Government, is that South a 'tmlnavill be Dernius --- --..-' 7 k , --a. .. e' -. -. gain on the otner, can -a e mentioned, sufficient to restrain the commercial orld, from using our market to the full extent of ri i commodities It can supply ? It cannot be that h ations trading with us, shal,for that reason, be objected to additional restrictions in all t1borts the Union. This would involve the Govern tent in wrangling and confusion without end, oth at home and abroad. It would be mantifestly ii npracticable. Nor would it be less so, to say that tc ' Congress should declare that all countries, re- A udaing the trade of South Carolina, shall have rr acreased facilities and privileges. For this would 31 sut in a rapid end material reduction of the pre- of mt Tariff duties. How else could these facilities ~ e brought about ? If it be said that these propo- It tions are laughable, we may well ask, whatoth-v rs, bearing upon this point of rival custom-houses, v re worthy of more serious attention ? They havet ot been pointed out as yet. When this is done, f ea may judge better. '5s But again, our commerce is to be fettered by th ival interests. The nearest representatives of lie ese interests will be. perhaps, the towns of Sa- t11 annah, Georgia, and Wilmington, North Carohi- m a. As this is a meai surmise, for which no rea- t yns whatever have been given, we must await, upon the other point, the development of these aons. In the mean time, we may consider the a llowing questions. Will our commerce interfere Si rith the welfare of the people of those States ?- pc Vill they get less for their cotton than if we were 01 1the Union!? Will their property be decreased in sc ale, by the fact of our independence ? Will itw e to their interest to break down, by inimical leg.-~ ilation, the institutions of South Carolina, which re identical with their own ? Will there be a hadow of a pretext, for molesting our Govern- a tent? Answer such questions as these, calmly P ad with due reflection, end we are of the opinion, VJ hat each mind will arrive at the conclusion, that a be idea of rival custom-houses and rival interests, T perating against us, is a harmless scare-crow.- N iut granting all this, we are told that South Care- 2 na, even if unmolested in any shape or form, by he American States, cannot sustain her indepen ence and preserve her respectability. As our article is already to long, we refer our P eaders, for many good views upon this last posi- 51 ion, to the temperate and sensible articles now ai ppearing in our paper, over the signature of b RUTLEDGE." In conclusion we say, read and g tudy this great question for wourselves. a h 2Zditorrs Table. " THE HEIas oF DERwVETwATER," and "TmzhE SIsTERs or the FATA L MiARAG Es."-These novels ~ ave been sent to us, we perceive, by the Publishers. ['he first is from the house of DEWITT & DavEN- ( 'RT, N. Y.-the second from H. LoNG & Broth- e r of the same city. These Publishers announce hat they wvill transmit by mail, to any part of the ountry, any new works of theo kind, upon a re nission of the cash. .A work of two hundred >ags will cost fifty cents, (without binding.)r These houses, doubtless issue a vast amount of ' rood reading; but we must say, that they have U nade an unfortunate selection in the specimens we E iave mentioned. Not that they are uninteresting a --on the contrary, they are of much more than g rdinary interest. Once begin them, and it is t -ather difficult to put them down; even for dinner. I rheir fault, is the fault of Eugene Sue'is works. hey are decidedly immjoraand corruptinginitheir nfluence-more so than any novels we have read C r a long time. Villainy, debauchery,robbery and ~ Isiue,. their...,ailing features. There are I the same te, soe 'Neron a pure iy. The. plot of eitlierwerk -i rather defective md unatiiral. Bit-thu is.partally lost sight of r the reader, azmid*ifeied and hurriedinci mnts of the sto'y.W thesenovelsppses ime interest of a. ehaiecter, theyara rtainly not woithy d. ommendedto a fined community. E.M Br.aoARD Is the an kor ofilefirst n'amned k z l COCKOsN, the second. - - ByaN'ocrn~i-r iez iMc Nrrrs, [ECHANICS AND ENouiris, jas also been for rarded by DzwrT T w, p Twr, .Tribune uildings, N. Y.; and-th s dto be an ad drable and'e zceding k It liiselear ad condensed statemen al the information quisite-for a seieniise _-It -has the ap asrance moreover, of bing eminently practical ad simple. We can, wthopt Ieja t, recom iend it to every one doirouset secoinplishing imself in these dIfrms branqbes Afbnem 'rice of ma laar. Address the rn, asibove Foa TBE AntUT1Es - IN SOUTH CAROLNARiAfTA iN-AN INDE -PENDENT GOUBRNMENT - We are now to con $4W ability of the tate, under a separlte to maintain er respectability amnn nations and'to protect erself against aggresls Once odutof the , ti, to prevent? he elements of strengm estate are compact ess of territory, unao4W mntost and feeling, ,euniary resources, men of strong nerves id stout hearts. Sonigreat men. have said, at "w war Aas no sineai */aoae of good sol fers." And again: "a Sate to be great, =et be of a military race,.p' bo'th.by Origi id disposition, warlike'" There-is much wis m) in these words. t ni eually true,. that ere force never yet subdued a.spirited and in ligent race of men. A brave and determined ople may be whipped,- but, if united, they can ever be subdued. ;Hstorydoes not furuish a ngle example. .,t is a remark, worthy of its thor, - - who overcomes By force, bath overbmeutlialf .-his foe." Nor do numbers alwaye o tute the strength a State. A Territory of moderate sze, with warlike population, afida ample bulwarks for ,otection and d.eoenCe Small States, by a !ompt concentration-of their power, can always cert a furce greatq in proportion. than large tates, and hence umually.defendthenmselves be nd all expectation a 'ust large forces sent gainst them. "It.is.ownj.M says a great atesman, " that it takesanmach less force, in -portion, to subject a4ige'eountry with Pnu crous population, thaw acmall territory with k inconsiderable pop_ton" Apply these inciples to our cse - nth Carolina is strong arms, and rich in soil She has a territory of 1,000 sqr. miles; w1ti -to the- amount of 250,000,000; and a itary force of 55,000 en, who miay be constinemployed in active rvice, without subtraefI very. largely from e agricultural ind ie State. And she ill have "good solder :t Are not our men of " military race ?" ilynot warlike both But on a subjectlike thias, an otncee of' exp me is worth a pound of~speculation. Let us ak to history. Many ofthe most thriving and >werful nations. of satiquity, and -of nmodern nes, have been lesssin.stenat of territory than ath Carolina. Take, i r instance, the Repub a of ArTHEis, SaATA and RoMS. The terrn ry of ArrrcA, includin the Ielands, of which rEus was the Ciapital~eontained only 874-sqr.1 iles ; 135,000 eltizens.#d alien residents ; and, 5,000 slaves (white,) th an aggregate wealth1 about $40,000,000. ma'rA had a small area, ith only 150,000 citizens and 220,000 slaves. Swealth, in the palmy days of the State, was ry inconsiderable. Yetthe combined army of ese little States, not lagei' than the military ree of South Carolina, ,-eptlsed 300,000 Per mns in a pitched battle land drove back from4 cir borders, the Pers' invader with his mail m of soldiers. The alution itself to meetI is armed multitude it excite our highest ad iration, and teach us a example worthy of imi tion-. t The power of RoME ~oe in a single city and i small adjacent terri r; and when this great r ute was at its highesglegree of strength and t ~wr, it embraced on; the principal provinces I -Italy, not exceedingjerhaps, in extent, 50,000 l nare miles. It was (thae meanwhile poor and a ithout trade. Noth'ig but its warlike sons 8 uld have given it sopomplete an asoendency. tl In coming down tothe period of the middle ti es, we find, among lie mst prosperous and al werful States, the Ltle Italian Repuabices of d ENICE, GENOA and ROENCE, -with territories fa t larger, perhaps, a-Edgefleld District.- of here, too, was the rill Republic of'SAN MAarl- b; y, which exists at thiday, with an area of only ti i square miles, and population of 7,600-one lc the most remarkablexamnples on record -of the a: apacity of small Stab to preserve their inde mdence and libet. For. centuries, it has ol ood unid the most dhaful political convulsions; u d though invaded brpetually by the formida- pl I powers of the . P~,which surrounded it, a rew, as the histoi i, "pjopulous, happy e d illustrious." T arose, we learn, from the at onest simnplicityan iti:6us ianners of its in- w aibitants. May we ~ aspire to the noble career ha this gallant little Qt~ - o Look, also, to theresent nations of Europe. v, n the map we discer some 45 States, less in " rtent of territory t'p South Carolina-King- eI oms and epublie that not only enjoy the at lessings of liberty if higher degree than most ta the States aroun~them, but mnainstain a high espectability amon~ae nations of the earth.- wv 'e reader will rechaize among these, Bzrori- ol x, DaEn, GgcE, HOLLAND, PoaruoAr., R ADINIA and SwzmLAN. Yet Belgium has ar n area of only 12,$.uquare miles ; Denmark, at 2,000; Greee, 2100; Holland, 11,000; Per- el agal, 39,000 ;-Sapa,128,830 ; and Switzei-- b2 and, 17,208.- -E~N4N-te'lf, which has gradu- as ly risen in magntle, till ie has become at wl noe the most wendsa~nbst-powerful nation at a theglobe,.la ~oonly. 51,500 square. o maintained. their independence.- .ow :do tei numberless iitdc Priicipalities,Duchies and'King doms in Germany, mnmi' of them not as largesa Edgefeld District1 preserve theii-sovereigst3 miad independence ajnong-the des otic family.o European nations? There are the free cities o HAMNURG, BREMEN, Lunzc and FANxvoWr, onlj third rate t.owns, that have existed as Independen sovereignties for centuries. True, they belong at present, to the Germanic confederation; bu this is a mere league of defence against externa powers, not interfering with the sovereignty an freedom of these cities. Yes I these Republics not one of them having an area over 150 squar< miles, nor a population above 200,000, have long upheld, and do now maintain their individua sovereignties, enjoying the glorious sweets o liberty, in the neighborhood of large and power. ful despotisms-under the very eyes of tyrants who have their standing armies of 150,000 man 300,000 men, and who frown upon every sem blance of political freedom. Once members of t Confederacy, styled the " Hanseatic League,' which comprized some 85 States or Cities, and which, by its wealth and arms, ruled nearly the whole of Northern Europe, these little State have had the nerve to achieve their independence and to maintain it under all the frowns and threati of despotism. Yet the people of Carolina, with quadrupk their wealth, and military force, and more that centuple their territory, are actually hesitating whether or not they shall give up their sovereign. ty, and become the mere tributary allies of g Northern consolidated despotism. 0, Tempora. 0, Mores! But in estimating the elements of success for c separate State Government, it is not proper tc consider only our physical resources. The true strength of a nation rests as much, perhaps, ot the operation of moral causes, as on the organi. zation of physical power. The Government which, by its reckless administration and lawles oppressions, has sown the seeds of discontent and faction, need not expect to exert the full measure of its strength or greatness. For this tobe done, especially in free countries, the moral energies of the people must be awakened. Among a grew and free people, before the national mind can be urged to exert its fall power and will, a plausible pretext must offer itself-a prospect of gain, or, at least, of some seeming good. Factions among us may combine for the accumulation of wealth and power, but they will rarely unite to consume wealth by extravagant wars, unless driven to them in self-defence. The Federal Government, by arousing disaffections in the minds of the peo ple, on the great sectional'matters at issue before the country, has deranged its springs of power, so as necessarily to cripple its energies, if not en tirely to paralize them, in any struggle it may wage relative to these sectional issues. And while its power thus becomes weakened, a com mon interest and safety must inevitably urge us, sooner or later, to that union of feeling and senti. mcnt, that concert of will and action, which the desire for self-preservation never fails to inspire, and which are the chief sources of national strength. .i s .-:.-.;d --.. un the aggressive spiritof mlitaryr, despotic nations, D~espots know that, tinder the enlightened diplomacy of modern times, every community otSfates~for their mutual svelfare and saftty, will wise the utmost eff'orts to reserve a baldace of poeueis They aire begin ng to learn, also, that, in time of high popular ex ~itement, stand;h , armfes, how well so eter dis iplined, arc always to be relied onl and hat the spark of liberty, once kindled by the lash of fire-arms, is in danger of soon lighting ip the whole mass of the people, and of extbad ng to the soldiery itself. Hence the cautious imidity of the crowned heads of Enrope1 in the eent outbreaks among their' siubjets, And tothing but the dread of public opiniona&~f a ~eneral Congress of Nations-of ant awakening ense of indignation throughout the Eutropean tates and the civilzed world, prevents the moere espotic powers from interfering to stippress the beral movements now going on in the smaller ontinental States. South Carolina may, with reason, count upon uis moral element. All thaeSouthern slave-hold ag States know and feel, that, on the proper estraint of Northern power, absolutely depends ieir safety and welfare; and this, whether the Tnion exists, or be dissolved. , Without the most linded prejudice and suicidal policy, they cannot lowv the equilibrium between Northera and outhern power to be destroyed. It would be meir certain destruction. They know and feel iii; and how much soever they may for awhile, ter South Carolina withdraws, listen to the ileet strains of the Northern Syren, when that tal G iddess creeps out. from her secret places aggression, and attempts to force her designs y the otitward forms of power, rest assured, icy will rise tip in their might to stay the heart ss course of the greedy and cruel monster. No oral reckoning can be more certain. Consider now the situation and circumstances South Carolina. In the first place, these will rge us to a policy of peace. Cut off from all 'ospect of enlarging our dominions by force, c should be entirely free from the ambition of inquest-that prolific source of strife and war nong the nations of the world. Our efforts ould be directed to the pursuit of liberty and appineas; to striving af ter a high development our internal resources ; and to making ad mecements in our moral and intellectual attain ents. While this would naturally lead us to iltivate peace and comity towards other States, would ensui-e from them feelings of friendship id sympathy for us. Again: The nature of our produce would be efl calculated to beget friendly relations with her States. Our Exports consist of Cotton, icc, Lumber, &c.--products of the earth. We e almost the only State that exports Rice to y extent. Our produce, therefore, is of that aracter, which will cause it to be eagerly sought 'many nations, while our situation will be such to lead us to seek from others, commodities lich they may have toexchange. This begets, once, a lively and heathaful trade ; and every e knows, that trade and commerce are great animosity or envy of other nations. -Our Terri tory will be comparatively small,and in grea part,.subject to cultivation only by the African It would, therefore, scarcely tempt a conqueror or invite the rapacity of the North. Our wealth also, is of such a nature, as not to excite North ern cupidity. Consisting almost wholly of lani and negroes, it would be of little value to any ex cept those who'would. own slaves and live .upot the soil, while any serious disturbance of our In. stitutions would effectually destroy our produce which it is so much the interest of others to ob tain. Nothing but a spirit of revenge in the Northern mind, could provoke an attempt ti conquer our State; and we need have fears frou no other quarter. While, then, other Statei would have little temptationtointerruptus,ever] consideration of interest and policy would lead them to let us alone; in which ease, as shown it our former article, we should enjoy an unexam pled state of prosperity. With our native strength, therefore, and by th< operation of the moral causes, we have been con sidering, there can be little doubt as to the abilitj of the State to maintain her liberty and indepen dence. As to her respectability, that may very well be left to time. One thing is certain, it will nevei depend on more physical strength. Under th< judgment of a christian world, physical power i no longer the single test of worth among nationi or individuals. A people who practice virtue and justice among themselves, and in their inter course with others; who excel in moral and in tellectual attainments; who are brave, high. minded and honest; and who always tread the paths of duty and honor, need have no fears, for their respectability either among contemporane ous nations, or with posterity, though they may chance to occupy a small territory, and to enjoy few of the luxuries of life. It may too, with safe ty be affirmed, that while small States have some times afforded substantial liberty, large ones have always been despotic; and hence, the people who sacrifice to their ambition by seeking to live in large and magnificent empires, must do so at the expense of their liberty and happiness. - RUTLEDGE. FoR THE A DVERTISEL Mu. Enrroa: That your correspondent " Dz crsiox OF 1850," should deem me deficient in courtesy has excited my unaffected regret. Ful ly realizing the difficulties of eonducting a con troversy in print, and of avoiding every cause of off'ence, both seeming and real, I endeavored to exercise an unwonted degree.of prudence, and to this end actually consulted my dictionary upon the very word to which objection is made. In the books to which I referred, the adverb " flippantly," means fluently, smoothness and rapidity of speech, &e. In this sense was it used, and when I assure '* DzcistoN oF 1850," that I have no conception of his real name, I hope and believe that he will resume his good temper and former signature and drop his alias. I suspect that "Dscision oF 1850" and' "Joux RAN DOLPlI." are.the same, and if so, I annot object - m- ,:.of the latter artile as it was -impression that 'Independence' -corteus.' -If however, "Jduxa diferent writer,! will sa r Sof " Dsersroirow 185e,"Tas ' ever -asserted "that a State however smalaunnot psyow the.rppsrfof her own government." Isaid expressly that South Carolina " would be rick enough-to entice .the cupidity of the world, but too feeble to defend herself," if attacked by a powerful Nation; 'and secondly, that the assertion, though understood as it was by "Joux RaNnOLPH," is not mnore " disgusting'" than the stupidity of his -deelara tion "that the experience of military men has taught us that it is much easier to take strong positions thart to maintain them.'' Upon this principle it follows1 that it is inore difficult to su'bduc a weak man than one who is strong, But enough ; wrangling was never more out of place than at the present time, and I here de elare that in whatever I may write, not one word of acrimony or disrepect shall escape me, unless used as retort, The '" Dg'assro? or 1850," finds it difficult to reconcile my approbation of the appropriation of $300,000 made by the Legislature, and my avowed opposition to separate State action, and holds that preparation for an issne that may or muy not arise Upon some future contingency is an absurdity. The explanation is simply this, that preparation to meet an issue is the most effeictual method of averting it. Were the thirteen Southern States to secede in a body, I have no idea that a blow would be struec. Biut [ do not require a coalition of all those States to induce me to advocate secession. The co-opera tion of any two States with South Carolina would content me and I would then advocate action instanter. I believe that three States would form a nucleus of strong attractive power, which would rapidly increase, and Ifurther believe that such a coalition of a few States would be more likely to result in war than the secession of a single State. By war I mean actual fighting not blockading. The preparedness of South Carolina under these circumstances, would be a valuable absurdity. Nor does it follow that be cause I approve of one appropriation of a given amount that t recommend others and each larger amounts. Three hundred thousand dollars ju diciously invested in small arms and cannon, in addition to the arms now owned by the State (private rifles incladed) wotild be quite sufficient for her wants while looking to the co-operation of Alabama and Missisrippi. Every dollar of that amount invested in Steam Ships, built with a view to their conversion into vessels of War, I think will be money throwvn away. Towards building a Navy, $300,900 is but a drop in the bucket. It is not the appropriation which has already been made, but those which are yet to come in carrying out the scheme of separate secession, to which Ialluded when I askedi " will not the heavy debt the State will be forced to incur in order to put her in a condition of de fence, (by land and sea, with her men in the field, her navy afloat, besides the previous debt incident to her organization as an Independent Government) entail a burden of taxation which will depopulate the State ?" The sentence as I wrote it was an enquiry, not an assertion as it is quotd.~ Your correspondent hiolds me eoministed toa -pghe ths appropriation made ysbiSt8e i mAs1 I would have her - peri-followed the werd "inomor' ldhthave bitig But take the sentenceas a-whole, and-I dosi4link the meaning given to& partki faly. inferable. The sentence is as foows-'q. wold training for any," w by l ji that'thd ~ e pmsaringh nne---bo - cause her young- men tob4rghtahs a thiem, to-marb ana-h of this idea, I recommen in th e aps the organization of Volunteer Coppis.,41ly. equipped , n eveig Neither am ti "antHStaile under all circumstances. I have alreadygaa& "that when every reasonablohoepeC;i;Gh the South shall have vanished.(which was-todIM" determined upon he bpssag other law injuriously aleti*oir instin ios without p emergency justify .depatiaek andithsi' let South Carolina, single andalone, take6*1uspb, &c." I would then adoptsecessions:gimer ii' resort and believing that our politicalretg Wp was at its crisis, would consent tothe e of plunging South Carolina into this" uncertainty," with that hope whieh is t;r comfort of all secessionists-the hope stilsVem of the States of the South may nigkip ,If rescue. -' Pq W'' I desired to say more on other poln#swhei have been misinterpretedand misquoted, la matters of a private nature are now..uegen g - my time and my labour. -- INDEPENDEN. OR TRZ ADMETI5N TO THE PEOPLE OF 1DGEFIE Ii would be a reproach'to your ,ntill for any citizen, to endeavrto p e jo we have not reached a poins the State, that demands all ybur ne,-juge.. ment, courage, and firmness. been, and will be'nade to deedve and misleid you, by timid menrand by unwurthy iiguvien Many of you have already been -heised great error. The truth.ha, A&been Ws v and the true issues fe y.Weto ie aJa been fairly presented to yonr minds.. vidual who addresses you, has nosmbitops rations to g and will win no what he now has to say foris na M studiously kept hidden from the publie. me, then, with patience and confdence. Among the many specio* argangents to divert you from -the sole questfo, thai siliul& now engross yourthoughtsandyour'hlsoiG if yon mean to vindicatd-your-;itIEiti shallow counterfeit of a reason, thstfy ir gates did riot serve you with fidd it .0 Uas8 Session of the Legislature t. voted10-W call of a Convention of tie e to your wishes and your ep #etionusw' at unholy attempt to; injure a ig enn casting an unmerited ttgp eli efu-' Let this argument bei examinati6. s.tie&.... sttuee preddi o-an~ rwhieh -wout pjhHe should youie~s~eI~s ~ - chastity of yoir daugf-terd, it ahlma eqally-as aenitive to lidignity,-eadu~ readyt.' repel every rude attingie 3.14 amonIshyo that you villappeit tethewdridissverlrdiu. lous sovereigns, and eahibit 1esy 'aequate--. proofs of youar claims to that liigl, appellition, if your servants are the ~only helegs on seh fresis whom you can resent an injury. --Xere -cow-; ardly little monster egn tyrannize over-his slave. It is very unbecoming in you to expen-yorg wrath and fierce resentment on those whe s-' complish your behests with fear and tremblilig, while you are meekly enduring from-die hand of. a strong man,. the foulest -enormitles that ever blighted the prosperity of a once firee people. The truth Is, you had no-right-to expect to be consulted in relation to theecalling of your Stat. Convention.. It was impossible that -you could have been advised in that regard. -- JYou were often asked, even until the question became,,fa miliar to your ear, if we should resist ithd event of the passage by Congress of cerlint'h noxious measures recommended by the famous Committee of Thirteen, and Asia wa the lod response from every heart anmd every~ip Now, my Fellow-Citizens, I ought' tbetw-r you well, for I have lived long anionftitybi1i - I have endeavored to'explore every avenuethat. leads to your heartsf I shall speak plainly to yob, beeause I have enjoyed your-hsspitalkii confidence, and honest needs noucaneilsafat. You are 'reasoirable men-gallant and igh toned, while you~ keep your tensperafdale manly control, and y'oun ever play the tyrants, until you are mastered byanissn lindedb prejudice.' You are then, si any other angry peopie. I~e argument, and if you litve even'tle os.~ rate patience and capacity for reuetisW prove to you, beyond doubt, thatioi the shade of a reason to complatin of'et g~ consulted about the Convention. During the Canvass last yea, ari sts th General Assembly, it was not certahdj.3aisyn - that the various Bills termed thee!.Compemigt would, at any time, receive the sanogos,4the National Legislature. On the esatrazy,wtgad good grounds to hope that they would .uotrjr the passage of the Great "Q9mnbua gas entirely defeated, and it~wantunlij3gh~ year, that its various passengers .wersgqroht into Congress for a separate hearing. 1Theisr~ rupt bargain with Texas, -ang;bhgaet - ing a Territorial Govenmet..fo,igyIglesr did not receiv the assent otthfge, t - the 9th of September;..an t1he4.et fg$1i mission of the State of was also only aptve sets establishingsa Utah, and amendng~~l~ obtained the spprovalpf the 18th..ofSptlb,4& 20th of thoaam.uua inusice-to suppress