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DEVOTED TO SOUTHERN RIGHTS, MORALITY, AGRICULTURE, LITERATURE, AND MISCELLANEOUS NEWS. JUE8 I.KfKWOOD, EDITOR.] VOL. 1. To thine otntself be true; And it must foUoir as the night the day; Thou casut not then be false to any man.—Hamlhc. DARLINGTON C. H„ S. C., WEDNESDAy'mORNING MAY 28, 1851. ]I0n\ F. IE LORRE. PROPRIETOR. NO. 13. THE DARLINGTON FLAG, 18 PVBLIBliKU EVERY WEDNESDAY HORNING, AT DABLINGTON, C. H., 8. C., BY JOHW F. DE LORBE. TERMS OF SUBSCKIPTION: In aikance, (per annum,) • - - 82 00 At the expiration of six months - 2 50 At the end of the year - - - - - 3 00 ADVERTISING : Advertisements, inserted at 75 cents a square (fourteen lines or less,) for the first, and 37 J cts. for each subsequent insertion. Bctsinf.ss CARD^not exceeding ten lines, inserted at 85, a year. All business connected with the Flag, will be transacted with the Proprie tor at his Office, one door above the l)ar- liiiKton Hotel, or with the Editor at his law Office AGMCWTURB. How blest th^flkrmer’s simple life. How pure the joy it yields! Far from the world’s tempestuous strife, Free ’mid the scented fields.—Ererett. [FOR THE DARLINGTON FLAG.] Mr. Editor : I am very glad to see that the Flag is taking an interest in the agricultural improvement of the coutite, and by judicious extracts and original communications, directing the attention of its readers to this great subject In this wsy your paper may be made a useful and profitable journal. Agriculture is an employment in which all classes of men are interested, for it is the broad substratum on w hich everything else rests. The lawyer and doctor, the mechanic and merchant— , all the various and diversified pursuits of life depend upon it, while the plan- ; ter (though we believe in and respect the. mutual dependence and relations of the different classes of society) is to some extent, at least, independent of i them all. Merely stirring the surface is all that ought to be done, and for this purpose watchful silence and prudent neu trality. the scraper is an invaluable implement ^any have thought that my official r r i position would have allowed mo to re- Perhaps planters are in the habit ot ma j n awa y an J take advantage of the in the laying-by their cotton too soon, as fro- current I have been summoned by quent light workings with any suitable my fellow-citizens to mingle in the cur- means keep the surface in a good state reu L ® n ^ help to guide it, or be over- to allow air and moisture to act on the roots, and to prevent disease. The proper stage in the grow tli of the plant for topping, is a most impor tant consideration; in fact, everything | depends on it Perhaps it is owing to its being done too early or too late, that so many have been disappointed, I of impartial history, to abide and have rejected it altogether. This judgment of my countrymen The legislature is required as far as these proceedings can impose an obligation, to call the Convention together, and that body then is to put the State, as soon as it can, on the trial of separate independence. In relation to this measure, and oth ers connected with it and which have whelmed by its violence. I embark lieen presented as alternatives, I have with those who have a common desti- nothing to disguise—1 have no opinion ny with me. The fate of the people to retmet, no sentiment to suppress, of South Carolina shall be my fate— i I shall atHeast be consistent with my- let what may come, I shall stand or self. In setting forth our wrongs and fall with South Carolina, the fond mo- endeavoring to rouse sentiments of re- ther of my birth and my affections.— sentment to them, and in preparing the In the advice and counsels that I may public mind for measures of effectual give, I am willing, before the tribunal resistance to the encroachments of the by tlie Federal Government on Southern In stitutions, through the breaches of a would not change the present state of true but much abused cause of the things. Such a clause might as well Southern States, lie in the constitution for all practical The moefures intimated in the draft purposes. of the address, and in some of the refo- To conclude the proposition, the | lotions, w ill not allow many of this Federal Government has become a body to vote upon them. All who are despotism of an interested majority.— members of the Constitutional Con- You w ill ask why have not the other vention of the people, cannot give a Southern States been raadty to join vote to control tbeir future judgment Sohtli Carolina, or rather to come into They ought not to be required to do a voluntary conjunction witb them- so.* I have conversed with several of selves, to devise measures for their pro- them, and they have come to a coin fection. j mon conclusion to give no vote upon 1 cannot better reply than by quoting any matter upon which they will have the purport of a remark made by De- to deliberate, when there shall be a mosthenes, in answer to the reproaches of Eschines, upon the disasters of his administration. He said he had to contend with the It has been my fate, for the last five j violated Constitution, I have endeavor- three great enemies of free States: condition is indicated by the plant as-, , . , , , , , . , , , i years, to take, as your representative, ed to do mv duty to suming a more conical shape, by bios- a rogpon8ible p J in ^ National ability, and I have soms appearing near the top, and par- I :i r r>—r...i i i I • tieularly by the stem at the top losing its square form and green color, and becoming round and red. Hence it npi»eare that we may top earlier one year than another, sooner in one field than in another, and at different times in the same field during the same season. Thus, Mr. Editor, I have spun out this little essay on topping cotton, till I have tired myself with writing, and the best of my part in the National ability, and I have no steps to take Councils of the Confederacy. I have backwards. What steps forward is been made to feel the exposure of a the question. Whilst measures were struggling and isolated minority to an ! under considwation, in which the slave- arrogant majority, who, feeling the vulgar strength of self-sustaining num bers, have resorted to all the machi nery of a taunting audience and and a sordid press to put under the ban the State whose representative I was. I have always had much to sustain me in trying situations. My conviction was, that South Carolina occupied a po sition from which she could look down vonr readers in perusing it. In excuse with the luxury of scorn upon truck- I might urge the interest that every- H "K partizans and trading politicians, , ..1. , * •.• who found it convenient to assail her thing has which is conneated with our to 8uWrv<1 thoir ends. She has great staple. Cotton bags saved New been a stumbling block to many, who, Orleans during the last war with Great if they dared, would have placed their Britain; cotton bags is our strong de- treacherous foot upon her. I say here, that I would rather encounter all the holding and non-slaveholding States were at issue, I expressed myself free ly, but with the circumspection of one who was willing to let his remarks be carried out to their consequence^ The representatives of the planting States spoke out with signal unanimity in maintaining the resolutions of three different Legislatures. I am proud to say that the resolutions of South Car olina compared with some others, were in terms moderate, in tone firm, and in piir|iose deliberate. All these resolu tions were regarded as mutual pledges and covenants for the Southern States to make common cause, and to stand by each other. The Southern mem bers conferred together, spoke together fence and bulwark against the mad fu- 1 nai V" 0 " 1 ? l ramer a " rno | c ' ,. , , hazard of debate with fifty Senators, 1 and at one time would have been pre- ry of fanatical zeal and philanthropy, and cotton hags will servo still to pro tect and defend and to save the South in defiance of all her foes. Allow me to ask, through you, whe ther any of your readers are in pos- nr any hazards that might present them-i pared to sink or swim in a eornmow selves outside of her limits, than differ peril. They regarded themselves as with a single sincere friend in this as- ^ engaged in a common struggle, and scmhly as to any measure calculated their destinies as involved in a com- to affect the dignity, honor,4fcd rights mon fate. For a time the minds of of our cherished Commonwealth, | all true men of the South were lifted I am persuaded that our difference above the miserable contentions of par- session of the interesting essay on the 0 f opinion will, in the end, be mote i ty, and the jealousies of neighboring cotton culture, by Gen. D. R. Wil- apparent than real, I may well ques- strife. Under the influence of this liams, of Society Hill ;* in it will be Bon the policy of a celerity that may | auspicious state of things, I finished \r abe too much actuated bv gallant zeal ; one of my speeches with a high note In your last number I find an article and uncalculating chivalry. If, with from the Diomede of the old Thirteen the subject of the cotton culture, I tlon “G* interesting^ em P,^ com inU' tlie more prudent resolution of Ulysses, —our neighbor Georgia—“Equality “ J ’ ' ’ L ' perhaps without its wisdom, I may be or Independence.” And I say now, if disposed to restrain the impetuous the Southern States had become united, courage of Diomede, I shall have none , thay would have made good this dela- of the resentful temper of Achilles, ration. They have it in their power to nor the grumbling censoriousness of | make it good at any time; and they Thirsytes. No, my countrymen, my i will be untrue to themselves and pos- heart is too much in the cause you are ferity if they do not I shall shrink engaged in to suffer me to do any thing from no trial that may lie effectual, and but what is prompted by a solemn du- shall only object to such measures, as, ty. It is tine that the proceedings of in my opinion, must result in failure this body will not have the sanction and discomfiture. If measures cannot The jealousy of neighboring States, the gold of Philip bestowed on corrupt orators, the combined love of pleasure and the charm of tranquility." The Southern States have hail some elements of distraction destined, I hn|K\ to lio temporary. The disunion of party, in reference to federal politics, has !>een all powerful; hut, unless 1 am mistaken, must become less. The Federal Government has a Macedonian party in the South—strong for a time through the influence of of fice and patronage. 'Hie greatest ene my to the South has lieeu an indisposi tion to encounter the hazaads of change. As it would be out of place to d\v«l! longer on topics that may not la- imme diately connected with the questions here to be discussed—topics with which tliis assembly is as well acquainted as i am—I will go directly to the mea sures which I have suggested, us the objset and end of your deliberations. Tnnt is, shall this Convention, at this time, undertake to commit the State to ! the trial of separate secession, by im posing, ns far as this Convention can, real occasion for their officially respon sible judgment. I find myself in that class. What may be the situation of things when the Convention shall be called on to decide, 1 know not. There may be many instructive developments and revelations before that time. Mad ness and infatuation take their course with a blind confidence, and at the next session of Congress 1 shall look for some of their usual exhibitions. Before I speak of the probable and conjectural action of die Federal Gov ernment in reference to South Caroli na, should sho determine to secede, T will notice some views, and submit some considerations connected with Secession as a remedy for our wrongs. The right of Secession in the ab stract, and the right of resorting to it to effect a wise and beneficial end, in a political and moral point of view, are different tilings. 'Hie one may be con ceded as a legal proposition—whilst the other, as it may affect other com munities as well as the State itself, in volves high eondiderations and obliga tions of duty which no statesman can or ought to disregard. South Carolina had the option to go in or remain out of the Union; she en tered as a sovereign, to enable herself and confederates to protect their rights on ttie subject ot tne cotton culture, i ° ’ in which the subject of topping is par- j ni <’ ated in a ver J’ forcib!e aml beantiful tieularly mentioned. I concur in the opinion there expressed, “ that it is an operation requiring the most judicious attention to the circAnstances of the crop, and that it has done great good and great iiyury to the |>lant.” With the view of drawing out some of your readers on this put of the cot ton culture, I will make arew remarks, candidly acknowledging at the same time, thfl$lhey are more the gleanings of the experience of others than the practical result of my own observation. A crude and hasty suggestion may be come a starting point of thought, and under the plastic hand of skill and sci ence, confer great benefit on a whole community. Topping cottou was at first suggest ed! by remarking that those stalks which had been accidentally broken or nipt iu the cultivation, were generally better matured and more loaded with pods. Two objects are supposed to be obtained by it—1. The prevention of shedding or casting of the forms and young pods. 2. Their greater devel opment and maturity. Every cotton planter knows that one of the greatest difficulties in the cul ture pf cotton, is to prevent shedding; very often after the most careful and cautious management it will occur, aud seriously diminish the amount of his crop. This evil is occasioned by ex cess as well as the deficiency of mois ture. In the former case the growth of the plant is rapid and luxuriant; and though the weed is fine aud beau tiful, it is not hardy, and does not pro duce much fruit. In the latter, espe cially in light sandy lands, rasting is frequent and injurious, but jierhaps never to the same extent ns from the cause referred to above. While speaking of shedding, I will remark that whatever may bo the sea sons, proper cultivation is an important means of prevention. Cottou ought never to be ploughed deep alley the second time; for then the lateral roots are sent out in innumerable ramitica- ’tions in search of food, and must lie tom ami severed bv the operation.— style. Z. A. P. * Published some twenty-five years ago. POItXTICAIc. an obligation on tbo State Convention from Foreign powers, and to promote to take the step as soon as practicable, dothestic tranquility. If these ends 1 shall now proceed to state my ob- should not he accosaplisheit—4»ut in jections respectfully to this mode of fact, if it should turn out that the Gov- proceedure. ! ernment is used cxclusiwf^for one por- I think, in the first place, tiint this tion of the partners to the oppression Convention ought not to take eo"ni- and detriment of others—the suffering zance of so grave a matter at this time, parties should have the right of fresn- hefore there is a real occasion for de- ming their original position. To say' cisiou. And in this I do not differ otherwise would be to make free States with a great many who hear me. 'lids as they entered into the Confederacy, Convention consists of representatives, not merely parties to a despotic Gov- unequal in number, of self-constituted ernment, but victims of it against their associations. The Convention of the consent. But whether secession I e people, to be hereafter convened, hav- ), conceded as a legal rigid, or as a mea- ing the responsibility of decision, ought ' sure of revolution, is immaterial, if REMARKS OF MR HITLER. Before the Convention of Stmthcrn Rights Associations. '■■■ Mr. President and Gentlemen: This is an occasion that has associa- and authority of law, but they will car ry with them throughout the State ail the infhicnce which eloquence, patriot- ted with it in its probable consequences ism and energy can impart They will grave responsibilities—such as have have committed advocates to maintain intensely engaged and heavily oppress- and enforce them, ed my mind. The address which has been read The highest exertion of human wis- contains a recital of imposing truths, doni is to make a good government arrayed with an eloquent sternness To change established institutions w ith which has commanded my admiration a view of substituting otiiers in their and respect It is both a truthful and place, requires boldness, foresight and rebuking statement of wrongs and im- deliberate design. Whilst impulsive pending dangers to Southern institn- enthusiasm may be well regarded as tions. Other Southern States cannot the motive power, and even a wise ele- condemn it without condemning their ment in such a conjuncture, it ought own resolutions and solemn pledges, not to aaMimc the tone of proscriptive The paper has impressed upon it un- impatiegee. mistakable marks of sincerity and de- Indela, those who have the control liljerate purpose. Its author, or authors, of reason, should endeavor to make it are ready to stand by it, aud make it to be left perfectly free to form the best judgment in its power, under the actual juncture of circumstances that may ex ist at the time of its meeting. It ought he devised—as I believe they cannot— neither to l*e instructed nor siqierseded an associate with the dictates of judg' ment and experience. The feelings which I see here manifested, do honor to the hearts of those who entertain and express them. They spring from the hearts of intelligent freemen, who, knowing their rights, are willing to make any sacrifice to maintain them. In taking counsel from the highest im pulses of their nature, they are im patient at any suggestion that might interfere with tbeir free indulgence.— The venerable Cheves—who has been regarded as an adviser of both wisdom and courage—has presented to you a communication well calculated to ar rest your attention. It is one that will command, I am sure, throughout the Southern States, a profound res pect -Yet I have seen that paper meet with the impatience of the great and almost uncompromising excitement which prevails here; and even with some who have, no doubt, taken their bent from the fires that were kindled by his l>old and commanding eloquence. Under such intimations, 1 might welL^fore the probable termination shall be pause in giving you my counsels. 1 indicated. good in tjp true import of the terms, at evcr^iazard aud to the last ex tremity.” By others, it may be differ ently regarded. Some who will give it their sanction, may look upon it as a paper of popular agitation only. Some may even regard it as the neuuleus of a State patty, to be used tkqp for and no farther. I choose to regard it as a solemn beginning, that may result in an important end, that will deeply af fect the destinies and interests of this country. And as my friend from St. John’s has said on another occasion, “ we should take uo beginning without looking to its probable end.” The proceedings contemplated will require South Carolina to tread her way through a narrow pasa, as yet un explored. Some are prepared to tread it with confidence and boldness, and to find its tennination by experiment —aa Suwarrow was said to have found hia enemy by the point of of his bay onet Others, on the contrary, insist on the prudence of reconnoisance be to restore a lost equality—an equality lost by measures, brought forth to pro pitiate Northern prejudice—I am wil ling to take measures for an honorable independence of such States as by their conjunction can assume the atti tude, and invest themselves with the at tributes of a national sovereignty. As this is a grave conclusion, oa one that will so be regarded beyond this meeting, I must suhuiitthe proposition upon which it is founAHl. The constitution of these states was intended by its express and delegated powers to impose limitations on the de partment of the Federal Government. For some years these limitations were observed in good faith; and after it was said that some of them had been violated, it was thought that the States, by the interposition of their sovereign ties. could force an observance of them. The securities of good faith nave long since disappeared, and the power of the States to interpose to protect their reecrved rights has not and will not be recognized by the Federal authority. All the provisions of the Constitution intended for MBBotection of a minori ty have been jSpverted by artful con struction, or WSudulent compromise; under these combined influences the Southern States have not only lost their influence, but will become worse than dependent provinces. They will be come proscribed political communities —disfranchised from the high honors of the Federal Government, and with their property and institutions liable to confiscation and unprovoked invasions. The Southern States can no longer by the pre-determination of an irrespon sible body—irresponsible I mean in any official point of view. Sucli pre determination will make an issue not called for by the occasion, that must result in |K>pular agitation within the State. It will make diviswns among ourselves, and disclose feelings have not heretofore existed, and ought not to ex ist In fact, it will defeat, rather tiiun promote the end contemplated. To show how it will operate on our friends in other States, I need only refer to the consequences of movements of a simi lar character. I say, hore that from the time that prominent men in South Carolina intimated a purpose to put the State on the track of separate seees- there be a real occasion to resort to it, ami it can be list'd to effect some great political end worthy of its exercise. If it should end in merely separating the State from her former confederates, and placing her in a condition that would require her to invest hersuif with all the attributes and duties of a sove reign nation, both at home and abroad, then it might bring South Carolina in to a situation of isolation, at war with her true interests and policy. If sho should resort to this measure, with a view of bringing her neighbors into a political connection, so as to enable them jointly to forma Confederacy for themselves, that would be adequate for all the purposes of maintaining their rights at home and relations w ith for eign powers, then it becomes a question of the greatest magnitude, full of con sequences that should be looked to with all the care and intelligence that can We are, gentlemen, in a crisis that calls upon every one, especially every man who has accepted a seat in this Convention, to do his duty; and to give you the conviction of nis delibe rate judgment No man should avoid responsibility, by taking refnge in The object of the address is not onlp to put the State on the track of separate secession, but by the measures contem plated to commit the State now to that determination; in other words, it ex In its power to adopt any othermeai sion, in disregard of the co-operation possibly be employed. The State should of her neighbors, they deprived our re- take no course that would make rivals al friends of the power of helping us. and adversaries of her Southern neigli- If they did not altogether alienate our bors. On the contrary she should en- irieuds from their devotion to the deavor by all possible means to act Southern cause, they gave their oppo- with them as allies. If the State should nents great advantage over them. In ook to nothing beyond her own seces- fact, a Southern party at Washington, sion, she will enable the Federal Gov- that was fast organizing, was dissolved, ernment to make rivals of those who They were willing to move ns fast and in interest are, and iu feeling should be, itt well as they could. What would her friends. have been their final resolve and mea- I make the broad, remark, that there sures, I know not But I dtWmow is not a public man in South Carolina that they felt that they w ere separated sensible of a responsible trust, and fore front their true friends by intimations seeing the inevitable consequences of for which their jieople were not pre- separate secession, that would put the pared. Our ancestors made no such State on trial of that experiment, if the advertisement of their purposes as to act were to operate exclusively on the enable others, opposed to them, to force State itself such an act would not only anil defeat them. In general, they rut off our commerce, but would place were by the’r acts ahead of their re- it in the bands of our rivals. In assum- solves; and never made the latter with-, mg such an attitude, it would be the out previously having means to acc£in- duty of the State to make arrangements eludes the idea that the State will have ilH man from the Soath-Atlantic States be the nurse of great statesmen. the | plish them. We seem to reverse%iis for the management of her rights ambition of the eagle’s flight will be order. We give long notice, in the abroad. Her pride would revolt at no longer seen—we may have crows form of speeches and threatening reso- sending forth her flag, ^without Some and ducklings who will be ready to be lutions. The conseqnenqe has been navy to protect it, and without ministers satisfied with the crumbs and garbage that short performances have followed and consuls to represent her rights, and of office. TTiere are those who long advertisements, for the reason protect her interest abroad. No nation will be willing to make an easy transi- that we lost the aid of our true allies. ^ can rely on the forbearance of others, tion to degradation, by being candi- There are now friends in other States when there may be a collision of inter- willing to do ad they can, under the esta, or a temptation for violation. At cireumstences of their situation. 1 any rate, I would not allow the palnu t- fear they will be driven to disavow us; to Flag to float by sufletepoe only, when, if left to themselves they Might Whilst it would represent as proud, as have pursued a course to fjpintain the I spirited a people as ever lived, it would dates for the secondary and subordi nate offices. Suppose there were a provision hi the Constitution, that no should 1>e eligible to the Presidency, it