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Webster himself would be williiijfto i regard to seceteioti U»ey t is soou U> btcome the rally- j en^Tth Jpto'vUion" on th* lawTfor which appear tom. will demand ihe , ing point of the whole South. Now if! it was a provision in the bill which he careful consideration of the l ouyention ttKIIU S jdllilZl'tt. i f'HCe her back at ihe point of the Fe.le-. The August number ofth.. Magazine I ral ba ,^ on ‘' , ’ h«ve practical coif ® . 6 . , operation in the torm and sria}>e of thou- has been received. Severul of the articles , j; al) g s 0 f volunteers from her sister Sou- this be true then 1 do not [>erceive how any one can |^(ppoae fora moment that j w hich we have read possess much inter- j them States—men who arc in powerless Has the State a right to se-1 our sister states who are thus only ^ pg^icuiariv that on the ~ Use and niinoritics now in their own States, but ... a .A * — ^ —A b b — l . A l . , bb 1, —, ■, ■ I ■ — b"» —» am Stbi.l*- b - lb. —. ^b bb.« bb ~ bb bb ,b i . 1 b b • t . . . . b A t. t . _ . Z' waiting with their hands upon their i swords ready to draw them at the first hostile movement of our common ene my, w ill turn ujion us or from us be cause we bring on the issue a little himself introduced before leaving the are Senate. , ^’ rs k Repeal, therefore, I regard as out of: cede! ** ... .... the question. Modification or amend- Second. Is shejustihed m the exer- tnent may bo attempted, bufc-very cau- cisc of this right at this time ? tiously. * The first question is one which 1 The abolition of slavery in the Dis- presume the Convention will have very . - trict of Columbia, and the repeal o! the little didic ilty in deriding ns it may be so< Jt ,er I"*'” f“ e y do. fugiti'o slave law, then are the only considered a settled question in the But 1 think the posttiou ot things m overt acts of aggression which in my judgment of the Southern States it . . other Southern . States has been judgement can be committed by Con- this time, Utougb 1 am aware it is ser- ' n ^> s t a “ en our fneiK.s. The p^hl'- gress against the South at this time.— iouslv denied bv some within their lim- ci*ns in those States are not telling I feel the most abiding confidence that ijg and perhaps if not brought to judg- * he a * our Inemls suppose. P, ould he hu{ ^ from ^ j ead( j |0W neither will he done in our day. Our ment at the present day will in n few b^ar yonr past insults and injuries pa- ' ^ t0 6ee t j 1(3 f roni adversaries will take care that the mea- years become much controverted if not b^ntly: we admit they, are gno\ous, subniissionists, bribed politicians, sure of aggression shall bsjust so much ultimatety repudiated. Resolutions tort strike not yet; wait.a little, longer a nd tratibre, preach, ( 0 cheat the people Economy oflnvective.” The lypographi- cal execution is beautiful as usual and the engravings of the finest quality. NIK FAREWElT ADDRESS. The following is one of the regular toasts offered at the celebration in Colum bia on the 4th inst.: “Washington’s Farewell Address:The production of a great and pure man. as w ill stop short of uniting the South. Your patience shall be their guago.— The advocate of co-operation then must adjourn the question of Disunion to another day. If the past, or any is sue which may be made upon the past, cannot unite the South then the future of our day will afford no measttvo for resistance. My solemn belief therefore is that co operation” is muhmission to the Com promise. Submission to the past with no hope for the future. Now, in using the term "submission,” 1 do not mean to apply it in any offensive sense whatever to our friends who dilfer from us on this occasion. Far from it I know thuy are men who would spurn the idea of voluntary suhmissiou, with all the scorn and indignation of unsulli ed patriotism. 1 speak to them as I would have them speak to me, with sincerity and respect I must be allowed, there fore to say to them your position dtilts you with the inevitable certainty ol the (julf Stream to submission. You will take your place by the side of those whose course you so much condemn.— You ratify the Compromise. The voice of South Carolina w ill he hushed. She cannot go back to feed upon the Irask of high sounding resolutions pro tests amt remonstrances. In two years she will sink down into the attitude of utter iion-resisUnce ; uo human power can avert this result. What in others might be tolerated in her would he dec ided. She has gone so far that she must now “be a law unto herself.”— But it inny he said we will he in no worse condition than our friends who are a minority in the other Southern States. This is a capital error. Our positions are widely different. They are struggling for power—wo possess it They are in a minority and therefore aro without responsibility. We are in a majority and have all responsibility resting upon us. The government of their States is in the hands of their ad versaries. Our government is in our own hands. There is nothing to res train us hut the danger of striking, they are powerless. It is vain then to to attempt to derive comfort for our voluntary submission from their invol untary acquigtoence. We have proin- issed much and much is expected of us. attirming this right were laid on the table in one or both branches of the North Carolina Legislature at ^eir last session, I am not fully informed of the circumstances under which this was done, hut I point to it as a fact which deserves attention. But, whilst the abstract right of seces sion is not denied by some yet they con tend that it is a right whose exercise “godo faith must al waysprevent. Now I admit the obligations of “good faith” in every relation of life public and pri vate on States as well as on individuals. But, let us see how “good faith willal conceded her feelings respected, and her institutions preserved. This is the delusion which they are practicing on „... - .T . ... a generous and confiding people.— ways nullify tins right and render it of .. . . , • ... . . . , , ■ „• I .-i-. b »i- . But let a sovereign state withdraw no practical utility. We owo good- .u- t* • . . .i : .. .- . * . from this Union let the right ot seces- faith to onr co .states and to foreign nations, with wj)om w'e have through ami renew ed assault will soon be com- . of their liberiies.’ mitted aginst you and then yon may — —w ■ ^ rise up in the strenght and majesty ol AVEATUER. CROPS, HEALTH, an outraged people and hurl your op- To gay that the weather is warm would pressors to the earth. On the contra- be conveying to the minds of our moun- ry. they are telling them that the tjpni-paders.butafaintideaoftheoppres- Cornpromise is a solemn league and ,ive character of this sultry season. The covenant—a tinal permanent, m vio ... . , ,. / , , , . , ... . | .-i constant rams with winch we have been lahle settlement ot the slavery question . • , , ,, , , and of alt other matters in dispute he- I v,slted have cea ^' d <or a few da > s be tween the North and South. That rhe are s" 11 Cine coudi- hereatter the South will have her rights ! "on. The health of our village was never better at this season, we fear however that jf the dry, hot weather continues much longer it will be productive of fever. Do you not gentle render, sympathise with an unfortunate editor, who at this season with a system prostrated by heat,is forced our agent the General Government, established certain relations. Now ns to our eo States as the very predicate of secession is, that they have violated the league and covenant which hound us together that they have first broken faith with us surely our faith is no lon ger due to them. Good faith requires every party to a compact to submit to many things to hear and forbear much but when the very end and purpose qj' thecompact are violated,—w hen it is used ns a “sword to destroy,” and not as a “shield to defend—then surely,” good faith” should not prevent any party from withdraw ing from his asso ciates, on fair and honorable terms.— So much for onr co-Stat( s. But what are our obligations of “good faith” to foreign nations w ith whom wo havetnade trea ties and from whose citizens we have made loans Arc 1 They it is urged, are no parties to our domestic differences and good faith requires that w e should either preserve our co-partnership until these engagements are complied witii.or provide means for their performance if a dissolution takes place. To this I reply that if a dissolution occurs peaceably and equitable partition of the partner ship property is made the rights of for eign nations w ill not lie permitted to suffer beyond those hazards, which it is always understood, are undertaken in all international dealing. If the abstract right to secede, then be granted, and “good faith” does not justly restrain its exercise the next question will be, “Is South Carolina sion that right inestimable to us and- con tjnually to rack his brain for something formidable to tyrants only be brought up for solemn and for final judgement, and how soon will all others issue pale their ineffectual fires.” 'onclusioniiwuirnext^^ DavUngton flag, to amuse and interest you? If we fail to do so, we trust you will attribute it in part to the heat of the weather, which not only I banishes ideas from the sluggish brain; but even sleep “tired nature’s sweet res torer balmy sleep,” is sometimes frighted away and refuses to weigh our eyelids down.” We have frequently exclaimed during the last few days from the bottom j of our heart ‘ O for a lodge in some vast wilderness, Some boundless contiguity of shade.” DARLINGTON, S. C. Such, Mr. President are the outlines justified in seceding at this timet”— of my views in relation to co-operation. I regret that I have not time to go more into detail. 1 have endeavored to he candid and explicit because I am free to foufess that I feel hound to consider maturely a measure w hich has such distinguished supporters before I reject it. 1 have done so, and I must declare in nlr sincerity that if South Carolina abandons all purpose of acting alone and determines patiently and passively to wait, (as she miist if she waits at all) the developments of the future in oxjiectation of such hostile legislation H e all admit that “government long established should not he changed for light and transient causes,” but the onuses which impel us to seek a change cf our governnAp|, aro neither “light nor “transient rniey are deep-seated widespread, permanent and railin'!.— I will not attempt to describe our w rongs before this audience, after the recital of them by our distinguish lea der Judge WEDNESDAY MORNING, JILY 10,1851. AGENTS FOR THE DARLINGTON FLAG. S. D. Hallfokd, - Camden, S. C. Chari.es DeLorme, Sumterville, S. C. SOUTHERN RIGHTiT^ASSOCIATION. The next meeting of this Association ! will take place on Monday next, in the the Court House, in this place. SPEECH OF HOiTw. F. COLCOCk. We commence to-day the speech o 1 1 Hon. IV. F. Cot.cock. It will be conclu ded in our next number. Secessionists.! read it; co-operationist«, read it; submis- | sionists, read it; it is a calm, fair,di-pns- j sionate view of the great question now agitating the public mind. NW are requested by Mr. Elkix I: er amigo Cl,eves. He has painted (0 sfa|o , hat he „ ■„ rpmai|l jn DarI ing.on them to you in thoughts that breathe, , a , .it the ! and words that humhe has told you ! m,t ' 1 ' nor '""S ,u '* 1 " e P ro ; that we are living under the govern- i P 0 * 8 lo *** " ,d,v,dual n 8 ht8 t0 his va '- on the part of the General Government meat of our bitterest enemies whose I uab ‘‘ ! pump. Persons wishing to pur- as*$ill unite the South in the overthrow avowed objects are to annihilate us.— i Ll ia.se can be accommodated by applying of this Union she will sacrifice the great l ,a8 fold you ol the danger, the dis- i liefore that time, cause which all her sons with but few honor the infamy, of the condition of | nriT mv vcd exceptions, • profess to lie n+areftt to the condition ot the South. He has ^ ELLOW S DmaiEK. their hearts and give a death blow to told you that history furnishes no ex- On Iriday'he 35th inst., we sat down disunion. Y es, I repeat—Let Month ample of such disreputable submission in company with a numerous company of Carolina lay down her arms, let her ‘' l8 f bat "bich the Moutheru States now ! friends principally from the country, to a say she will not secede and a shout of exhibit. | sumptuous dinner given by the Fraterni- triumph (shall I say of derision) w ill go He has told yob too that “he is con- 1 ty of Odd Fellows’, at Stasly’s Hotel in up over all the land for wc have one- vinced of the jutitice the constitutionaL this place It w as the anniversary of miesevery where and the advocates of right and the political expediency, of Pee Dee Lo dgt—an oration was deliver- tho comprqiuise will underwrite the the withdrawal ot the Southern States ; . j ... • ^ r , & ,, it • jSSt . r™ .. .i ,1! • . l- i i ed at their Hall by Thomas C. Evas# Esq. Union tor tt* next generation. 1 hese Irom that Union bv which they are en- . .. , may bu wpalatable truths, hut they tl,railed, and which cannot fail, while it M lhe . r rocwd »<S s except the dinner must bcTtold. | subsists, to bring on them further and ! w . ere P r4vate ’ " e caiul0t therefore .“peak I come now to the consideration of future danger, oppression and infamy.” ^ °f a, 0"hing else, except Irom report As me second proposition which I have Now if this picture be true and who supposed will be subyiited to our Con- can doubt it, w hat measure of resis- ventiou when it assembles. tanee are w e not justified in resorting Having failed up to this time to ob- tot NVhat is too rash, too violent or tained any pledge of co-operutiou from too precipitate ( As, for the reasons I i the Government of any other state shall have given, we cannot obtain co-oper- South Carolina secede alone t 1 ap- ation by delay, are we not driven di- preach the disniHsion of this question reedy and distinctly to the alternative with a profound sense of its magnitude j of sanAeion or submission t Are we and importance. 1 never expected to be called upon to give my counsel on 'any qussffoll under a’fcnse of higher responsibility. I have never entertain ed or expresed hut one opinion on the character of this measure, as matron- stituqpfs, with w hom I have frequently and publicly con furred, can testify 1 have told them that secession was a mcaqpre w hich would Oftiiand the uxer- cise rif all their wisdom and all their firmness. Tho overthrow of any Gov- eminent and the establishment of any other, > u no holiday affair. It is no cardhouso we desire to coustruct which can be reared by the hand and destro- ■ yed by the breath of an Infant, No! .not bound by every obligution of duty | to ourselves and to onr children to o’ erthrow in the only way that is left the government of our “hitter eneiM —to escape “annihilation”—to Irom “dishonor oppression and inlain/.’ But let me draw nearer to the entrenwi- mentsof our friends nod examine fflHr strongholds, It is urged' with great earnestness and with much appflfifent force that South Caroijna ought not to secede alon* because the other South ern States will not sympathise w ite her or sustain her in her course. Now let it he remembered that this arjfkmcnt : comes from those who advocate the policy of delay in the ronfid^t expec ts a stem work which liewbcfore us tatioe that new Rggressions#r*uch as to the excellency of the dinner however, and the pleasant character of the compa ny we can give positive testimony having been one of the honored guests. N*' Our sincere thanks are hereby re turned to our esteemed friend E. R. Wil- sor, for a choice lot of peaches—the best we haw met with this season, without ic shadow of a doubt. The fruit was £iily of the finest quality, but another ^advantage which it possessed over number of the donations of that cliaipf* ter which we receive, was that tliers was a plenty of it We were enabled notonly to least bountifully ourselves, but also to treat our friends, who all coincid us in pronouncing it the finsst i season. py A duel was fought yesterday ning, says the Abbsvillej inst., on one of the^ nah River in the ry between Dr. W mer and B. L. and if wo seek for new^gtiards for our the abolition of slavery in the District * 08EY ’ h 01 * 1 which future seciwr we hiu^expect to ob- of Columbia or the repeal of ths Fugi lhe former received a slight wound in the tain them aFTlie hazard ol nymy sacri- five Slave Law, wiU sqgn unite me wrist. Weapons, pistole; distance ton fi ces iK, whole South in accessin. .Secession, i.pac*a. JUDGE BUTLER. In a portion of a letter which we pub lish in another place, from a citizen of Alabama, an extract is made from a speech of our honorable and distinguished Senator, delivered in the Legislature in 1830. Since reading that wc find in the Mercury a more extended extract from the same speech which we lay before our | readers: The following extract from the speech j oftheHon. A. P. Butler, as delivered in the .South Carolina legislature; upon the Bill rallincra Convention of the people of j State in 1830. should afford much encour- agement at the present time. “Ifourprin- ciples are right, South Carolina, small as she is, can maintain them as well as twen ty States Joined.” “Sir, The cause of liberty never runs smooth. It is acquired by peril, and pre served bv vigilance and firmness. Su pine indifference and confident security, are inconsistent with its permanent exis tence. Those who have been in the van of the great contests to obtain and pre serve it, have had to contend with difficul ty, and to encounter toil and hazard. It is the natural disposition of large masses, to love quietude and security, while evils are tolerable, rather than make any exer tion to right themselves. Even Moses, the inspired man ofGod. found it difficult to prevail upon his brethren to leave the la’d of their captivity, for the land of pro mise and liberty. Contented with their servile condition, they dreaded to embark in the wilderness of uncertainty. But who is it that would not rather have gone with Moses, and submitted to nil the privations of the Wilderness, than have remained and been fed out ofthe flesh pots of Egypt, by the hands of a master. A virtuous and gallant people, in a good cause, never have fade#, If we are right and do not falter in our measures, we must succeed,! If our principles are right,South Carolina,' small as she is, can maintain them as well as twenty States joined. The Constitu tion will be her shield: weak as we appear, and strong as the Fed- ral Government may seem, in the hour of trial we may- have the strength of David, they the weakness of Goliah. If the Federal Gov ernment is wrong, and we right, justice will prevail.” ANOTHER LETTER. NVe see no impropriety in occasionally laying before our readers extracts fiom letters from other States, inasmuch as that is one of the ways in which public opinion is inanilested. Tim following is inserted at the request of a citizen, to whom it was addressed: Daytox, Ala., June 15, 1851. I am rejoiced to believe now that I was premature in my fears that South Caro lina would back out. The action of the late Convention of Southern Rights As sociations was certainly very cheering to the friends of the Southern cause every where, and I trust when the peopl^neet in convention they will carry into prac tical operation the resolutions so unani mously adopted by that body. You are right when you say “ South Carolina is lhe forlorn hope of the .South ;” her place in the picture is a conspicuous and a glo rious one, if she does her dutv, ao<l her friends here do not now doubt but she will. You ask, “When will Alabama wheel in- ( to liner God knows when, in her State capacity, but that Alabama and the other southern States will join South Carolina ultimately there cannot be a reasonable „ * u doubt. It is idle now, it seems to me, for . a\an- ^ people 0 f South Carolina to look for ley’s Fer- any otiBr sort of co-operation than the brave ntllrts and strong arms of the friends to the rights of the South, who are to be found in every Southern State. Just let the old Palmetto blaze the line— make a practical issue fey going out of I ths Union, and if the attempt is made to who are prepared, when the banner of secession is unfurled, to support it aloft in triumph, or to fall side by side with your own gallant people under its pros trate folds. I regret to see that your members of Congress, w ith a few exceptions, are sub mission's—fori look upon the co-ope- tion platform as being \-ery little higher than the submission platform. I was par ticularly surprised to see Judge Butler opposed to separate State action; it is not snch advice as he gava us in the nullification contest, long before he had been made % federal senator. In a speech of his, delivered at the time to which I refer, and which speech I have just read, is this sentence: “Avirtuous and gallant people in a good cause, never have failed. If we are right and do not falter in our measures, we must succeed. If our principles are right, South Carolina, smal as she is, can maintain them as well as twenty States joined. The con stitution will be her shield—weak as we appear, and strong as the federal govern ment may seem, iu the hour of trial we may have the 4tongth of David, they the weakness of Goliah.” But it is the duty of the people of South Carolina to take the honor and rights of the state in to their own hands, and above all, not to trust them to the keeping of any man or set of men, connected with the federal government in the most remote manner. For by the treachery and base betrayal of their trust, on the part of the men who go to Washington, consists the weak ness and almost hopeless condition of the South. We have in this country a good many submiseionistx, mostly wings, but not a few of the old hunker demo crats are with them. But then we have resistance men too, mostly democrats, hut some wliige. You must excuse this hasty epistle. I feel a deep interest in reference to the action of South Carolina, as do all the friends to the rights of the South in this part of the country, and I have written this more for the purpose of obtaining your views (which will be val uable) than from any other purpose. If South Carolina falters now, all will be lost, but I cannot and do not believe she will back out. You cannot well con ceive how anxious many of the Caroli nians here are that the State should re deem her pledges at all hazards—not on ly for the sake of her own honor, but for the sake of the great question at issue, which seems now to be suspended upon her action. If our old native Carolina should! ever need our services, we will go, and take along with us all our boys big enough to pull a trigger. CaMMUlttCATXOHS. [for THE DARLINGTON FLAG.] Mr. Editor : I visited the Cotton Gin Manufactory a few days since at Dar lington village, and was highly pleased with the specimens of Cotton Gins, made to order, by Mr. Dickinson ; they w ere put up in a style iinniirpaf|);i1 by any ma chinery of th^jkind I hav* |rer seen, at a very incdenjate coefiand I htoard the as sertion that they can’t bo beat, either in fineor fast pickiffjg, they are bf much lighter draft and have less friction than many of those newly constructed, complicated ma chines, brought and sold here from abroad. It does seem to me, Mr. Editor, that this worthy, and gentlemanly young mechanic ought to he encouraged, at least by the Darlington Planters. ONE OF THEM. (FOR THE DARLINGTON FLAG.) Mr. Editor: My communication of June 18th having elicited two luminous essays in reply, one July 2 by “Justice,” and the other July 9th, by “ A Member of the S. R. Association,” I propose to reply ifi^s brief a manner as I ran, to some of tWir remarks in the order they come.— “ Justice,” in a very prolix manner, en deavors to vindicate the legislature from the charge of acting “in advance of pub lic sentiment,” but he lias, I think, most signally failed to do it. The fact that a Southern Congress was anticipated, so far from being a justification for calling a State Convention, should doubtless have lieen good reason why a State Conven tion should not have been called at all at that time. The Southern Congress if it do assemble, is to be composed of dele gates from the whole South, who will represent constituents equally as much interested in slavery, and who under stand their rights as well as we do. It would have been but courtesy to our Southern brethren to have awaited until such Congress should assemble, and if it should then and there be decided not to withdraw from the Union, it certainly would have been tiiqtfMWgh for iSouth Carolina to contempWW separate State action, and to call a Convention for ta king the matter into consideration, and not even then unless it is demanded by particularly—would lead ibe way in the cause of Southern rights, and that .South Cqqplina would have nothing to do hut to fottow, and join in the formation of a Southern Confederacy; and although the contingency of this State’s acting alone in case the other Southern States did not move, was occasionally alluded to, I cannot admit that the question was fully agitated befordfthe people, and that they were prepaied for the action of the Legislature. 4BI “ Facts are stubliorn things.” The fact that “ South Carolina was set down by friend and foe as a unit” but is now di vided, proves to liberal understandings that the people were not and are not for secession, but looked forward only to co operation ; but when a State Convention was thrust upon them and the election took place so suddenly, they were arous ed to the danger they were placed in, and emtoent men who before had been silent, then spoke out and openly and violently opposed the measure. Notwithstanding “no dissenting voice rose amid the deep, loud, trumpet notes of defiance and resistance which arose from every hill, valley and mountain in the Palmetto State,” yet not more than one-fourth of the people attended the election, though no doubt the secession ists turned ou|»lhpir full strength; and strange to tell, that of 169 delegates cho sen, only 90 arc seceseionists, and many of them “ are growing cold and gentle as sucking doves” being a minority of eleven (11) only, and among the minority some of the strongest men in ibe State, viz.: Hon. L. Cheves, Hon. R. \V#Barnwell, Hon. A. P. Butler, Hon. Mitchell King, Hon. D. E. Huger, Hon. J. J. Evans, Hon. Edward Frost, Hon. B. F. Dunkin. Hon. D. L Warelaw, Hon. F. H. Wardlaw, Hon. J. N. Whitner, Col. G. Mewmixger, Col. I. W. Havre, and ethers. Another fact is, the Convention Bill was passed only after a protracted strug gle, and even then by the votes of many who were violently opposed to it. Some account of the circumstances attending the final passage of tho State convention bill, may not be uninteresting but instruc tive to many of your readers, and 1 make an extract or two from a private letter from a friend—a member of the legisla ture—whose prominent characteristics are candor and boldness and sagacity. The State Convention Bill from the Senate was defeated in the House by a motion to postpone its consideration til| the 1st January, by a vote of 75 to 42, and the Southern Congress bill was de feated also. He says: “ You observe at this point both bills were killed, and the legislature was under the necessity of adjourning without doing anything, or they must come to a compromise by re suscitating both bills, and there yet re mained Owens’ Convention Bill nffd a Southern Congress Bill to be acted on. This last hill was token up and acted up on. * * * • * r p|, e gpcond read ing of the bill in the House is at page 328, and the vote on it 101 yeas 10 nays This was the test vote, both partus having united and passed it as a com promise. This vote was tho result of the compromise between those who fe vered the Southern Congress as the wi sest, surest, and safest policy, on the one part, and those of us who believed that a Convention should be called, on the oth er. The Convention, however, nev er would have been called had not those of us who also advocated the Sou thern Congress measure, succeeded in putting off the assembling of the Con vention to a period beyond that of the meeting of the Congress, and of the Mis sissippi Convention, which takes place In November next, and there were still 40 or 50 of us who doubted the policy to the last, of the call of a Convention then. * * * * * There was a degree of ex citement, confusion and parliamentary tactics displayed that kept the whole body in the utmost state of noise and distrac tion from the hour these various quee- tiins came vote, till they were finally disposed of, that is altogether unparallel ed in my experience in deliberative bo dies.” , And yet Justice would have your rea ders believe that the policy of State Con- ventioa and secession had been fully dis- cusserf^efore the people, and that these measures were, and are now approved of by them. f' And yet w# are told by Justice not “to be alarmed by the cry ot immediate se- cession 1 ! the Convention, God willing, will assemble next year, god wh>$i called to gether may meat *Ma adjourn from time to time, for "twelve monthsso now I the unanimous voice of the people. Our legislators, instead of being the ask why the haste in electing delegates servants of the people, have arrogated to to it! Why not wait until near the time themselves the prerogative to be our ru- of meeting to hold the election, when the lers, and when their acts shall come before people would be prepared to vote under- the “ people," to which “ tribunal the last standingly, snd the dMegates would be resort" Justice, as well as myself, is wil- fresh from their constituents, whose ewe- ling to submit, I feel confident that a con- ry sentiment dilld then bjs known, and demnation of those acts will be the re- in the meantime if any emefkencjF should suit. I join issue with justice that the arise, the Governor could call the Legis- qut btion of separate State actlbn was fiiU lature together, so “as the#the Common ly discussed before fh« election last fell, wealth of South Carolina' shall sustain In addition to the agitation «f the Bank ' no detriment!” No other answer can be question, it was expected at that time made but that,the secessionists saw that that Miaeissippi and Georgia—the latter J it was a pood opportunity to commit the