The Darlington flag (Lydia, SC) 1851-1852, July 30, 1851, Image 2
Webster himself would be williiijfto
i regard to seceteioti U»ey t is soou U> btcome the rally- j
en^Tth Jpto'vUion" on th* lawTfor which appear tom. will demand ihe , ing point of the whole South. Now if!
it was a provision in the bill which he careful consideration of the l ouyention
ttKIIU S jdllilZl'tt. i f'HCe her back at ihe point of the Fe.le-.
The August number ofth.. Magazine I ral ba ,^ on ‘' , ’ h«ve practical coif
® . 6 . , operation in the torm and sria}>e of thou-
has been received. Severul of the articles , j; al) g s 0 f volunteers from her sister Sou-
this be true then 1 do not [>erceive how
any one can |^(ppoae fora moment that j w hich we have read possess much inter- j them States—men who arc in powerless
Has the State a right to se-1 our sister states who are thus only ^ pg^icuiariv that on the ~ Use and niinoritics now in their own States, but
... a .A * — ^ —A b b — l . A l . , bb 1, —, ■, ■ I ■ — b"» —» am Stbi.l*- b - lb. —. ^b bb.« bb ~ bb bb ,b i . 1 b b • t . . . . b A t. t . _ . Z'
waiting with their hands upon their i
swords ready to draw them at the first
hostile movement of our common ene
my, w ill turn ujion us or from us be
cause we bring on the issue a little
himself introduced before leaving the are
Senate. , ^’ rs k
Repeal, therefore, I regard as out of: cede! ** ... ....
the question. Modification or amend- Second. Is shejustihed m the exer-
tnent may bo attempted, bufc-very cau- cisc of this right at this time ?
tiously. * The first question is one which 1
The abolition of slavery in the Dis- presume the Convention will have very . -
trict of Columbia, and the repeal o! the little didic ilty in deriding ns it may be so< Jt ,er I"*'” f“ e y do.
fugiti'o slave law, then are the only considered a settled question in the But 1 think the posttiou ot things m
overt acts of aggression which in my judgment of the Southern States it . . other Southern . States has been
judgement can be committed by Con- this time, Utougb 1 am aware it is ser- ' n ^> s t a “ en our fneiK.s. The p^hl'-
gress against the South at this time.— iouslv denied bv some within their lim- ci*ns in those States are not telling
I feel the most abiding confidence that ijg and perhaps if not brought to judg- * he a * our Inemls suppose. P, ould he hu{ ^ from ^ j ead( j |0W
neither will he done in our day. Our ment at the present day will in n few b^ar yonr past insults and injuries pa- ' ^ t0 6ee t j 1(3 f roni
adversaries will take care that the mea- years become much controverted if not b^ntly: we admit they, are gno\ous, subniissionists, bribed politicians,
sure of aggression shall bsjust so much ultimatety repudiated. Resolutions tort strike not yet; wait.a little, longer a nd tratibre, preach, ( 0 cheat the people
Economy oflnvective.” The lypographi-
cal execution is beautiful as usual and the
engravings of the finest quality.
NIK FAREWElT ADDRESS.
The following is one of the regular
toasts offered at the celebration in Colum
bia on the 4th inst.:
“Washington’s Farewell Address:The
production of a great and pure man.
as w ill stop short of uniting the South.
Your patience shall be their guago.—
The advocate of co-operation then
must adjourn the question of Disunion
to another day. If the past, or any is
sue which may be made upon the past,
cannot unite the South then the future
of our day will afford no measttvo for
resistance.
My solemn belief therefore is that co
operation” is muhmission to the Com
promise. Submission to the past with
no hope for the future. Now, in using
the term "submission,” 1 do not
mean to apply it in any offensive sense
whatever to our friends who dilfer
from us on this occasion. Far from it
I know thuy are men who would spurn
the idea of voluntary suhmissiou, with
all the scorn and indignation of unsulli
ed patriotism. 1 speak to them as I would
have them speak to me, with sincerity
and respect I must be allowed, there
fore to say to them your position dtilts
you with the inevitable certainty ol the
(julf Stream to submission. You will
take your place by the side of those
whose course you so much condemn.—
You ratify the Compromise. The
voice of South Carolina w ill he hushed.
She cannot go back to feed upon the
Irask of high sounding resolutions pro
tests amt remonstrances. In two years
she will sink down into the attitude of
utter iion-resisUnce ; uo human power
can avert this result. What in others
might be tolerated in her would he dec
ided. She has gone so far that she
must now “be a law unto herself.”—
But it inny he said we will he in no
worse condition than our friends who
are a minority in the other Southern
States. This is a capital error. Our
positions are widely different. They
are struggling for power—wo possess it
They are in a minority and therefore
aro without responsibility. We are in
a majority and have all responsibility
resting upon us. The government of
their States is in the hands of their ad
versaries. Our government is in our
own hands. There is nothing to res
train us hut the danger of striking,
they are powerless. It is vain then to
to attempt to derive comfort for our
voluntary submission from their invol
untary acquigtoence. We have proin-
issed much and much is expected of
us.
attirming this right were laid on the
table in one or both branches of the
North Carolina Legislature at ^eir
last session, I am not fully informed
of the circumstances under which this
was done, hut I point to it as a fact
which deserves attention.
But, whilst the abstract right of seces
sion is not denied by some yet they con
tend that it is a right whose exercise
“godo faith must al waysprevent. Now
I admit the obligations of “good faith”
in every relation of life public and pri
vate on States as well as on individuals.
But, let us see how “good faith willal
conceded her feelings respected, and
her institutions preserved. This is the
delusion which they are practicing on
„... - .T . ... a generous and confiding people.—
ways nullify tins right and render it of .. . . , • ... . . . , ,
■ „• I .-i-. b »i- . But let a sovereign state withdraw
no practical utility. We owo good- .u- t* • . . .i : .. .-
. * . from this Union let the right ot seces-
faith to onr co .states and to foreign
nations, with wj)om w'e have through
ami renew ed assault will soon be com- . of their liberiies.’
mitted aginst you and then yon may — —w ■ ^
rise up in the strenght and majesty ol AVEATUER. CROPS, HEALTH,
an outraged people and hurl your op- To gay that the weather is warm would
pressors to the earth. On the contra- be conveying to the minds of our moun-
ry. they are telling them that the tjpni-paders.butafaintideaoftheoppres-
Cornpromise is a solemn league and ,ive character of this sultry season. The
covenant—a tinal permanent, m vio ... . , ,. / , ,
, . , ... . | .-i constant rams with winch we have been
lahle settlement ot the slavery question . • , , ,, , ,
and of alt other matters in dispute he- I v,slted have cea ^' d <or a few da > s be
tween the North and South. That rhe are s" 11 Cine coudi-
hereatter the South will have her rights ! "on. The health of our village was never
better at this season, we fear however that
jf the dry, hot weather continues much
longer it will be productive of fever. Do
you not gentle render, sympathise with
an unfortunate editor, who at this season
with a system prostrated by heat,is forced
our agent the General Government,
established certain relations. Now ns
to our eo States as the very predicate
of secession is, that they have violated
the league and covenant which hound
us together that they have first broken
faith with us surely our faith is no lon
ger due to them. Good faith requires
every party to a compact to submit to
many things to hear and forbear much
but when the very end and purpose qj'
thecompact are violated,—w hen it is
used ns a “sword to destroy,” and not
as a “shield to defend—then surely,”
good faith” should not prevent any
party from withdraw ing from his asso
ciates, on fair and honorable terms.—
So much for onr co-Stat( s. But what are
our obligations of “good faith” to foreign
nations w ith whom wo havetnade trea
ties and from whose citizens we have
made loans Arc 1 They it is urged, are
no parties to our domestic differences
and good faith requires that w e should
either preserve our co-partnership until
these engagements are complied witii.or
provide means for their performance if a
dissolution takes place. To this I reply
that if a dissolution occurs peaceably
and equitable partition of the partner
ship property is made the rights of for
eign nations w ill not lie permitted to
suffer beyond those hazards, which it
is always understood, are undertaken
in all international dealing.
If the abstract right to secede, then
be granted, and “good faith” does not
justly restrain its exercise the next
question will be, “Is South Carolina
sion that right inestimable to us and- con tjnually to rack his brain for something
formidable to tyrants only be brought
up for solemn and for final judgement,
and how soon will all others issue pale
their ineffectual fires.”
'onclusioniiwuirnext^^
DavUngton flag,
to amuse and interest you? If we fail to
do so, we trust you will attribute it in part
to the heat of the weather, which not only
I banishes ideas from the sluggish brain;
but even sleep “tired nature’s sweet res
torer balmy sleep,” is sometimes frighted
away and refuses to weigh our eyelids
down.” We have frequently exclaimed
during the last few days from the bottom
j of our heart
‘ O for a lodge in some vast wilderness,
Some boundless contiguity of shade.”
DARLINGTON, S. C.
Such, Mr. President are the outlines justified in seceding at this timet”—
of my views in relation to co-operation.
I regret that I have not time to go more
into detail. 1 have endeavored to he
candid and explicit because I am free
to foufess that I feel hound to consider
maturely a measure w hich has such
distinguished supporters before I reject
it. 1 have done so, and I must declare
in nlr sincerity that if South Carolina
abandons all purpose of acting alone
and determines patiently and passively
to wait, (as she miist if she waits at all)
the developments of the future in
oxjiectation of such hostile legislation
H e all admit that “government long
established should not he changed for
light and transient causes,” but the
onuses which impel us to seek a change
cf our governnAp|, aro neither “light
nor “transient rniey are deep-seated
widespread, permanent and railin'!.—
I will not attempt to describe our
w rongs before this audience, after the
recital of them by our distinguish lea
der Judge
WEDNESDAY MORNING, JILY 10,1851.
AGENTS FOR THE DARLINGTON FLAG.
S. D. Hallfokd, - Camden, S. C.
Chari.es DeLorme, Sumterville, S. C.
SOUTHERN RIGHTiT^ASSOCIATION.
The next meeting of this Association
! will take place on Monday next, in the
the Court House, in this place.
SPEECH OF HOiTw. F. COLCOCk.
We commence to-day the speech o 1 1
Hon. IV. F. Cot.cock. It will be conclu
ded in our next number. Secessionists.!
read it; co-operationist«, read it; submis-
| sionists, read it; it is a calm, fair,di-pns-
j sionate view of the great question now
agitating the public mind.
NW are requested by Mr. Elkix
I:
er amigo Cl,eves. He has painted (0 sfa|o , hat he „ ■„ rpmai|l jn DarI ing.on
them to you in thoughts that breathe, , a , .it
the ! and words that humhe has told you ! m,t ' 1 ' nor '""S ,u '* 1 " e P ro ;
that we are living under the govern- i P 0 * 8 lo *** " ,d,v,dual n 8 ht8 t0 his va '-
on the part of the General Government meat of our bitterest enemies whose I uab ‘‘ ! pump. Persons wishing to pur-
as*$ill unite the South in the overthrow avowed objects are to annihilate us.— i Ll ia.se can be accommodated by applying
of this Union she will sacrifice the great l ,a8 fold you ol the danger, the dis- i liefore that time,
cause which all her sons with but few honor the infamy, of the condition of | nriT mv vcd
exceptions, • profess to lie n+areftt to the condition ot the South. He has ^ ELLOW S DmaiEK.
their hearts and give a death blow to told you that history furnishes no ex- On Iriday'he 35th inst., we sat down
disunion. Y es, I repeat—Let Month ample of such disreputable submission in company with a numerous company of
Carolina lay down her arms, let her ‘' l8 f bat "bich the Moutheru States now ! friends principally from the country, to a
say she will not secede and a shout of exhibit. | sumptuous dinner given by the Fraterni-
triumph (shall I say of derision) w ill go He has told yob too that “he is con- 1 ty of Odd Fellows’, at Stasly’s Hotel in
up over all the land for wc have one- vinced of the jutitice the constitutionaL this place It w as the anniversary of
miesevery where and the advocates of right and the political expediency, of Pee Dee Lo dgt—an oration was deliver-
tho comprqiuise will underwrite the the withdrawal ot the Southern States ; . j ... • ^ r , & ,,
it • jSSt . r™ .. .i ,1! • . l- i i ed at their Hall by Thomas C. Evas# Esq.
Union tor tt* next generation. 1 hese Irom that Union bv which they are en- . .. ,
may bu wpalatable truths, hut they tl,railed, and which cannot fail, while it M lhe . r rocwd »<S s except the dinner
must bcTtold. | subsists, to bring on them further and ! w . ere P r4vate ’ " e caiul0t therefore .“peak
I come now to the consideration of future danger, oppression and infamy.” ^ °f a, 0"hing else, except Irom report As
me second proposition which I have Now if this picture be true and who
supposed will be subyiited to our Con- can doubt it, w hat measure of resis-
ventiou when it assembles. tanee are w e not justified in resorting
Having failed up to this time to ob- tot NVhat is too rash, too violent or
tained any pledge of co-operutiou from too precipitate ( As, for the reasons I i
the Government of any other state shall have given, we cannot obtain co-oper-
South Carolina secede alone t 1 ap- ation by delay, are we not driven di-
preach the disniHsion of this question reedy and distinctly to the alternative
with a profound sense of its magnitude j of sanAeion or submission t Are we
and importance. 1 never expected to
be called upon to give my counsel on
'any qussffoll under a’fcnse of higher
responsibility. I have never entertain
ed or expresed hut one opinion on the
character of this measure, as matron-
stituqpfs, with w hom I have frequently
and publicly con furred, can testify 1
have told them that secession was a
mcaqpre w hich would Oftiiand the uxer-
cise rif all their wisdom and all their
firmness. Tho overthrow of any Gov-
eminent and the establishment of any
other, > u no holiday affair. It is no
cardhouso we desire to coustruct which
can be reared by the hand and destro-
■ yed by the breath of an Infant, No!
.not bound by every obligution of duty |
to ourselves and to onr children to o’
erthrow in the only way that is left
the government of our “hitter eneiM
—to escape “annihilation”—to
Irom “dishonor oppression and inlain/.’
But let me draw nearer to the entrenwi-
mentsof our friends nod examine fflHr
strongholds, It is urged' with great
earnestness and with much appflfifent
force that South Caroijna ought not
to secede alon* because the other South
ern States will not sympathise w ite her
or sustain her in her course. Now let
it he remembered that this arjfkmcnt
: comes from those who advocate the
policy of delay in the ronfid^t expec
ts a stem work which liewbcfore us tatioe that new Rggressions#r*uch as
to the excellency of the dinner however,
and the pleasant character of the compa
ny we can give positive testimony having
been one of the honored guests.
N*' Our sincere thanks are hereby re
turned to our esteemed friend E. R. Wil-
sor, for a choice lot of peaches—the best
we haw met with this season, without
ic shadow of a doubt. The fruit was
£iily of the finest quality, but another
^advantage which it possessed over
number of the donations of that cliaipf*
ter which we receive, was that tliers was
a plenty of it We were enabled notonly
to least bountifully ourselves, but also to
treat our friends, who all coincid
us in pronouncing it the finsst i
season.
py A duel was fought yesterday
ning, says the Abbsvillej
inst., on one of the^
nah River in the
ry between Dr. W
mer
and B. L.
and if wo seek for new^gtiards for our the abolition of slavery in the District * 08EY ’ h 01 * 1 which
future seciwr we hiu^expect to ob- of Columbia or the repeal of ths Fugi lhe former received a slight wound in the
tain them aFTlie hazard ol nymy sacri- five Slave Law, wiU sqgn unite me wrist. Weapons, pistole; distance ton
fi ces iK, whole South in accessin. .Secession, i.pac*a.
JUDGE BUTLER.
In a portion of a letter which we pub
lish in another place, from a citizen of
Alabama, an extract is made from a
speech of our honorable and distinguished
Senator, delivered in the Legislature in
1830. Since reading that wc find in the
Mercury a more extended extract from
the same speech which we lay before our
| readers:
The following extract from the speech
j oftheHon. A. P. Butler, as delivered in
the .South Carolina legislature; upon the
Bill rallincra Convention of the people of
j State in 1830. should afford much encour-
agement at the present time. “Ifourprin-
ciples are right, South Carolina, small as
she is, can maintain them as well as twen
ty States Joined.”
“Sir, The cause of liberty never runs
smooth. It is acquired by peril, and pre
served bv vigilance and firmness. Su
pine indifference and confident security,
are inconsistent with its permanent exis
tence. Those who have been in the van
of the great contests to obtain and pre
serve it, have had to contend with difficul
ty, and to encounter toil and hazard. It
is the natural disposition of large masses,
to love quietude and security, while evils
are tolerable, rather than make any exer
tion to right themselves. Even Moses,
the inspired man ofGod. found it difficult
to prevail upon his brethren to leave the
la’d of their captivity, for the land of pro
mise and liberty. Contented with their
servile condition, they dreaded to embark
in the wilderness of uncertainty. But who
is it that would not rather have gone with
Moses, and submitted to nil the privations
of the Wilderness, than have remained
and been fed out ofthe flesh pots of Egypt,
by the hands of a master. A virtuous and
gallant people, in a good cause, never
have fade#, If we are right and do not
falter in our measures, we must succeed,!
If our principles are right,South Carolina,'
small as she is, can maintain them as well
as twenty States joined. The Constitu
tion will be her shield: weak as we appear,
and strong as the Fed- ral Government
may seem, in the hour of trial we may-
have the strength of David, they the
weakness of Goliah. If the Federal Gov
ernment is wrong, and we right, justice
will prevail.”
ANOTHER LETTER.
NVe see no impropriety in occasionally
laying before our readers extracts fiom
letters from other States, inasmuch as
that is one of the ways in which public
opinion is inanilested. Tim following is
inserted at the request of a citizen, to
whom it was addressed:
Daytox, Ala., June 15, 1851.
I am rejoiced to believe now that I was
premature in my fears that South Caro
lina would back out. The action of the
late Convention of Southern Rights As
sociations was certainly very cheering to
the friends of the Southern cause every
where, and I trust when the peopl^neet
in convention they will carry into prac
tical operation the resolutions so unani
mously adopted by that body. You are
right when you say “ South Carolina is
lhe forlorn hope of the .South ;” her place
in the picture is a conspicuous and a glo
rious one, if she does her dutv, ao<l her
friends here do not now doubt but she will.
You ask, “When will Alabama wheel in-
( to liner God knows when, in her State
capacity, but that Alabama and the other
southern States will join South Carolina
ultimately there cannot be a reasonable
„ * u doubt. It is idle now, it seems to me, for
. a\an- ^ people 0 f South Carolina to look for
ley’s Fer- any otiBr sort of co-operation than the
brave ntllrts and strong arms of the
friends to the rights of the South, who
are to be found in every Southern State.
Just let the old Palmetto blaze the line—
make a practical issue fey going out of
I ths Union, and if the attempt is made to
who are prepared, when the banner of
secession is unfurled, to support it aloft
in triumph, or to fall side by side with
your own gallant people under its pros
trate folds.
I regret to see that your members of
Congress, w ith a few exceptions, are sub
mission's—fori look upon the co-ope-
tion platform as being \-ery little higher
than the submission platform. I was par
ticularly surprised to see Judge Butler
opposed to separate State action; it is
not snch advice as he gava us in the
nullification contest, long before he had
been made % federal senator. In a speech
of his, delivered at the time to which I
refer, and which speech I have just read,
is this sentence: “Avirtuous and gallant
people in a good cause, never have failed.
If we are right and do not falter in our
measures, we must succeed. If our
principles are right, South Carolina,
smal as she is, can maintain them as
well as twenty States joined. The con
stitution will be her shield—weak as we
appear, and strong as the federal govern
ment may seem, iu the hour of trial we
may have the 4tongth of David, they
the weakness of Goliah.” But it is the
duty of the people of South Carolina to
take the honor and rights of the state in
to their own hands, and above all, not to
trust them to the keeping of any man or
set of men, connected with the federal
government in the most remote manner.
For by the treachery and base betrayal of
their trust, on the part of the men who
go to Washington, consists the weak
ness and almost hopeless condition of
the South. We have in this country a
good many submiseionistx, mostly wings,
but not a few of the old hunker demo
crats are with them. But then we have
resistance men too, mostly democrats,
hut some wliige. You must excuse this
hasty epistle. I feel a deep interest in
reference to the action of South Carolina,
as do all the friends to the rights of the
South in this part of the country, and I
have written this more for the purpose of
obtaining your views (which will be val
uable) than from any other purpose. If
South Carolina falters now, all will be
lost, but I cannot and do not believe she
will back out. You cannot well con
ceive how anxious many of the Caroli
nians here are that the State should re
deem her pledges at all hazards—not on
ly for the sake of her own honor, but for
the sake of the great question at issue,
which seems now to be suspended upon
her action. If our old native Carolina
should! ever need our services, we will
go, and take along with us all our boys
big enough to pull a trigger.
CaMMUlttCATXOHS.
[for THE DARLINGTON FLAG.]
Mr. Editor : I visited the Cotton Gin
Manufactory a few days since at Dar
lington village, and was highly pleased
with the specimens of Cotton Gins, made
to order, by Mr. Dickinson ; they w ere
put up in a style iinniirpaf|);i1 by any ma
chinery of th^jkind I hav* |rer seen, at
a very incdenjate coefiand I htoard the as
sertion that they can’t bo beat, either in
fineor fast pickiffjg, they are bf much lighter
draft and have less friction than many of
those newly constructed, complicated ma
chines, brought and sold here from abroad.
It does seem to me, Mr. Editor, that this
worthy, and gentlemanly young mechanic
ought to he encouraged, at least by the
Darlington Planters.
ONE OF THEM.
(FOR THE DARLINGTON FLAG.)
Mr. Editor: My communication of
June 18th having elicited two luminous
essays in reply, one July 2 by “Justice,”
and the other July 9th, by “ A Member of
the S. R. Association,” I propose to reply
ifi^s brief a manner as I ran, to some of
tWir remarks in the order they come.—
“ Justice,” in a very prolix manner, en
deavors to vindicate the legislature from
the charge of acting “in advance of pub
lic sentiment,” but he lias, I think, most
signally failed to do it. The fact that a
Southern Congress was anticipated, so far
from being a justification for calling a
State Convention, should doubtless have
lieen good reason why a State Conven
tion should not have been called at all at
that time. The Southern Congress if it
do assemble, is to be composed of dele
gates from the whole South, who will
represent constituents equally as much
interested in slavery, and who under
stand their rights as well as we do. It
would have been but courtesy to our
Southern brethren to have awaited until
such Congress should assemble, and if it
should then and there be decided not to
withdraw from the Union, it certainly
would have been tiiqtfMWgh for iSouth
Carolina to contempWW separate State
action, and to call a Convention for ta
king the matter into consideration, and
not even then unless it is demanded by
particularly—would lead ibe way in the
cause of Southern rights, and that .South
Cqqplina would have nothing to do hut to
fottow, and join in the formation of a
Southern Confederacy; and although
the contingency of this State’s acting
alone in case the other Southern States
did not move, was occasionally alluded
to, I cannot admit that the question was
fully agitated befordfthe people, and that
they were prepaied for the action of the
Legislature. 4BI
“ Facts are stubliorn things.” The fact
that “ South Carolina was set down by
friend and foe as a unit” but is now di
vided, proves to liberal understandings
that the people were not and are not for
secession, but looked forward only to co
operation ; but when a State Convention
was thrust upon them and the election
took place so suddenly, they were arous
ed to the danger they were placed in,
and emtoent men who before had been
silent, then spoke out and openly and
violently opposed the measure.
Notwithstanding “no dissenting voice
rose amid the deep, loud, trumpet notes
of defiance and resistance which arose
from every hill, valley and mountain in
the Palmetto State,” yet not more than
one-fourth of the people attended the
election, though no doubt the secession
ists turned ou|»lhpir full strength; and
strange to tell, that of 169 delegates cho
sen, only 90 arc seceseionists, and many
of them “ are growing cold and gentle as
sucking doves” being a minority of eleven
(11) only, and among the minority some
of the strongest men in ibe State, viz.:
Hon. L. Cheves, Hon. R. \V#Barnwell,
Hon. A. P. Butler, Hon. Mitchell King,
Hon. D. E. Huger, Hon. J. J. Evans, Hon.
Edward Frost, Hon. B. F. Dunkin. Hon.
D. L Warelaw, Hon. F. H. Wardlaw,
Hon. J. N. Whitner, Col. G. Mewmixger,
Col. I. W. Havre, and ethers.
Another fact is, the Convention Bill
was passed only after a protracted strug
gle, and even then by the votes of many
who were violently opposed to it. Some
account of the circumstances attending
the final passage of tho State convention
bill, may not be uninteresting but instruc
tive to many of your readers, and 1 make
an extract or two from a private letter
from a friend—a member of the legisla
ture—whose prominent characteristics
are candor and boldness and sagacity.
The State Convention Bill from the
Senate was defeated in the House by a
motion to postpone its consideration til|
the 1st January, by a vote of 75 to 42,
and the Southern Congress bill was de
feated also. He says: “ You observe at
this point both bills were killed, and the
legislature was under the necessity of
adjourning without doing anything, or
they must come to a compromise by re
suscitating both bills, and there yet re
mained Owens’ Convention Bill nffd a
Southern Congress Bill to be acted on.
This last hill was token up and acted up
on. * * * • * r p|, e gpcond read
ing of the bill in the House is at page
328, and the vote on it 101 yeas 10 nays
This was the test vote, both partus
having united and passed it as a com
promise. This vote was tho result of
the compromise between those who fe
vered the Southern Congress as the wi
sest, surest, and safest policy, on the one
part, and those of us who believed that a
Convention should be called, on the oth
er. The Convention, however, nev
er would have been called had not
those of us who also advocated the Sou
thern Congress measure, succeeded in
putting off the assembling of the Con
vention to a period beyond that of the
meeting of the Congress, and of the Mis
sissippi Convention, which takes place In
November next, and there were still 40
or 50 of us who doubted the policy to the
last, of the call of a Convention then. *
* * * * There was a degree of ex
citement, confusion and parliamentary
tactics displayed that kept the whole body
in the utmost state of noise and distrac
tion from the hour these various quee-
tiins came vote, till they were finally
disposed of, that is altogether unparallel
ed in my experience in deliberative bo
dies.” ,
And yet Justice would have your rea
ders believe that the policy of State Con-
ventioa and secession had been fully dis-
cusserf^efore the people, and that these
measures were, and are now approved of
by them. f'
And yet w# are told by Justice not “to
be alarmed by the cry ot immediate se-
cession 1 ! the Convention, God willing, will
assemble next year, god wh>$i called to
gether may meat *Ma adjourn from time
to time, for "twelve monthsso now I
the unanimous voice of the people.
Our legislators, instead of being the ask why the haste in electing delegates
servants of the people, have arrogated to to it! Why not wait until near the time
themselves the prerogative to be our ru- of meeting to hold the election, when the
lers, and when their acts shall come before people would be prepared to vote under-
the “ people," to which “ tribunal the last standingly, snd the dMegates would be
resort" Justice, as well as myself, is wil- fresh from their constituents, whose ewe-
ling to submit, I feel confident that a con- ry sentiment dilld then bjs known, and
demnation of those acts will be the re- in the meantime if any emefkencjF should
suit. I join issue with justice that the arise, the Governor could call the Legis-
qut btion of separate State actlbn was fiiU lature together, so “as the#the Common
ly discussed before fh« election last fell, wealth of South Carolina' shall sustain
In addition to the agitation «f the Bank ' no detriment!” No other answer can be
question, it was expected at that time made but that,the secessionists saw that
that Miaeissippi and Georgia—the latter J it was a pood opportunity to commit the