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^ (llj In # rf| fl ifll #-|4]' T 1'5 iip# ?[? ^ >1 %LL4j> ki J Jt^v^ 4+l*rpp. ! , ^""" m-VOTBD TO LITERATURE, THE ARTS, SCIENCE, AGRICULTURE, HEWS, POLITICS, &C., &C. { sHs?TWO DOLLARS PER ANNUM,] "Let it bo Instilled into the Hearts of your Children that the Liberty of the Press is the Palladium of all your Rights."?Junius. [PAYABLE IN ADVANCE. ' - ; ' ?? ___ - ??. - ^ 0?0ME 4?NO. :;T. ABBEVILLE C. II., SOUTH CAROLINA, FRIDAY MORNING, JANUARY 1G, 1857. WHOLE NUMBER 193. a*.TES OF ADVERTISING. | Proprietors of the Abbeville /luntiir ami J'rc.iK, have established the followHcKitcsof Advertising to be charged in both jBvery Advertisement inserted for a less time Vfeti tliree tnonllis, will bo charged 1 v I lie in- i prtion at OlIC Dollar per Square, (1J inch j j the space of 12solid lines or lw,) for the first insertion, and Fifty Cent* for unch nhse'qnont insertion. xJjti" The Commissioner's, Sheriffs, Clerk's *nnd Ordinary's Advertisements will be inserted In both paper?, each charging lialf price. Sheriff's Levies, One Dollar cneh. Announcing a Candidate, Five Dollars. Advertising an Kslray, Ttt# Dollars, to he paid by the Magistrate. Advertisements inserted for three months, or ioni?er, at the following rates : 1 square 3 months ...... 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Husiucss Cards for the term of one ' year, will he charged in proportion to the . space tliey occupy, at One Dollar per line I fpni'p. For nil advertisements set in rionLfr column, Fifty |>er Cent, extra will be added tu the above rnt^. DAVIS it IIOLLIXGSWORTII, For liannrr ; LEE ?t WILSON, For I'r< *.?. MISCELLANY. Speech of the Hon. P. S. Brooks in the House of Representatives. Mr. Speakktr :?I have waited until j r\i_ 1.' 1:.1.1 1... 1 ! Ill jr II it, II'J liisill 1 II*I lilllcl UitU | finished liis speech, to reply to his question, i whether or not lie. was correct in stating | that southern Democrats wouhl vote for the ! admission of Kansas as a free Slate, if tliat j was the clearly ascertained wish of a majority j of her people, as would the Northern l)emo- ; crats to admit her as a slave, State, should i tliat be the will of the majority? I did not j interrupt my friend while he was speaking hccause it breaks the thread of one's remarks, i introducing irrelevant issues, anil squanders the time of the occupant of the floor. There was a tacit admission of the correctness of his position, llis subsequent remarks, however, caused me to doubt whether I, for one, could respond affirmatively to his interpretation of the Kansas and Nebraska act and to his proposition exactly as he had stated it. My position, an<l the position of the South generally, as I understand it is that, whenever it shall be legally ascertained that the Territory of Kansas (or any other Territory of the United States) has a population of ninety-three thousand four hundred and twenty, it is then in a condition to form a S?te constitution ; and that the will of a majority of the actual resi uuuls, as expressed in mat constitution,shall obtain, and the Territory be admitted into the Union asa State, without reference to any constitutional provision it may contain in regard to negro slavery. This 1 now understand to be the proposition of my friend. We now concur thus far, and I announce distinctly that, should the people of Kansas comply with the terms of the Kansas Nebraska act as I understand it, and apply for admission as a free State, they will encounter no obstacle in my vote. But my friend went on to say that, in his opinion, a Territorial Legislature had the power to pass laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves. If it has that power, why may not the Legislature also manumit such slaves as chance to be in the Territory ? I would ask the gentleman from Indiana what amount of population is requisite for a 1erri 4orial government ? No specified number is required. Then, according to the gentleman's doctrine, a Territoral Legislature, representing ten thousand people, may pass a law forever prohibiting slavery. If ten thousand may make such a law, why may uot five thousand ? If five thousand, why may not five hundred? Why not fifty? NVhy not ten? And with such a doctrine prevailing, what security have I, as a southern m, man, in emigrating to any Territory with y' my slaves ? I d.issent in tolo from any such i I doctrine. I not only repudiate the doctrine <of my friend from Indiana, but I also repudi. ate another which has been here taught and which is, virtually, that we of the the South are to be excluded from a Territory until the judgement of the Supreme *Court is rATidpiwl in wmiril fn tliA offunt | % upon our peculiar probity of laws passed w f by arTerritorial ^Legislature. I do not claim that the Constitution carries slavery ifito ft Territory ; but I do claim c ; thai, aa a citizen, I have the right to take my property into any Territory of the tJnited States, and that the Constitution which protects me. also protects my proper1 ty. If, io tbe exercise of my rights as a <citiien, my right of property ^houjd be quet| tioned,.I will appeal to the legpl,,,tribunals 1 ?f the country and abide ifear (fcliWoOifcut ?V 1 will not bathe first to ,d is trust any 'const iV. tutional riffhk^nd<?ill cfialt>?t Amlf nidi 1ft defending them wbea jpfia'iled. We are the \JBI law-maW? of the land, and ere pre> ttned to be aa regardfa) of our oonstiteikfll tJoW^ obiigations aa are the judges of tbo j'B SoprwuBcncb. It is but a sorry coranpeA a made by atnajorflv, when that majority disagree as to itf> legal eUeet. It is said thai there are many roads : to heaven, and that gentlemen were led to the support of the Kansas-Nebraska bill bv as many different roa<ls. There is but one heaven, and but one sound, constitutional, and national principle in the Nebraska act ; and the. sooner we all agree to stand upon that principle, and approach it by the same road, the better will it be fur the Democratic party. Mr. Speaker, the discussion which has [ occurred upon the President's message, particularly that portion of it which relates to matters in Kansas, was not unexpected by me. It was expected, because of the deep j hostility which I knew to exist at the South. j as wel! as at the North, towards the President and the Democratic parly. To he frank, I expected it because of our weakness in certain points, which exposed us to attack, and even invited it. | The presidential election lias resulted in a repulse of the Kcpnblican party from the decaying citadel of the. Constitution, but not in a rout of its forces. They have been beaten, but they are yet uticon<|iiered. It was evident, even before the meetim? of Con Cress, that they wort; marshaling their hosts for another onset. Their organization is undisturbed? the morale of their troops prei served?their leaders confident, and still trusted. The smoke of the battle had hardly arisen from the field before observations were taken of our line with the caution and ; sagacity of practiced strategists ; and it is in vain to disguise it?our weak point has been detected. I also expected this discussion, because of the prying vigilance of another organization which, because of its having its hand against every other party, and particularly that which at this time happens to be in the ascendant, may appropriately be called the IishmucHtiah party. They, too, have discovered our weakest point, and have already twice attempted to break our line and bring our two wings into conflict with each other. The gentleman from Kentucky, [Mr. II. Marshall.] who is their distinguished and recognized leader, made the first charge; and that was shortly succeeded by the following resolution of the member from Tennessee, [Mr. Kllieridge :] "Jtcxolrcd, That this House of Representatives regards all suggestions and propositions of every kind, by whomsoever made; for a renewal of the African slave trade, as shocking to the moral sentiments of the enlightened portion of mankind; ami that any action on the part of Congress conniving at, or legalizing, that horrid anil inhuman traOie, would justly subject the Government and citizens of the United State to the reproaches and execration of all civilized and Christian people throughout the world." This resolution, as it wasdoubtlessintended, fell as a bomb-shell into the Democratic ranks. Opposition to Democracy is always motive enough for him. I apprehend, how| ever, that a purpose somewhat more of a personal character united with a party purpose in producing that unnecessary atid inopportune resolution. A diversion was necessary to conceal the magnitude of the gentleman's political sins, lie had reason to believe that his soundness upon the slavery question was (jmiltled not only hero, l?ut in his own State, ami even in bis own district. Jiy creating a new issue, and one upon past issues, bis prospects of reelection might improve. Tbe argument be bas furnished to to the enemies of the people who have hon1 orod him, the acknowledgment which by implication he bas made that tbe buying and selling of slaves is morally wrong, and tbe apparent deference to Republican whims, i tailed to restrain a bid fur continuances in ! office. Ilad there boon a proposition before tliis | House to repeal tlic laws, or before the Senj ;it?j to annul tlic treaty which refers to tlio I African slave trade, I could have heard the views of the gentleman from Tennessee with patience, had I concurred with him in opinion. In view, however, of the fact that our laws di-nonncc the traffics as piracy, and impose tlie severest penalties upon offenders? that their repeal is notoriously impracticable ?j can but regard the introduction of the resolution as intended for selfish and party purposes, or as an unprovoked and volunteered rebuke of a distinguished chief magj istrate of a State, whose crenius or nntriniUm t ?7 i " - j will compare with that of the member from I Tennessee, as light to darkness. I regretted, Mr. Speaker, that any resolution was offered, and tliht any passed this House. After the passage of that presented by the member from Tennessee, no other was necessary. As a minor proposition it was included in the major of tlie same character. Through I am snre it was not so intended, vet I apprehended that it might be construed into implied censure of the Governor of the State which I have the honor in part to represent. I was unwilling to occupy a position which might be so construed, through I may differ with his Excellency in the propriety and opportuneness of the recommendation. I waR unwilling to seeminsrlv reflect uonn tlm origin of an institution which is inseparably interwoven with tlie fabric of the society in which I live. _ The rosolution of my friend and colleague [Mr. Orr] was intended to disembarrass such of our northern Democratic friends as had voted against, the resolution of the gentleman from Tennessee, and to guard tbem against minrepresentations which might be made tooperate against tliem and the Denv 6ratic party. I have said that the party with which I affiliate haft been sagaciously assailed by each of the other parties, which, in thir co operation against tbe Democracy, paradoxically illustrate the affinity of hatred. Nor have tlieir efforts been altopristber unsuccessful ; snd*I csll upon the bona fide Democrats of our whole country* instantly to close ' .up their ranks, stand elbow to etbow, and fortify the point of weakneae with a double column, or we will bo irretrievably divided and vanquished. ' * Heretofore, atod etawhere, I "have dcclar' ed Ob at T was not mnch of a national Democrat . Nor am T; yet I have affiliated with i*\ * * * * ' \ "V I*. riiii :tX. the l>cinocratie party, and so long as our present Government continues I shall continue to co-operate with the party, by whatever name it may he called, which represents its principles. My connection with it, however, is not of so intimate a character J as to make it responsible for my position, or 1 to embarrass mo by any which it may take. ; I believe that most of its principles are the true principles of the Constitution, and I have the fullest confidence in the wisdom, patriotism, and orthodoxy of many of the | party leaders at the North, and in the free States. Yet in the party, as such, I have I neither the fullest reliance nor confidence, and I will give my reasons. When 1 first 'entered this Ilall, I was an unquallitfcd dis* ! unionist. 1 had been made so by the action of the (ieticrnl Government in rcfer| enee to the tarilV, to the territory acquired from Mexico, and its whole legislation in regard to slaves. Shortly after the meeting : of the Thirty-Third Cuiigress, a bill was ; iui? imissoiih restriction [ lino, whereby the States of the South lisul i been excluded, as inferiors, from the com| tnon domain. A change of sentiment ini! mediately oeeurre.d within me, and my | heart expanded with lovo for our whole country. 1 eluded myself for having done | injustice to the Democratic party, which, by repealing an odious restriction, had relieved my people from an insult which had barned them for many a long year. I reproached myself for distrusting the virtue of a people j who, by an unprecedented majority, placed i General Pierce iu power over the greatest [ military captain, with all the prestige of military glory fresh upon him. I felt that i I had wronged, in mv appreciation of them ! hr. -o f* ? ? I ..V. >^v...vvi???>v HIVIIIVVIO \Jk LCO WIIU | had nobly redeemed their pledge of noti1 intervention made at I Baltimore, and on the ; first occasion which presented itself, had j applied the principle of non-intervention t bv removing the obstacle they encountered in Kansas and Nebraska?the line of in| tcrvcntioti. They had been elected, as had j the President, upon the Baltimore platform, | the cardinal feature of which was non inter1 venLion by Congress with the subject of | slavery.in the District of Columbia and the Territories. This was the distinct issue between northern and southern Democracy, and the people of both sections elected j Democrats to Congress. Yet, sir, for faith! fully doing that which they were coinmis! sioncd to do, what was the consequence ? Complaints of treachery and broken faith ! filled the air. A contract had been broken, j with the terms of which one of the con i trading parlies had never complied ; a j common statute lia?l heen repealed, which, , forsooth, was irrepealahlu and christened a ! covijtucl between sections, when it was 110j torious that representatives from tin? diflfer! ent sections liad indiscriminately voteil? , some for and some against. A sepulchral ; howl was wafted from Maine to Iowa, and j our northern friends chased down with a I hue and cry. | The act which repealed the Missouri r3| striction also provided territorial govern; ments for Kansas and Nebraska, and ftithor ; provided for their admission as States upon the terms and conditions heretofore stated. When the Thirty-Fourth Congress assembled, I inspected the new material sent to succeed the Nebraska Democrats of the North?when I learned more of their principles and observed their efforts to extend them, my faith in northern Democracy began to lose some of its saving grace. I had observed the deluding influences of a secret political association, which mysteriously made daik lanterns of the thinking heads of men, and endeavored to cajole myself into tlic belief lliat northern Democracy had been temporarily led astry l?y its bewilderments ; but that, aided by the light of the Constitution, they would ultimately recover the true faith. I hoped for a reaction, and felt bound in honor and in gratitude to 1 -stand by such of our northern friends as had remained faithful, and who had stood to us in the hour of their adversity. Influenced by these and otlier like considerations, my friend of tlie mountain district in South Carolina [Mr. Orr] and myself alone of our delegation, advocated the representation of our State in tlie Democratic Convention at Cincinati; and our people of the State, not because of our influence, but of their own free will and froimmna nnturo vvbw-li noi'i.r i 0 o "v,v* I fails to respond to acts of justice or roagI nanimity, met our Democratic friends in ! common council for the common good. | Wo were there to organize for h great political contest?the most momentous that this country ever yet has witnessed. Our old leaders have been gallant, vigilant, successful. They were entitled by every right to the glories of the victory which had been won, since upon them rested the responsibilities of the measures passed, aud whatever of odium might to them attach. Northern prejudice and northern hatred bad been specially directed towards the Presi dent who had approved, and towards the illustrious Senator who had matured, the Kansas-Nebraska bill. They had l?een identified with the principles of the bill and in sustaining them, we but sustained its principles; and, in rejecting them, we seemingly declined the naked issue which the KansasNebraska bill presented. I confess that when I saw the distinguished leaders to whom I have referred?able statesmen, and each a resident of a free State?put aside, and another lender choeen, who had noplace in the picture of the fight, my faith in northern Democracy was again shaken. I reasoned with myself in this wav: if northern Democracy is <o tender-footed opon tbe Kansas-Nebraska bill as to reject northern men, even a New Englander, because of their too intimate connection with it, what security have we of the South that our construction of the act Wilt obtain in tbe policy of tho Government; or What security have we against a construction wfctehliad been suggested, and upon which the Seaate bad been -congratulated* and which) in ?vy jadameot, is as fatal to ow interests as Urn positive enactment which had beew repeat adJ If nonconnection with the bill and absenteeism ? neceasary to gild the pill, bow do I know "*Kv. ^ ? . * > < ' A? . .J' VuXiti jC"*'*V ** Li#-** ^ - l?>ilaii 111* <- ffc hut that it may be rejected when its essential components are ascertained ? Mr. Speaker, enough has transpired to show that my apprehensions were not altogether without foundation. The assertion lias here frequently been made and uncontradicted, that at tnanv of the Democratic meetings in the North, the people were rallied under banners upon which was inscribed "Huchanan, Ureckinridge, and free Kansas." Have not large placards been here exhibited with these words in the largest letters upon them, atid the word free is italics? j We arc told by our Democratic friends on : the floor, that nothing more was meant than : that the people of Kansas should be free i to decide upon the subject of slavery for lt.n.r.t,.t.nc ?" * | ....... V.? ' mil ?ir? HK'UIII is IIOI. I lie ! question. How wore the words understood by the masses ? What was their effect upon \ tlie voters? That in the question; and if tlie presidential election was carried upon ; false pretenses, what cause of triumph ! have we? My friend from Indiana [Mr. J English] has irankly avowed his preference ! that Kansas should a free State, though he 1 is willing to admit her with a constitution j recognizing slavery. To his position I do not object. We of the South would prefer j that she should be a slave State, yet we hold ourselves prepared to vote for her admission : even with a constitution rejecting slavery, if ; that is the early-ascertained will of a niajorj ity of her citizens. Hut in sections where the squatter sovereignly feature of the bill is maintained, is it not presumable that the uniform and continued expression of his preference at meetings where, banners were flying with "Buchanan, Breckinridge, and free Kansas," might delude the voters into the belief that ! after all the Kansas-Nebraska act was the "best free-soil measure ever passed?" This may be said to be but an inference ; but when coupled with the fact, that many northern Democrats have admitted that, in the event of Kansas becoming a slavo State, they will go by the board, it strikes me more as a logical deduction. i That the gravest differences of opinionin regard to the true construction of the Kansas-Nebraska act are entertained by northern and southern Democrats, and by each among themselves, is beyond doubt, and this difference is the shoal which is threatening us with wreck. The Senator | from Pennsylvania, [Mr. lligler,] when in| tenogated as to the power of a Territorial | Legislature to exclude slavery, replied : ' I am of opinion that the people through I their local Legislatures have that power. I I arrive at this conclusion, because I can see j but two sources of law-making power for a 1 r\ ? I 1V.HUOIV?nm oiii-, Vvongress; ana (tio otlij or, the people. I behold that, when Con: ijress hits conferred npon the people ofaTerj ritory all the law-making powor which it i possesses under the Constitution, the power ; is complete in the people,equal lo the qnes| tion of domestic slavery, or any other subi jeet; hut this is a legal question, and I for i one should be gratified to see it decided." This seems to be the same ground as that j occupied by my friend from Indiana, [Mr. Knglish.l as I know it to be that on which many other gentlemen from the State stand. In this position they are sustained by dis linguistic! southern gentlemen. In the speech of my friend from Tennessee [Mr. Jones] I find tli is paragraph, which he will pardon me for saying iacrammed full with lier political heresies : "But I understand that even those who cry 'squatter sovereignty' throughout the South, and who most signally failed in the in the last canvass under that cry, admit that the people of a Territory have a right when they come to form n State constitution, todeterinine?fhethcr they will have slavery or not. Am I correct in that position and understating of what they hold to he. the correct doctrine upon the subject? If so, there may be not more than twelve hours' difference of time between them and myself. I say they can do it to-dnr : and thev I say that the same men can do it to-morrow I l>y framing a State constitution. Then there , is between us hut one night's difference in j time, and perhaps but one hour. It is the I manner of doing it, and not the thing done, I which weins to be in controversy, even in the Democratic party. Now, it seems to me that this should be no cause of dissatisfaction with the Democratic party. Our positions are clear, and I think well understood ?as much so, at least, as those of the party to which you, Mr. Speaker, belong. "But one night's difference "Perhaps hut one hour ?" Why, sir, the difference is just as cjreat between a Territory and a State as great between a child and a man. Km-.li have their respective rights, to bo sure, but they are of a totally different character. The gentleman would seem, too, to intimate (lint o ctatlitn aP o T _ow!o#ni?A ? "?" iia'iv II outvuiw vi a ID TfTO UK Cl|liai solemnity with an arliolo of a constitution. See where his doctrines would lead us A Territory is added to our domain ; some ten thousand people coming from different Suites, where different institutions prevail, settle upon it. Tboy require law for the regulation of their society, and a territorial government is given thorn. For what I To protect them from anarchy during their territorial condition. The people of all the States have an equal right with themselves to enter upon the Territory, and are protected in their persons and property by the Constitution of the United States which recognize?, property In slaves ; and yet my friend from Tennseee would permit n majority of this ten thousand /:? ii ??iv i. i .jw i - - iiiny ue mm uiuuiuiiiaj 10 exclude, uy R territorial law, orery slnve owner from the South, or impose a oondition of admitance contrary to his tastes, habits, interests, and the spirit of the OormtHotion. I do not in* quire into the authority of Acquiring Territory. That is a foregone tooecTtuton, We hare it?and if, wH^otlit constitutional authority, ft conies as a trait into a corporation, by every principle of justice and equity, it BhoHM be held foMhe common benefit of nil the eorpoittboriyand not for the ttdndve benefit of the few who effanoa to sttwible nptfn k, i Some of oar friends maintain that tw common law protects property of every 4**' ' irtfinii mi irf&ifcii hiin jiiiihii mult cription, and will protect it against the I law of a Territory which may conflict, cause of its assumed unconstitutional But how does the common law get a State. The common law of ei land was carried into all tho States by press statute. If no law can he found j the acquisition of Territory, it is absun suppose that any can he carried thero ! virtue of the Constitution, except tho I I of Congress which are authorized and i ' ulatcd by the Constitution. That claus : the Constitution which provides for the j king of "needful rules and regulations the Territories" must apply to Territory : quired since its adoption, now that we li j them in possession ; and the Oonstitn j must authorize the making of such l< ( laws by llic Territorial Legislature as i l not conflict with its other provisions, or ' i C !._ r i i -i ? I tana i>i iiic country iroin wuicn inc i< ! tory was aoqirred woiiM continue to ! vail. Hovevcr intricate these qucsti J may he in reference to Tcrrritorv conqtu : from Mexico, n<> difficulty exists in reji ' to that purchased from France ; for in treaty of cession it was provided, and a a view to protect the slave owners of L sianan in their property in slaves, that ''The inhabitants of the ceded Terril shall he incorporated in the Union of United States, and admitted as soon as | sible, according to the principles of Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment all the rights, advantages, nnd immuni of citizens of the Uniti Maaes ; and the meantime they shall he maintained protected in he free enjoyment of t liberty, propei j, and the religion wl they profess."' Kansas is a nart of the Louisiana chase; and in my view, the rights and terests of the people of the slave-owi States are protected by treaty, by the ( stitution, by the common law, and by organic law of Congress, and tliat this ] tcction is now and will continue perfect till the people shall, in convention, ma1 constitution in which slavery shall be rej cd, and Kansas, with that constitution, j milted as a State into the Union. My colleague, [Mr. Orr,] while he rep : ates what is called squatter sovereignty, denies that it is to he found in the Kar Nebraska act, yet hold that in reality a matter of no practical consequence wli er it is or not. In his speech the o day, lie remarked as follows: "I say, altough I deny that squattor ereignty exists in the Territories of Ka and Nebraska by virtue of this bill, it matter practically of little consequ< whether it does or not; and I think l s j ne awe to sjiiuv the gentleman oF thn I The gentleman knoivns that, in every si | holding community <if this Union, we I i local legislation and local policy regulat appertaining to that institution, will i which the institution would not only be I ueless, but a curse to the community. \\ : out them the slave-holder could not enf I his rights when invaded by others; ai you had no local legislation for the pur| of giving protection, the institution w< be of no vnlue. I can appeal to every tloman upon thin Hour who reprcsen slaveholding constituency, to attest thet ...i. _. T i .i . t . ? - ill VHIHL i IIHVU SUIll'U upon IMHl point. "Now, the legislative authority of a ritory is invested with a discretion to for or against laws. We think they 01 to pass laws in every Territory, where Territory is open to settlement, and si holders go there, to protect slave projx Ilut if they decline to pass such laws, ? is the remedy ? None, sir. If the inajc of the people are opposed to the iustitul and if they do not de-sire it ingrafted u their Territory, all they have to do is < ply to deciine to pass laws in the Territ< Legislature for its protection, and then as well excluded as if the power veste the Territorial Legislature, and exerciser them, to prohibit it. Now, I ask the gei man, what is the practical importance result from tho agitation and discussio this question as to whether squatter so cigniy noes, or noes not, exist I 1'ractic it is n matter of little moment." The language of my friend nmounb this; that public opinion is parnmoun law. Tliat there are occasions when pu opinion does and should retain the pena | of the law, is readily admitted, as it als that law passed by the Representative the people are usually the reflex of pu opinion. I have already remarked thai specified number of people are requisite a territorial government; and I utterly pudiate the idea that the firs-t few hum] stragglers who may enter upon a territ should set up to be the manufactures public opinion, or of law, which may < fliot with the rights of a citizen under Constitution ; and so do I understand friend. His oosition is. that, if n Territn Legislature failn to pass laws protecting regulating property in slaves, there is power to compel it to do so, and that the absence of such police regulations, slaves would not only o<i valueless, butaci to the community; and it is in this tlu think my colleague errs. As a citizen of a sovereign State, II the right to pass with my property into ct?i:? ...? ?i.~ 1 omit? ui luuiuiv wuciu iiiu uauuum is recognized. If I take my slave inl Slate where public prejudice h Against institution, I may be robbed of my prope Bnd, although my right of property is int I am powerless if the local Jaw is avers my detaining hire. But li$re I am i sovereign State, and, thotigh the State i be in open defiance of a constitutional actmcnt of Congrfsss, I hare not the' po to enforce it, nor do I know where the ji er is to be fotmdi w A* ft citizen of South Carolina, I go 1 Territory, however with good*; wares merchandise, and, anterior to the passage 1 the Territorial Legislature of * hfw?ft^ ting the distribution of estate*,! die iateel WW bocortes of*r piaperty t Irk I Uitttt sutyx* to the statute#- of the oMwbich I w? a resided. 80, If I take property in *hnresit?ta* Territory, do under the Federal Constitution, aud ^in" ti iriti i iiiiniiMtMViiiiMiaUiuiiit ocal i Territorial Legislature have failed to pass be- ! any law to regulate, dispose of, or protect lily. | sut li properly, then the local law of the into ! State of which I am a citizen will apply to ?ry such property, provided it does not conflict ex- with the Constitution and the laws of Confor gress made under it. .1 to I presume that my colleague and myself bv will coincide in the opinion that the Terrians tcrial Legislature has no authority to pass reg- laws prohibiting the introduction of slaves, e of ! or the manumission of them if in the Tcrriina ' tory, and any laws to that effect would be for ! void. The point of cMfll-rence between lis ac- 1 is, as to the effect of a failure to make polave ! lice regulations. He gives virtue to public lion | opinion at too early a period, and his posi>cal , tion would as effectually exclude the slave nnv i owner with his property, us those gentlethe! men who admit the right of a Territorial rri- i Legislature to exclude. lie makes the gen pre- eral opinion of a few stragglers more ellicaions 1 i-ious than a territorial law. In the name ol >.red ! public opinion, he prohibits the free exercise rnnl i lit' (ininiim in >rn(li liie niuiiiinn n lli?? the ter sovereignty of opinion. villi When Kansas c.omes to hs in the rnnjesoui ty of a sovereign, I will regard her opinion ?not. before. lhit it lias been suggested Lorv that the squatter sovereign doctrine will the work as well for the South as for the North pns- and that the time may come when it will bt the to our interest that the doctrine shonhl pre ; of vail. And thus we are cajoled into making ities this (if it lias not already become so.) n in Government of expediency. For my own and part, I prefer the Government of the Con heir stitution. licli I have alluded, sir, to these differences ol opinion and construction which exist be pur- tween Democrats, as elements of weakness in- in the partv organization. No good car ! r.?=..n r?.m"? ~i:? ? < ? j .^uiv win uuiibctun^ mi-ill, ur uarm IRllIl }on- alluding to lliom. The differences are no the torious ; and it is the part of wisdom and pro- patriotism to reconcile them at once nn<] tin- tor ns all to occupy a common ground ke a which may be clearly defined and clearlj jcct- understood both at the North and the ;,j. South. If the advocates of splatter sover oignty persist in their construction of the udi- Iv ansas-Nebraska act, they will inevitably and drive off many of ns from the South, whe jsas- desire to act in concert with them. Car it is they do without us ? No. Nor can we d< eth- without them, and retain any party strength tlier We believe that squatter sovereignty is a> fatal to us as the NVilraot proviso ; and sc sov- believing, it would be suicide to wink at it nsas ?With them it is not a matter of life am is a | death. Many distinguished Northern gen ence tie men give adhesion to the Southern con iliall struction of the act. Why, then, shoiih it.? we not all agree that the Territory of Kan Ave- sas shall be free and open to every citizci lave of the United Slates, with every kind o ions property, slaves included nnd named, unti bout the people of the Territory shall have form val- ed a State constitution, which act of sover 'ith- eignty they may perform whenever tliei orce number a population of ninety-throe thou id if sand four hundred and twenty, and not be pose fore ; and, "when admitted as a State o auld States, the said Territorj', or any portion o pen- the same, shall be received into thA TTninr ts n with or without slavery as their constitutior ruth may prescribe at the time of their admission.1 My individual opinion, Mr. Speaker, anc TcrI give it for whatever it is worth, is that th< vote principle of the Kansas bill, as general!) Jght understood at the South, is worth more t< the the South than the Territory itself; and ave- for my own part, I would willingly give uj fty. the Territory to secure the principle, but foi "hat tjie fiU;t that the equilibrium of the great sec >ri?y lions would thereby be hopelessly destroyed in the Senate, and that the permanent ma Pon jority would afterwards laugh at the prin ?'m- ciple. jrinl I take t|K. following extract from the thirty ,s second section of the Kansas-Nebraska act : d in "That the Constitution and laws of the ' ty United States which are not locally inappliltle rable, shall have the same force and effW-l 1 ,0 within the said Territory of Kansas as elsen of ...1.???>?. ot-i-. * uiiuio III liiu WIIIWU oimc^i t;x<;e|H I lie ver" eighth sect inn of that preparatory to the adally mission of Missouri into the Union, approved March sixth, eighteen hundred nnd twen' to ty, which, being inconsistent with the ' 1? principle of non-intervention by Congress blic witli slaves in the State and Territories, Ities as recognized by the legislation of eighteen 0 IB hundred and fifty, commonly called the compromise measures, is hereby declared inoperative and void; it being tne true int ?o tont aTlj meaning of this act not to legislate f?r slavery into any Territory or State, nor to re* exclude it therefrom, but leave the people thereof perfectly free to form nnd regulate ory their domestic institutions in their own way. subject only to the Constitution of the Uni5on" ted States; Provided, That nothing herethe incontained shall be constructed to revive mr ^ _ * * or piii in force any longer or regulation r'a' which may have existed prior to the set of an(J sixth March, eighteen hundred and twenty, 1 either protecting, establishing, prohibiting, ? 10 or abolishing slavery." our This paragraph seems to be declaratory of the intentions of the framers and supporters of the aot IIow I understand it has already been expressed. It* meaning lRve appeared clear to mc then; it seems so now. Bny In voting for the bill I hoped and believed ^*8 that my infltfence was being contributed to a towards transferring the agitation of slavery the j? the Territories from these Halls, to thft 'rty, Territories themselves. I fancied that the *ct? bill Embodied prinoiples just and right in 0 to ! themselves, and in strict conformity with the in a I ~e o?-?? .* - " j j7iiucij?ica ui *ygiy^nnu LDB V/OMltn*y tulion, The more sanguine of us cherish eri" ed both the bop&' afld befief that aWT^asy wer solution of sectional difficulties haa been ?w discovered, and that our national area wofild indefinitely expand?each State.an^ TerHinto tory revolving in its own orbitr~#)& whole and system warmed and enligTitenwby the Constitution, and the danger^ of dnt^aTWitfon Hhp-' be <?rrected by the extent W??taf5 national M6 domain "and thi of iu tat* -power of the mem (f^wltriMi tV5ll ttiej "'H' I iiriiiiimini i i MMMMnaMMMaHaaBBMIVI Closing Socno in the Huntington Trial. The following, giving an account of tho final proceedings in the trial of Huntington, the great forger, is from the report by tho . New York Times : I "Shortly after seven o'clock, the courtj room being crowded to its utmost capacity, . the jury returned to tlieir seals. The judge, I district attorney, and clerk of the court prcj sently appeared, but Mr. Brady, Huntington'* ; counsel, was still absent. Huntington i glanced uneasily around the court. Then j ho fixed his eyes on the jury as if ho would rend their souls. During the whole progress I of the trial lie did not at any time appear so | agitated. His 'insanity' had given place to ; an anxiety which could only be construed ! as that of a perfectly sane person whoso | game was played out, and who now waited j the result. When Mr. Itrndy arrived Mr. Vaudervoort, the clerk of the court, pulled the jurors, and n?ked if they ha<l agreed upon their verdict ? On their replying in the 1 affirmative, he inquired, amid the breathless silence of the court, whether they found tho j prisoner guilty or not gniltv 1 Huntington then learned forward and seemed breathless i j till the verdict was delivered. The foreman, I j in a clear voice, satd ^ Guilty? and ITuntingI j ton fell ba< k in his chair. Ilis sclfposses , sion immodia'ely returned, and did not again desert him. "The district attorney arose and addressed [ the judge.?If your honor pleases, he said, I i gave my learned friend notice this afternoon ' that, in the possible event of the jury convicting his client, in view of vour honor's speedy retirement from office, 1 should move f for immediaie judgment. "Mr. Hrady sain that nothing that could 1 happen in anv case that could lie tried could i have surprised him more than the verdict i which had just been rendered, lie would leave the matter with his honor without com* I . ment. 1 ! "Judge Capron said, in effect?for wo did , | not eaten all his words?that if points of l<iw ' ] alone were to he taken into consideration, ! judgment might be suspended on tho part of the counsel for the prisoner, thero conld , i be no objection to the present disposition of ' the case. > "Mr. Huntington was then sworn asto^tis ? knowledge of any mechanical trade?tlio > j usual formula before sentencing a culprit to . : the State Prj^jj. He said he was no ? trade or profession. On being asked what ! Iir> lififl to coif a?li?? - ?- <M.u ?v ? H i |UM^iaaciib niiuuiu I1UU UQ . pronounced against Iiiin, lie replied, in a I firm voice, 'Nothing.' "Judge Capron said that under no circumstances conld lie postpone scutance. 1 lie would be glad to do so if he ?>uld. " 15ut what he did in the case of Wills and 1 Conlev he would have to do in the present f i instance, llis feelings would indeed lead ' j him to suspend judgement, not only in this * j instance, but in others. Yet, when a person ' j of 110 standing, socially or morally, was ari j raigned for crime, with no one to say a * word for him, it was considered no wrong I In Konfnn liim nf nnnfl Aiwl ctill CiVnA ? j. rant people, those without position, were not so mueh to blame for the wrong they 1 did society as tliose who were in better cir', eumstanccs, and in a far higher station of life. Taking this into consideration, he ' couKl not postpone sentance ; neither eon Id } he pronounce less than the full sentence of r the law. A shorter term of punishment than this preseribed by the statue would i not meet the requirements of the offence. Yet, as the law required that the prisouer r siiimill leave prison within certain ttwhtbs of ' the year, the full term of five years could ' not be imposed. Tlie sentence of the court, therefore, was, that tlie prisoner be confined " in tlie State prison for the term of four years and ten months. ' The jury were out a little move than four : hours. At their first ballot there were nine ! for conviction, two for acquittal on the ground of insanity, and one for an Unquali- _ tied acquittal. After four hours deliberation and investigation of the evidence, they 1 agreed on a verdict of guilty, l'heir failure to agree was confidently expected, and many bets were made that they would be dischar gc<l to-night, at ihc expiration of Judge Cajiron's term of uflicc, without coming to a verdict. Col. BkNTON and Tltli W'oud lady.? Notwithstanding Col. Benton's usaal accuracy in such matters, he has permitted himself to fall into an error when ho says, "that Jword [ladies] is not in the Bible," ns it shown by the following question : "Thou shall no more bo called the lady of the Kingdom." Isaih 47. 5. / "And thou siaidst, t skAli be a lady for- / over, isain 40. f. . ^ i " The Elder, to tlie fleet i(fdy, whom I 1%' love in the truth." 2 John 1st verse. *j? j "Now I beseech thee, ladif, that ? \ one another." '2 John 7lh verso. . . < '*?> ' > "ller wise ladies a&wered heaj^Jdfya-ft; 29. " ' ' I "Likewise shall bo la?iu of Pers^and > Media."?Esther 1, lo. + 1 ? ? . 'ir i::. ' Blur Ridos Railroad.?The. wxwfcow this road, (aaysthe Kcovoct Cbttffer, j the tunneling, bridging and masonry, mm been discontinued west of Pendleton. The road will be completed to that point e^ly s powiwe. i lie grading baa been?H* continued under a provision in thecontracts" , between the company And contractor* to that effect, for what cause we have riot oartalnly learned. The . Directors will meet shortly, yhen Something, definite will be determined on. Our confidence In, the ulti1 mate completion ot the rofld ia still wiabate<)t ?nd we are inclined to the'opuwo that > the grading will be resumed at an early jlfy, Ka"nia^?p to SlaVkry.?The Itiiiiftifr ' (ConnecUent) Times gitfea at jftofe&rtt 'ef - V Caroline Banks and her children, and j Francis, slaves lately liberated by their j tresa,' (Mia.'Sarah Branch, of Ch*t?fiM$ ' !