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HH|By{ecomm2i;dai!on: asas-ination Revi. ws the Sad Misj^SBnDS^B^V iiat brought Him to the B^&MH^^^Vtial Cha:r ? Work ot the MHpS^BSH^Vt Departments Reviewed? BEr9|^^^Biy and Navy ? RecommenB KB Oeneral Peace and Pros?3Qjfefe0^D-Civil Service. HBgjKllowing is the first annual roesHEH^e of President Roosevelt to the Bra^Koagress of ilic United States, with the exception of a few unimportant M paragraphs: g& Introduction?Assassination of Prcsi||| tient McKiulcy?Anarchy. gli To the Senate and House of Reprt-sentatives: Tto ,T?/n?. ?. 1,1? ?v:_ I A. 41^- wus*vc.? u^LUlUR'b lillS jCdl IJIIder the shadow of a great calamity. On the sixth of September, President MeKinley was shot by an anarchist while attending the Pan-American Kxixhiition at Buffalo. and died in that lily on the fourteenth of that mouth, ft Of the last seven elected Presidents. Be is the third who liaa been murderId. and the bare recital of this fact is Sufficient to justify grave alarm among 111 loyal Aractican citizens. Morcoter Ibe circumstances of this, the third Issasninatlon of an American President pave a peculiarly sinister significance. Both President Lincoln and President Garfield were killed by assassins of types unfortunately not uncommon in history; President Lincoln falling the lictim to the terrible passions arcusej* fty four year3 of civil war. and President Garfield to the revengeful vanity If a disappointed office-seeker. Pie.Vrlent MeKinley was killed by an utterly depraved criminal belonging to that body of criminals who object to all governments, good and bad alike, who lare against any form of popular liborjLy if it is guaranteed by even the most just and liberal laws, and who are as hostile io the upright exponent of a free people's sober will as to the tyrannical and irresponsible despot. Tt is not too much to say that at the time of President McKinley's death he was the most widely loved man in ail the United States; while we have r.ev<?r h had any public man of his position who I has been so wholly free from the bitter P animosities incident to public life. Hie J^^lgjyiyl^ojyjonentJ^^er^heflrstto bear the hearties t^UhTmoIt gefcerou tribute to the broad kindliness of nn ture, the sweetness and gentleness o character which so endeared him to hi close associates. To a standard of loft; integrity in public life he united th tender affections and home virtue which are all-important In the make tip of national character. A gallant sol dler in the great war for the Union, b also shone as an example to all on people because of hia conduct In th most sacred and intimate of home re latlons. There could be no persona hatred of him. for he never acted wit] aught but consideration for the welfar of others. No one could fail to respee him who knew him in public or prlval ' life. The defenders of those murderou criminals who seek to excuse the! criminality by asserting that it Is exer clsed for political ends, inveigh agtur.3 wealth and irresponsible power. Ku for this assassination even this has apology cannot be urged. President McKimey was a man tmoderate means, a man whose V.oel sprang from the sturdy tillers of th soil, who had himse'f belonged amonj the wage-workers, who had entered th army as a private-soldier. Wealth wa not struck at when the President wa assassinated, but the honest toil whicl is content with moderate gains aTter ; lifetime of unremitting labor, large!; In the service of ihe public. Still i?s was power struck at in the sense th.r power is Irresponsible or centered ;i the hands of any one individual. Tlii blow was not aimed at tyranny o wealth. It was aimed at one of tb< strongest champions the wage-worke has ever had; at one of the most faith ful representatives of the system o public rights and representative gov eminent who has ever risen to public office. President McKinley filled ths political office for which the entire pen onrt nn President?IlOt e-'t-J pic * UU, Lincoln himself?was ever more car nestly anxious to represent the wcl thought-out wishes of ihe people: h' one anxiety in every crisis was to keci In closest touch with the people?1< find out what they thought and to ee. deavcr to give expression to thd thought, after having endeavored t< guide that thouehf aright. He had jus been re-elected to the Presidency be cause the majority of our citizens, tin majority of our farmers and wage workers, believed that he had faith fully upheld their interests for Ton; years. They felt themselves in closi and intfrnate touch with him. The.' felt that he represented sc well and sc honorably all their ideals and aspira tions that they wished him to conticuf for another four years to reprc3en them. And this was the man at whom tin assassin struck! That there might be nothing lacking to complete the Jula3 like infamy of his act, he took advan tage of an occasion when the President was meeting the people generally: ant J * ? " tha turii nnt. aavanci:is ^=> ?? ^ stretched to him in kindly and brother ly fellowship, he turned the noble am generous confidence of the victim int. an opportunity to strike the fatai blowThere is no baser deed in all the aiicalj of crime. The shock, the rrlef of the country are bitter in the minds of all who sow the dark day3. while the President ye! hovered between life and death. At las! the light was .^tilled in the kiDdly eveaiid the breath went from the lips thai even in mortal a?ony uttered no worth save of fo-givene&s to his murderer o] love* for his friends and of unfaltering trust in the will of the Mcst High Such a death, crowning the glory o: s to Congress Concerning -egislaticn. "ilea a life, loaves us with infinite eor-j I row, but with such cruie iu wna: a-j ; had accomplished and in his own per-; a oial character, that we feel the iilow not as struck at him. hut as struck at '.he Nation. We mourn a good and great President who is dead; but while w.; mourn we are lifted up by the splendid achievements of his life and | the grand heroism with which he met, ! -lis death. When we turn from the man to the, Nation, the harm uone is so great as io j excite our gravest appiehensions ami 1 to demand our wisest and most resolute action. This'criminal was a pnies-. ; sed anarchist, inflamed by the teachings of professed anarchists, and probably also by the reckless utterances of | these who. on the stump and in ttie public presets, appeal to the dark and j evil spirits of malice and greed, envy and sullen hatred. The wind is sown ed by the men who preach such rioe! nines, and they cannot escape their share of the rcspons bility for the , whirlwind that Is reaped. This applies ! alike to the deliberate demagogue, to the exploher of sensationalism, and to the crude and foolish visionary win.*, for whatever reason, apologizes for crime or excite aimless discontent. The blow was aimed not at this President, but at all Presidents !at every symbol of government. President McKinley -vis as emphatically the embodiment of the pcular will of the Nation expressed through the forms of law as a New England town meeting is in similar fashion the embodiment cf the law-abiding purpose anJ practice of the people of the town. On do conceivable theory could the murder of the President be accepted as du? to protest against "inequalities in the social order," save as the murder of all the freemen eng^god in a town meeting could be accepted as a protest against that social inequality which puts a malefactor in jail. Anarchy h? no more an expression of "social discontent" than picking pockets or wife-beating. The anarchist, and especially the anarchist in the I'nited States, is merely one type of criminal, more dangerous than any .other because he represents the same depravity in a greater degree. The man who advocates anarchy directly or indirectly, in any shape or fashion. or the man who apologizes for anarchists and their deeds, makes himself morally accessory to murder be ore the fact. The anarchist Is a criminal whose pt vied instincts lead him to prefer cetrfusioh and chaos to the most beneficent form of social order. His protest of concern for workingmeu la outrageous in its impudent falsity; for if the Political institutions ef this cops. try do not afford opportunity to every l"' honest and intelligent ion of toll* then f the door of hope is forever closed 8 against Him. The anarchist is everyy where ntfcjierely the enemy of system 0 and of progress, but the deadly fo? of 8 liberty. If ever anarchy Ls triumphant. Its triumph will last for but one red * moment, to be succeeded for ages by e; the gloomy night of despotism. r For the anarchist himself, whether e, he preaches or practices his doctrines, '"| we need not have one1 particle more j concern than for any ordinary murder* er. He is not the victim of social or ?j political inj"et?ce. There are no ll wrongs to r?mf?iy in ni-s case. me ? cause of his T'minallty is to be found 3; in his own evil passions and in th? evil rj conduct of those who urged him cn. :! not in any failure by others or by the '! State to do iustV ; to him or his. Ho i3 l a malefact' .id nothing else. He is ' ; no shape or way, a "pro. ,u 01 wciai .rndltions." save as a . j highwayman is "produced" by the fart ^ j that an unarmed man happens to have I a purse. . 1: is a travesty upon the gr-Mi f and holy names of liberty and freedom ; to permit them to be invoked in such * a cause. No man or body of men "i preaching anarchistic doctrines should 'j he allowed at large any more than if J: preaching the murder of some specil d ci private individual. Anarchistic speech. | es. writings, r.nd meetings are cssea'j tially seditious and treasonable. R! 1 earnestly recommend to the Cin,i j gress that ir. the exercise of its wise e discretion It should take into considrrr; aiion the coming to this country of an.; archist.s or persons professing princif pies hostile to all government and jitsttfvlncr tho mnrtlpr of thnsp nlace 1 ill c authority. Such individuals as those t who an1 not long ago gathered in open . meeting to glorify the murder of King i Humbprt of Italy perpetrate a crime, . i and the law should ensure their rigorI, our. junishrnent. They end those like 3 them shculd be kept out of this enn j try; and if found here they should be 3 promptly deported to the country . whence they came; and far-reaching r provision should be made for the pun5 ishment of those who stay. No ma.ter calls more urgently for the wisest . i thought of the Congress. 3 The Federal courts should be given -j jurisdiction over any man who kills cr - attempts to kill the President or any r man who by the Constitution or by, ; laws is in line of succession for the i Presidency, while the punishment for > an unsuccessful attempt should be pro. portioned to the enormity of the t.f? fence against our institutions. t Anarchy is a crime against tiltwhole human race; and all man-kind > should band against the anarchist. Hid , crime should be made an offence against the law of nations, like pir.vy . and that form of manstcaling known i as the slave trade; for it is of I blacker Infamy than either, it snouki . be so declared by treaties among all i . civilized powers. Such treaties would I give to the Federal Government the J power of dealing with the crime. A grim commentary upon the folly, | of the anarchist position wa.s affo;ded< by the attitude of the law toward this very criminal who had .iust taken the ' life cf the Picsident. The neople would I have torn him limb from limb if it had ; not been that the law he defied was at ; once invoked in his behtlk Ro ' from his deed being eommit'ed on bo; half of the people against the govern) ment, the government was obliged at lr once to exert its full police power 10 ' save him from instant death at the1 j hands of the people. Moreover, hisj SPPPL worked net the slightest dislocation in our governmental system, and the danger of a recurrence of such deed?, no matter how great it might grew, would work only In the direction of strengthen.ng and giving harshness to tli" lorco. of order. No man will ever be restrained from becoming President by any fear as to his pers u-..i! saf :y. if the risk to the President's I life became creat. it would mean thai the oificc weuId more and more conn1 to be 11* I jI by men of a spirit wh'.i n would make them rcc-oiute and merciless in dealing with every friend of d'.s order. This great country will not Uh in:o anarchy, and if anarchists shouid ever become a seiious menace to its institutions, they would not merely Ip stamped cut,but would involve in thnir own ruin every active or passive .sympathizer with their doctrines. The American people are slow to wrath, but when their wrath is once kindled it burns like a consuming tlame. Confidence Restored. During the last five years business confidence has been restored, and the Nation is to be congratulated because, of its present abounding prosperity.; Such prosperity can never be crearcil by law alone, although it is easy enough j to destroy it by mischievous laws. If! the hand of the Lord is heavy upon! any country, if flood or drought comes, | human wisdom is powerless to avert! the calamity. Moreover, no law can guard us against the consequences of | orti own lolly. The men who are idic ?.r j eiKiuIous. the men who seek gains j not by genuine work with head or j hand but by gambling in any form, are always a .source of menace not only to: themselves but to others. If the busi-j mss world loses its heal, it loses what' legislation cannot supply. Fundamentally the welfare of ua h c.tizen, an 1 therefore the welfare of the aggr-gUej of citizens which makes the Nation, ni'ic t cct iiTNrtn 1???1 v . v.ci II/.uii 111 HI* i iuui lui in nua i energy, resolution intelligence. Nothing tan take the place of this individual capacity; but wise legislation aa.l honest and intelligent administration , can give it the fullest scope, the "largest oppon unity to work to good effect. j Corporate Capital. The tremendous and highly complex 1 industrial development which went on with ever accelerated rapidity during, the latter half of the nineteenth con-1 fury brings uh face to face, at th* be-! gtnnlag of the twentieth, with very serious social piobiems. The old laws, and the old customs which had almost serious soc ial problems. Tho old laws, tho binding force of law, were or.c? cjuite sufficient to regulate the accumulation and distribution of wealth. Since the industrial changes which have so enormously increased the productive power of mankind, they are no longer .sullieiont. The growth of citie3 ha3 gone on beyond comparison faster than the growth of the country, and the upbuilding of the great industrial centers nas meant a startling increase, not merely in the aggregate of wealth, but in the number of very large individual, andj especially of very large corporate, for- i tunes. TUe creation or tnese great cor-1 porate fortunes baa not been due to j the tariff aor to any other government-] al action, but to natural causes in the business world, operating in other countries as they operate in our own. The process has aroused much antagonism, a great part of which la wholly without warrant. It is not true that as the rich nave grown richer the poor have grown poorer. On the contrary, never before has the average man, the wage-earner, the farmer, the small trader, been so well off as in this country and at the present time. There have been abuses connected with the accumulation of wealth; yet It remains true that a fortune accummulated in legitimate business can be accumulated by the person specially benefited only ou condition of conferring immense incidental benefits upon others. Successful enterprise, of the type which benefits all mankind, can only exist if the conditions are such as to offer great prizes as the rewards of success. The captains of industry who have driven the railway systems across this continent, who have built up our commerce, who have developed our manufactures, have on the wnole done great good to our peoples. Without them the . material development of which we are justly proud could never have taken place. Moreover, we should recognize the immense importance to this material development of leaving as unhampered a3 is comaptible with the public good the strong and forceful men upon | whom the success of business operations inevitably rests. The slightest study of business conditions will satisfy anyone capable of forming a judgment that the personal equation i? the most important factor in a business operation; that the business ability of the man at the head of any business concern, big or little, is usually the factor which fixes the gulf between striking success and hopeless failure. An additional reason for caution in dealing with corporations is to bo found in the international commercial conditions of today. The same business conditions which have produced tfoei great aggregations or corporate and individual wealth have made them very potent factors in international coimner-' cial competitions. Business conotuns which have the largest means at I hoi; I disposal and are managed by the abie.-t' men are naturally those which take the lead In the strife for commercial supremacy among the nations of the world. America has only just begun; to assume that commanding position | in the international business worl.l. which we believe will more and more' be hers. It is of the utmost importance that this position be not jeoparded, especially at a time when the overflowing abundance of our own natural resources and the skill, business energy, and mechanical aptitude of our people ??' ? nMicrn mnrUpfs pssonfial. Hill rvvr 1U1V1{,U such conditions it would ho most un-1 wise to cramp or to fetter the youthful! strength of our Nation. Moreover, it cannot too often he pointed out that to strike with igncr-1 ant violence at the interests cf one set i of men almost inevitably endangers J the intersts of all. The fundamental; rule in our national life?the rule' which underlie? all others?is that, on J the whole, and in the Ion? run. we! shall po up or down together. There; are exceptions: and in times of pros-1 pcrity some will prosper far more, and in times of adversity some will sudorfar more, than others; hut speaking' generally, a period of pood times means that ail share more or less in them, and in a period of hard times all f-s! the stress to a greater or less degree, it surely ought cot to be nece.-sary to eu-1 EMEMT. ter into any proof of this statement;1 the memory of the lean yoais whi -h be,tan in 1893 is still vivid, and we can, contrast them with the conditions in1 this very year which is now rlos ug.: Disaster to great business enterprises can never have its effects lini.t*.d .oj the men at the top. It spreads the out, and while it is bad for everybody! i: is worst for those farthest rlown.j The capitalist may be shorn of his lux-! uries: but the wag> worker may be de-j priveil cf even bare necessities. The mechanism cf modern business1 is so delicate that extreme care must be taken not to interfere with it in a spirit of rashnc.-s or ignorance. Many of those who have made it their vocation to denounce the great industrial combinations which a:e popularly, alf hr.np'h u.ir)i tnrhnti>ul inacouracV. known as "trusts," appeal especially to hatred and fear. Tht?se are precisely the two emotions, particularly when combined with ignorance, which unfit men tor the exercise of cool and steady judgment. In facing new industrial conditions, the whole history of the world shows that legislation will generally be both unwise and ineffective unless undertaken after calm inquiry and with sober self-restraint. Much of the legislation directed at the trusts wen 11 have been exceedingly mischievous had it not also been entirely ineffective?. In accordance with a well-known som'.logical law, the ignorant or reckless agitator has been the really effective friend of the evils which he has been nominally opposing. In dealing with business interests, for the Government to undertake by crude and ill-considered legislation to do what may turn out to be bad, would be to incur the risk of such far-reaching national disaster that it would be preferable to undertake nothing at all. The men who demand the impossible or the undersirable serve as the allies of the forces with which they are nominally at war, for they hamper those who would endeavor to find out in rational fashion what the wrongs really are to what extent and In what manner it is practicable to apply remedies. All this is true; and yet it is also tpue that there are real and grave evils, one of the chief being over-capitalization because of its many baleful conseo.ucnces; and a resolute and practical effort must be made to correct three evils. There is a widespread conviction in the minds of the American people that the great corporations known as 'rusts are in certain of their features and tendencies hurtful to the general wal'are. This sprinets from no spirit of envy or uncharitableness, nor lack of pride in the great industrial achievements tr.at have placed this country at the head of the nations struggling for commercial supremacy. It does not rest upon a lack of intelligent appreciation of the necessity of meeting changing and changed conditions of trade with new methods, nor upon ignorance of the fact that combination of capital In the effort to accomplish great things is necessary when the world's progress demand* that great things be done. It is based upon sincere conviction that combination and concentration should be, not prohibited, but supervised and wit.tin reasonable limits controlled; and in my judgment this conviction is right. " "It it no llriltittofl dgoff- pwpmj rights or freedom of contract to reqnlrf that when men receive from Govern ment the privilage of doing business under corporate form, which frees them from Individual responsibility, and cn ables them to call into their enterprises i the capital of the public they shall d( so upon absolutely truthful representations as to the value of the propertj In which the capital is to be invested Corporations engaged in interstati commerce should be regulated if thej ! are found to exercise a license working to the public injury. It should bt as much the aim of those who seek foi social betterment to rid the business i world of crimes of cumming as to rit ; the entire body politics of crimes of vie lence. Great corporations exist onl> because they are created and safe 'guarded by our Institutions; and It is therefore our right and our duty to set i that they work in harmony with these I institutions. J The first essential in determinirg how to deal with the great industrial combinations is knowledge of the facts ' ?publicity. In the interest of the public. the Government should lnve the right to inspe t and examine the workings of the great corporations engaged in interstate business. Publicity is the only sure remedy which we can invoice. What further remedies are needed in the way of governmental regulation, or taxation, can only be determined after publicity has been obtained, by process! of law ,and in the course of administration. The first requisite is knowledge, full and complete?knowledge which may be mada public to the | world. j Artificial bodies, such as corporations and joinf stock or other associations, depending upon any statutory law for i their existence or privileges, should be subject to proper governmental supervision. and full and accurate information as to their operations should be made public regularly at reasonable intervals. The largo corporations, commonly c.'.lled fusts, though organized in one Stcte, a ways do business in many States, often doing very little business in the State where they are incorporated. There Is utter lack of uniformity in the State laws about them; and as 110 State has any exclusive interest in or power over their acts, it has in practice proved impossible to get adequate regulation through State action. Th ?reforc, in the interest of tne whole people. the Nation should, without inter fering with the power of the states in the matter itself, also assume power of supervision ami regulation over all corporations doing an interstate business. This is especially true where the corporation derives a portion of Its wealth irorn the existence of some monopolistic element or tendency in Its business. There would be no hardship in such supervision; banks are subject to it. and in their case it is now accepted as a simple matter of course. Indeed, it is probable that supervision of corporations by the National Government need not go so for as is now the case with the supervision exercised over them by so conservative a State as Massachusetts, in order to produce exrnrnt of the eight-hour law easy and rertain. In all industries carried on directly or indirectly for the United States Government women and chil dron %GhouId to protected from execs- ; h ccilent results. u When the Constitution was adopter], h at the end of the eighteenth century, u no human wisdom could foretell the r sweeping changes, alike in indi:str:::l o and political conditions, which were :o u take place by the beginning of Hie. ;t< twentieth century. At that time It was |t< accepted as a matter o: course thai the a several States were the proper author:- b ties to regulate, so far as was then ?< necessary, the comparatively insigniti- : ennt and strictly localized corporate c bodies of the day. The conditions are now wholly different and wholly dlf- u ; ferent action is called for. I believe a that a law can bo framed which will c enable the National Government *o ex- n crcise control along the lines above in- 1) dicat-'d; profiting by the experience h gained through the passage end admin- P istration of the Interstate-Commerce a Act. If, however, the judgment of the a Congress is that it lacks the constitu- t tional power to pass such an act, then j a a constitutional amendment should be . g submitted to confer the power. j ^ There should be created a Cabinent !T officer, to bo known as Secretary of j n Commerce and Industries, as provided ! t in the bill introduced at the last ses- o sion of the Congress. It should be his t province to deal with commerce in iti t broadest sense; including among m3ny t other things whatever concerns labor <3 and all matters affecting the great s business corporations and our mer- t chant marine. t | The course proposed is one phase of n what should be a comprehensive and far-reaching scheme of constructive is steamship for the purpese of broaden- ,c ing our markets, securing our business ! i interests on a safe basis, and mak'ng ] t firm cur new position in the interna- I a tional Industrial world; while scrupu- 1 lously safeguarding the rights of f wage-worker and capitalist, of investor 1 and private citizen, so as to secure v equity as between man and man in this d I Republic. t I The Farmer and Wage-Worker. ( With the sole exception of the farm- c ing interest, no one matter is of such t vital moment to our whole people as j < | the welfare of the wage-workers. If ! e the farmer and the wage-worker are ; t well off. it Is absolutely certain that all i f others will be well off too. It is there- 1 e fore a matter for hearty congratulation r that on the whole wages are higher to- j day in the United States than ever be- t fore in our history, and far higher than f in any other country. The standard of t living is also higher than ever before, j Every effort of legislator and adminis- t trator should be bent to secure the c permanency of this condition of things ;a and its improvement wherever pos- ? sible. Not only must our labor be pro- J tected by the tariff, but it should alsp It be protected so far as it is possible ' t from the presence in thi3 country of | j any laborers brmigbt over by contract, j c or of those who, coming freely, yet rep- c resent a standard of living so depressed r that they can undersell our men in the t labor market and drag them to a lower i , leveL I regard It aa necessary, with | r this end in view, "to re-enact 'liliBlWP' ately the law excluding Chinese laborers and to strengthen It wherever -iecessary In order to make its enforcement entirely effective. The National tJowernmcnt should dej mand the highest quality of service ; from its employes; and in return it should be a good employer. If possible | j legislation should be passed, in connec| tlon with the Interstate Commerce , Law, which will render effective the | ; efforts of different States to do away ! with the competition of convict contract labor in the open labor marker. So far as practicable under the condition of Government work, provision, should bo made to render the enforce- | sive hours of labor, from night work, ; and from work under unsanitary coni ditions. The Government should pro! vide in its contracts that all work ! : should be done under "fair" conditions, ' ! and in addition to setting a high stan- ' dard should uphold it by proper in' spection, extending if necessary to the subcontractors. The Government1 5 should forbid all night work for women and children, as well as excessive overJ time. For the District of Columbia a good factory law should te passed: and I as a powerful indirect aid to such laws, provision should be made to turn the j I Jnhabitated alleys, the existence cf 1 I which is a reproach to our Capital City. , into minor streets, where the inhabi-: : tants can live under conditious favor- | i able to health and morals. j American wage-workers work with | their heads as well as their hands. [ Moreover, they take a keen pride in I what they are doing; so that, indepe.tdi ent of the reward, they wish to turn I out a perfect job. This is the great se- ' cret of our success in competition with J j the labor of foreign countries. The most vital problem with which this country, and for that matter the whole civilized world has to deal, is the problem which has for one side the betterment of social conditions, moral and ' physical, in large cities, and for another side the effort to deal with . that tangle of far-reaching questions j : which we group together when we 1 j speak of "labor." The chief factor in i the success of each man?wage-worker, | farmer, and capitalist alike?must ever ] be the sum total of his own individual ( ! qualities and abilities. Second only to ( j this comes the power of acting in com- | I bination or association with others. 'c j Very great good has been and will be ; ' accomplished by associations or unions ? 'of wage-workers, when managed with | forethought, and when they combine \ insistence upon their own rights with < law-abiding respect for the rights of i others. The display of these qualities in such bodies is a duty to the Nation r no less than to the associations them- > i . " >> it> i selves, mnany, nitre uiusi aiau m , many cases be action by the Government in order to safeguard the rights 3 and interests of all. Under our Constitution there is much more scope for such action by the State and the Ma- i nicipality than by the Nation. But on ^ points s"ch as those touched on above : the National Government can act. When all is said and done, the rule ~ of brotherhood remains as the indispensable prerequisite to success in th? , kind of national life for which we ' strive. Each man must work for him- ? self, and unless he so works no outside j -J dp can avaid him; but each item rust remember also that he is indeed is brothci's keeper, an:! that while no> tan who refuses to walk can be ca-* :cd with advantage to himself or any-' no else, vet that each at times stuc*!es or halts, that each at times nsecld o have tin helping hand outstte'd?eJ o him. To bo permanently effectiw^ id must always take the form of elpmg 2 man to help himself; ana , 0 can all : sr h -1 :> ourselves by joining together in Ihe work that Ls oT ommcn interest to all. Our present immigration lav/3 ar? nsatisfaotory. We nce:l ever/ hoaost ud efficient immigrant fitted to beams an American citizen, every in* niprant wiio comes here .o stay. riu> rings here a strong body, a stoat eart, a good hea l, and a resoltue jnrose to do his duty well in every way md to bring up his children as Ia?biding and God-fearing members aT he community. But there should be . comprehensive law enacted with ilia bjcct of working a threefold imprtm*nent over our present system, first. <;e should aim to exclude absolutely tot only all persons who .are Kmown to te believers in anarchistic principle* r members of anarchistic societies tut also all persons who are of a Imr noral tendency or of unsavory repaSa.- ion. This mean3 that we should re[uire a more thorough system of I?ipection abroad and a more rigid syaem of examination at our imraier*ion ports, the former being espcitdly tecessary. The second object of a proper itstmiiraticn law ought to bo to secure by a areful and not merely perfunctory eiication test some Intelligent caparil* o appreciate American institution* md act sanely as American citizen*, rhis would not keep out all anarchists * or many of them belong to the intcfigent criminal class. But it wouM b-hat is also in point, that is. tend to lecrease the sum of ignorance, so po~ ent in producing the eavv, suspicion, nalignant passion, and hatred of onler, jut of which anarchistic sentiment ixtsvitably springs. Finally, all person* ihould be excluded who are below at :ertain standard of econom>c fitness to . nter our Industrial field as compctiors with American labor. There should >e proper proof of personkl capacity to am an American living and enough noney to insure a decent start uniur Vmerican conditions. This would afar* he influx of cheap labor, and tho resulting competition which gives ri.*? o so much of bitterness in America* * V ndustrial life; and it would dry u* he springs of the pestilential so-aal :onuit:ons in our greac emeu, marchistic organizations hare lifcsir greatest possibility of growtft. Both the educational and ecronomk est3 in a wi3e immigration law should le designed to protect and elevate the ?endral body politic and soct3L A very 'lose supervision should be exercised iver the steamship companies which nainly bring over the Immigrants, and hey should be held to a: strict accoo* lability lor any infraction of the law. 4 ftnr Tvriff fivetemThere is general- acquiescence in , present tariff system as a national policy. The first requisite to our prosper- 1 lty is the continuity and stability at this economic policy. Nothing caull few more unwise than to disturb the bnaf- 4 ncs8 interests of the couautry by any general tariff change at this times Doubt, apprehension, uncertainty areexactly what We most wish to avoid in the interest cf our commercial and n?r terial well-being. Our experience is ffic? past has shown that sweeping revision* of the tariff are apt to produce ccwff tions closely approaching panic im th?~ busincss world. Yet it i3 not enry Jkjssible, but eminently desirable, to combine with the stability of our econxa'o system a supplementary systmxa of rs-' ciprocal benefit and obligation: other nations. Such reciprocity is- aa 4 incident and result of the firm c;Cst>lishinent and preservation of our /.regent economic policy. It was C33C"'.:'l* provided for in the present tar in f_ ./.* "> Reciprocity is best treated r.3 Uie liandmaitlen of protection. 0.*.r drat duty is to see that the picfoctlon. granted by the tariff in every (rut? where it is needed is maintained, cal that reciprocity be sought for so far a* it can safely be done without Injury tc our home industries. Just how fa- litis? is must be determined according to 15? individual case, remembering a'wsys that every application of our tariff yaficy to meet our shifting national mcd* must be conditional upon the card inl fact that the duties must never be n*dticed below the point that win covor the difference between the labor crest here and abroad. The well-being Tf.'jfm wage-worker is a prime consider* ?ltm* of our entire policy of economic iatlon. Subject to this proviso of the proper protection necessary to our industrial well-being at home, the prindpa? at reciprocity must command our ke:cr{y support. The phenomenal growth of export trade emphasizes the urgency CT the need for wider markets ani rur *. liberal policy In dealing with fords* lations. Whatever is merely petty aott vexatious In the way of trade restrictions should be avoided. The cu3toanr? :o whom we dispose of our surplai * 3roducta in the long run, directly or :?* directly, purchase those surplus pr? 1?>?" oiwiniT n? snmr>thfn2 Ire re? l in to uj fcjfiuft v.M ^ turn. Their ability to purchase our prt?lucts should a3 far as possible bo secured by so arranging our tariff as to mable us to take from them llicuot products which we can use wituoal larm to our own industries and lihir_ >r the use of which will be of marfcee Denefit to us. It is most Important that we shotrf* naintain the high level of our pre*:nt prosperity. We have now reached joint in the development of our :nler:sts where we are not on'.? able to upply our own markets but to proluce a constantly growing surplus far vhlch we must find markets abroad. To secure these markets we can utilicas xisting duties in any case where tbejr ire no longer ncedeJ for the purpnss >f protection, or in any case where th? . rticle is not produced here and tte iuty is no longer necessary for re in* me. as giving us something to offer xthange for what we ask. The et-cdaj elations with other aa.ior.s which ar^ o desiable will naturally be prouroCoC