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RhX t t, V.<:' i;o ??vi 'to ifa jfiftj m aiorti it .. ij ?Jo^nn* a' jsow t:;.?| ?ft:?v; ow jail* ff,v <^>. 41?tnVfr i'uisi -. .o'-1 fin jii h fi jT1 {! |; t7 / /Iii r{Urr [311 ?i 'Vol.'' -T?;---tj~??-;-; - '-:-?1 ?- ?? -?; ; - ?"-''" ???'? m--i-i. a ? t ,. p i ,m diu .h*xh=& , mi,i nmy . \,"?ir MoVE^iNDissotbbLt firm; Gb? ift ^H?W?*"' ?'"?'.boa twfj l ? itet??? SiY.-.Hf Ki ? fnuf l<;r,: ,il 'bm.bu ??,ft i ;.,?? L i ooj Jftom j ,tili?>y/ aicli ui ob oj lij// (nil :my .sjrjbj ??f.;,r vty fvaiitilitji it; :;4?[^u^^twttp J.Y8I rr/JiY ?lfr v ? irH I. .1 ?' ' ?Alrstii i'uht a THE 0H4NjSpLW'TIMES Published every. THURSDAY, ^aW?WMrfcffURG, C. II., SOUTH CAROLINA ftlUUfGEEORG TIMES COMPANY. .PtflJtOK .A .t-:o:? .rn*:*\f?* TERMS OF SUBSCRIPTION: ; On* ?>fcr/er oW j^orj '" ^ - ' L ' fe.00J ? " ? " Sfc< Jtfbn?i?;: - . - 1.00 .? 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Kirk Robinson i?i-:ai.sit rx B joka, Mm v; and Stationery', and Faricy Articles, CHURCH STREET. ORANGEBURG, C. H., S. G. , nudi G- '_ JF. hT Mat^ews 1 BARBEE, ORANGEBURG, 80. Ca. Shop an rear of Bettison's Building. Apt* tf ? fi : ; ! I '.. ' " . Fresh and genuine ? ' GARDEN SEEDS and ONION 8ETS, Job) received from D. Landreth & Son, and for sale by E.EZEKIEI,, Sign of the Big watch NOTICE. -Mettibers of the different G ranges w|U he su p plied at Grange prices. E EZEKXEI, Mar. 13,1873 tf 7jl?SBS~M. MOWN, B AEBER. JlAKKKT:i'STBBBT, OiUNQEIMMO, S. C, (vjext noon to Straus a Street's mux.) itha bjdzenr hvery itatM&cUon. -Jim? 18,187? 18 ly UNDERSIGN FD IS AGENT FOR ... i edebrtloi Prize-Medal Taylor Gin, of which he has sold 25 in thiscounty. Also, the ",if WtimA Gobdrich Gin, highly recommended (by 4Q9L D. W. Aiken and others. ?Oft 9m4- One 50 Saw, and One 45 Saw T,AYLOU GIN. AjO??42&w, WffJBLSTT A <SQODRlCfI GIN. ^mlJBDKR: BELTING mj&14x9fi ?t Agent's prices. J. A; HAMILTON. JTftly 10, 187* 21 tf [FortheOitAKaEBCBO Timks. .M8! APRIL lBtfi. Tlio ro?e4 ftUj* f?nd ?aflefo die, c Ab bright things must; ' And the symbol of love Will scalier1 and fly, And under the sod wi? fall and die ??Dust'Brito dUt" 1 1 '? ,. .But tho pent up aigh. or the team tlmf lare, ' ^Plie eye that looVe to the dear one's gravo, . ?t\Tells a friendship true; and yet; Though the hopes and My m pat In es were so strong ' Of friendship tender, tried, and long; ? ? ' i] They are snapped by the hand unseen | (i And years, long years may roll between, And many an April may smile in green .: Ere tho?Ut forget. * ' Letter of Col. Ilichard Lathers to the Washington Ohroniclo. Kcferring with much gratification' to, our re?en't interview on the subject of the acknowledged frauds arid misrule now ex isting in the State government: of S?u?h Carolina, and which in common with every distinguished public lnanllmvcnict with in Washington, you deprecate und earnestly desire to reform, yet I find from your thoughtful remarks as to the difficul ties of providing p^ctiqail^r^lre^ }fot? these evils thntyou aro doubtful of con gressional remedies, and therefore, we are likely to lose much of the practical value** of your sympathy, which your experience as a statesman mid influence nsnn ?ditor; would otherwise afford us. I am, there for-desirous '6f interesting your in a more careful investigation of this .subject because many of the friends of good, gov ernment here Imvc supposed that the people of our State propose no well-de fined reniedy under Congressional meas ures or Executive Administration save only that sympathy which, in the interest of good government and against fraud and corruption, mUst necessarily follow ?80 plain a case for their.co-operation. But while such sympathy is material, and if heartily and judiciously extended through all the ramifications of Federal influences in the State by the enforcement i of proper election law.s and the maintcn-. mice of proper officialsiu connection with the Fcdcrul Administration would meas urably afford relief, still I would also ask your consideration of the more complete relief which the fouth section of the fifth article of the Federal Constitutiou affords us, guaranteeing as it does to each State a republican form of government, which form in substance can not be said to exist in a State where the rights of property [are ignored, and where the whole system of government is one of fraud and cor ruption, beyond the reach of reform by any means within the power of those on whom the burdens of such misrule are made to rest. Permit me, therefore, to aks yoilr attention to a . few quotations I from distinguished publicists and states men as a partial illustration of my own views, more to interest you in the use of your own fertile resources in the pursuit of so important an investigation than to assume for my superficial remarks that degree of importance which ;fto grave a constitutional question merits, and on tho determination of which hangs, perhaps, the peace and happiness of thousands of our fellow-citizens, whose power to resist faction may depend on the conclusion. We havo a constitutional right to a republican form of government, and now it is admitted by every class and every party throughout our common lnud that the rights of property are entirely ignor ed, and that there is no machinery within the State powerful enough to resist the frauds and corruptions which impoverish and humiliate us. It would, therefore, be absured to say that we enjoy that? that form of a republican government contemplated by the Federal Constitu tion. Julius Caesar overthrew the liber tics of tho people of Homo in ancient times, and Louis Napoleon suppitsscd those of France in modern times while conforming in" tho most oxplicit manner to tho forms of the republic; but no pub* licsts, economists,, jurists, or historians havo cvor classified theso nations as republics, after the overthrow of the rights of these people, because the" forms were maintained. We arc guaranteed by tho fourth arti cle of oiu- N/Mi/dinl Constitution n repub lican form of gwernment. This means the substance,, lwf, jthc form only. Tho form must bo tho emanation from tljo | substance, as ' the shadow follows ih'e bocry. Tbe enrne?t hnd ; astute body of statesmen who created a republican form of gove"nment,v a??' who^ designed 'final glorious instrument Tori security of them selves and their posterity, disregarded forms when they counseled a separation from the nlother country, on tho ground that V- freemen .tasatio.u wituoul *f pre sentation was' a form without substah'ce, however much doctrinaires' of jnat. , aw might, show .the beauty ' of the Br^ti|Q.! Constitution.' And when 'we cob template' that taxation, without representation wn? the sole cause 'oil our separation fronl the, rit it/ ?jJw'."v>t _J . .i < - "JilH^tl crown of Great Britain, are we not irre sistibly brought to too'conclusion thfjt lhat right' of representation ?s a condition precedent to taxation was the very corner stone of that re'panlican edifice guarivi teed to each State ofitfte1 new confederate nation which Washington, Jefferson, !?ldams,'ahd'!R^ to secuf^ to?s? . Suppose every Statelin the Union .ha^l such a form and practice of government' as now exists in South Carolina, and thG same principle''6f action should extend itself (as it surely would) to the FederoA Government: how long would the Consti tution continue to guarantee a republican! form to itself? But we have the testi mony of the wise farmers and comment*/ tor^ on the, Constitution icseli on this subject. Mr. Hamilton, in his No. 51 of the Federalist, while defending the Con: atitution, to insure its adoption by the States, wrjtes as follows: '?It is of great importance in a republic^ not only to guard society against the cp3 pression of rulers, but to guard one pairl| of society'against the injustice eftlieotnpj^' part. Justice is the end' of. governments it is the end of civil society; it ever bas^ been and *ver. will be pursued until ib;?oe obtained, or until liberty be lost in the pursuit. In a society under the forms of which the stronger factions can readily unite and oppress the weaker anarchy may as truly be said to reign as in a state ot na tu re when the weaker individual is not secured against the violonce of tbe strong. Is not this the neknowedged condition of South Carolina by tho evidence ad duced from leading and official men who direct its affairs at present? Jefferson, in a letter to Madison, says : "The executive power in our Govern ment is not the only, perhaps not even the principal, objoct of my solicitude. The tyranny of tho legislature is really the danger most to be feared." And, of course, a tyrannical legislature is one of the elements which the power of the Federal Government was intended to guard against under the guarantee of tbe fourth article ot the Constitution. Madison remarked in the convention; ' An increase of.population will, of ueces sity, increase the proportion of those who will labor under all the hardships of life and secretly sigh for a more equal distri bution'of its blessings. These may in time outnumber those who nro placed above feelings of indigence. According to the equal laws of suffrage, tbe power will slide into tbe hands of tho former; no agrarinn attempts have yet been made in this countr), hut symptoms of a level ing spirit, as we have understood, have sufficiently appeared in a certain quarter to give notice of the future danger. How is this dauger to he guarded against ou republican principles? How is the dan ger in all cases of interested coalitions to oppress the minority to be guarded agaiust?" The guarantee clause of the Federal Constitution answers the ques tion, and it has boon reserved to the present time to justify the wisdom of that provision. Mr. Gerry, in his reply to this said: "He did not deny tho position of Mr. Madison, that the majority will gen erally violate justico where they have an interest in doing so, but did not think there was any such temptation in this country." But Mr. Gerry could not anticipate the possibility of a government in tho hands of a sot of dishonest advan turers, supported by an overwhelming number of emancipated slaves, perfectly, resistless in point of numbers, ignorant of tlieir'own interest, as they are reckless of the rights of the property and the persons. they supersede. Montesquo, and other distinguished publicists, had suggested the Itaportance ^ (ede?e 'rcp^Diica n*''k>^mt\&i means of extendiug the sphere' of popular g?VerriW enfe1' wltti1 'fcaretV5 iv* the fttttmiS 'nenW'bf r?^^ttbiif^wV^-^P^ -*A ?AWi* :g'rcat[J4uM^ wer? theke'sruahei1 tAm^ak^'da^^X tfftfu&Ua a^iiTBfyfoifel^D conqiieat^njcl' ?pr?&tfe^ abo*& tfrqr? ill* itxVjie.-CAl JJJJ0 fad Iixijuty*kj jig ??,?1 j? wuir suwuuo pan uiey are rerorraea, >mr w'ln\A?rrV? ta'forto W^^^^ai-aiS? ^inBf^trVerf^nWS "cropM^ dW fo>ntn&1hilig,natu)fi5 If these wrffett, aWnow^eVe"^ full into .(Exaggerated maturity and fri.it t?lnesfl? antf hence1 fW petition Wlfce ^ufia^rjrttoW?f utifC?'nfeBeW^y' % 'gralt1 "Mi?<li^r.; 'WS'1 ^^tcat: "a^ni>Ht^' bn 'outiMfnV'W gbVeft'raentV >gavn! v'i& marl^;?lft.wfli,Vfo? *' Candid review of'?u? l?titiktIoa',; thafcs??e' of tne'^ifeesto- under1 Ati1' we'; labor IJav?l?erWA ' on "ine' operations 'bf'?h'r'gov'erbten ?bt it w|ll' be ftuno?f?tbi'patne ?ffie^a^oto caused.Wfll-^iu^e'^cBiiui M rriaTjy'ofo?r heaviest ?i4ilsf0rtuAea, anbV tiartlcutkrIf 6f p^blife ei^g^gerqehU^noT A'lat'm fbr'prr"*' Vate'righ'tsfwhich Are echoed front 'One 'eU4 -j?nJifi <?o'ctinen;t'to the other, tttes? ?ifouai 'htf t?ue?y, if not wholly, effects f>f the unsteadiness and injustice with which 'a tra?ioli8 srStflt hai tainted our' f/tY6life ;?dminWr^tionf1 ',XfilW^\tMM& WBd !,a1llWtnbeV "bf^citiMsi' Whethef1 ^nqu&ilhi ffoWajofttfy 'or WMhSftij* After dUc??h^^the'??nge1^ (ti rfie equal fy of interests n?d the1 public Weal arising from the'prMorhi??^ fa((fc' Hions, wh^ibecomo masters of the situation he father remarks: "But the most common and durable source of /action has been tho various aii4 unequal distribution of property, those who hold, and these who nro with out property, * * * The apportionment of taxes on the various descriptions of property is an act which seems to require the most exact impartiality, yet there is perhaps no legislative act in which great er opportunity and temptation are given to a prodominant party to trample on the rules of justice; Every shilling with which they overburden the inferior num ber is a shilling saved to their pockets. * * * To secure the public good and private rights against the danger of such a fac tion, and at the snrae time preserve the spirit and form of popular government, is then the greator object to' which our inquiries are directed. Let me add that it is the great* desideratum by which ulone this fbfm of Government can be rescued from the opprobrium under which it has so long labored.'*' Here, again you preceivehow pointedly his arguments tend to show the necessity of the Federal guarantee to each State. Hamilton on the same subject says: 'Without a guarantee, the assistance to be derived from the Union, in repelling those domestic dangers may sometimes threaten the existence ?l (he. State con stitutions, must be renounced. Usurpa tion may roar its crest in each State, and trample upon the liberties of the people, while tho National Government coyld legally do nothing more than behold its encroehments with indignation and re gret. * * * The inordinate pride of State importance has suggested to some minds an objection to the principle of a guaran ty in the Federal Government, as invol ving an officious interference in tho do mestic concerns of tho members. A .scruple of this kind would deprive us of one of the principal advantages to be ex pected from the Union, end can only flow from a misapprehension of the nature' of of the provision itself. It could be no impediment to roforms of the State con stitution by a majority of tho people. In a legal and peaceable mode this right would remain undiminished. A guaran tee by the national authority would be as .much directed against tho usurpation of rulers as against the ferments and outra ges of faction and sedition in the commu nity." Calhoun, too, the most advanced advo cate of constitutional State rights, in his lcitcr to Mr. William Smith on the Rhoda Island controversy, 1843, hold thai the i guarantor dft?sefUrfdefdutotitoion was in tended tb he moro.a correctionury ' hieas ure against tbo usurpation or misrulu of State governments tbtm for prcapection against domestic violence1. '-And I would hero xcniatlL that, the coiwervativo vIcwb of that great stalemnu,-- who valued tho j Union ricXS to tho Constitution, aid rc ^?jSerew e^wneXjeMKury to thtteiidtfenfee* or* thfrOtftBP, Have1 Deed too- Often nthm >j prehetid^rl, Jnld Wt^Mnsai8feV*e?nt?d; by^^iWWHte(58'bf poWti?mlft,?y'?l?i 5 whatrrtfey* believed ib be the 'logical Co a ' I sequences* of ? his : Opi uiohs * rather I'm ,n tu'ob'e ?TBIb e*pressctf ^iftfs'afcd^aWwtid principle-?'. In- discussing the fourth ?articlo of tho Constitution, bey writes ? as fbllow^t'''- hc.a ^ it >ii v.)i.rJ i>luo(li u'(di <? = ': t^fetftd-'MrV5 Simt?dnsy'bf^fcho?e Island!}1'' an?M toil v>dl bloods vd/? 1 ?? l'I'cdnaeh?Wi" h^sa^A^ld'lhe laUti1 in1 the order'in which I am' considering them 'but the dirst ns they stand in tho section, nod the ouc, immediately involved in the 'question ?? under consideration?I mean the guarantee of a republican form i*f^goverhkebt ^Me^^'^faatei'lnc?the tInlo?.'jl Wl,'M aionl BWn^nrt3 io Job I ? *BRbl? tn^t, a^rdlhg^to'its^ tr?*^ -str?cdb?^?olijeciaJ trre ritfelift'df thkit ? of p roteclieiv against dornest sc violence; | 1ahaitB?l'ins'tea'd,?f( b^ibg' ihtericfeti" to, lprb?ecf thle'to've^n^entJ fof*tH8 BtMef it '4s iritekicWd to protect" 'each1 lsWe (14?e 'the form as ? defined, viz: that the Hlate means the people) 'dgalnst Its gov4ss^m?ept; or, more 'strictly; ngdmst the ambition or usurpation of its iidcrs. That tho object) 'of Ine (5jnstU?:t^?li, to'which1 ^"he* gurirajn ttoi'eJer'^'aiid tooerty* more especially --j btfento'geT^ 1 ^nt,hr?,%e?dehiedVn,ti?ti tfaff6fi'lte?,]it-| ?follows' ?s a 'consequence that' it must )# ' cmbraccMn the guarantees if not ? incon sistent With the 'language of the section, But if embraced, it must be in tho guar antee under consideration, as it is not in the other two. If it bo'addciSf tliat^ iHtn out this construction, the' guaran would u torly frill to protect the States against the attenips of ambition and usnr pation on the part of rulers, to chauge the forms of their governments and des troy their liberty?the danger above all others to which free and popular govern incuts arc most exposed?it would seem to follow irresistably, under the rule I have laid down, that tho construction I have placed upon the provisions ?s to tho object of the guarantees is the true one But it doubts should still remain, the fact that it fully explains why the provision requires the the application of the State in case of the guarantee against domestic violence, is omitted, would place it be yond controversy; for it would be a per fect absurdity to require that the party against which the guarantee is intended te protect should make an application to be protected against itself." In conclusion I would remark that, apart from the remedy under the 4th ar ticle of tho Constitution, Congress can certainly correct evils arrising from its own legislation. The proposition can hardly be controverted that tho power to make a law can certainly modify'jor ] abolish it; and while it is conceded that tho reconstruction measures of Congress were only intended to protect tho freed men a righis, yet the most earnest in their cause now admit that the rights of white men and their estates have been too much sacrificed in the theory, ami that practi- | cally both the interests of the white and colored citizens have been m?do victims of the rapicity of corrupt adventurers. The remedy *i3 fully within the power of | Congress without exercising cxttemn or revolutionrijy measures. An amend ment of the State constitution to protect minorities and restrict the pover of ma jorities by tho same application of the cumulative systom of voting, so success fully in force in England and in some of] our own States, will go far to protect the lights of property and persons against fraud and nusrule.and yet preserve man hood or individual suffrage to ewcry class of citizens; or an amendment by which memders of the Senateof the State should be elected by tax-payers only would pro tect the people against extravagant ap propriations or tho fraudulent applica tion of tho public money, and conserve the puclic interest generally, especially if sustained by an effective registry law i and other measures for the protection of the purity of the b^Woe^^^tWfcrly degraded to serve the[pvipWa voHjUo ..?t.w citizen pwes '^J^n'&ufotJhe Govern Dient; the Government owes rj pro * tection to the ?> people/ /AnJ iftNtwor practice which iatlrln these inutaaHaop ditio?S can riot dee^^ered as a govern* flaeatofthe^eopHi?d rtimfa; i^feot a tfe&nblicaii &m ^g^vimHMfft. .Pgnyou' Government of fraud on their race as a '^frie ?\i(t?<?MH&h^\<%*MW\ of Governments and people ?sfe ? reciporoeol. K th*cUuejo;m^Ke8. WfAWj^^ven* violates the trust it abdicates Aps 'r>o^rer> And I Can hardly believe 'tnat' "Congress1 will'aid inking nn ?vil on the people of a State, by any refinement of State HgW or abstract constr ueiibn not? (thojo|ganic exnusted in.. contriving abuses. Preee dents can riot be relied upottto guido'*us, because history does notfu?uimpItal lei to the power jand MfeMt^oefl'tae present rule^x^tiiig lath? itotittini, iu .!o/ou a ojlif ftbn n tu'^2*1 auid'w . . Richard Xatbersl '?:?} Won .acut .) '' ''^ , (? '?')iU r>rtc:t?c -In.iems cirtts when a poliferoan intid? ? man fall be taW Win, ?fctjbe station ?B-J,?^ fr5en^,l^^Riou^ !t l It i? suggested,that in building Roil- ? f^Mfee -TrMrflflbonWi fce( ljeato^ ^edrhoty 1? W Tlfef SrTnT^, apidly. . ; parent1 the other ntgbt^ defines si io have bean quite excititf g. -Smith is not going to do anything more in conundrum?. He recently asked his wife the difTorehco between his head and a hogshead, out) sho said there was none. \ He rays it was not the right answer. I thought you weroborn on the 1st of April, said a buaband to bis lovely wife, who had mentioned the 21st as he birth day. Most people would think so from the choice I made of a hasband, she re plied. ' - ? ? i Husband: uWhy don't you wear hair and thinpr apdi dressffj^abd look like other women ? Wife,?j "JWhat! and have every say, 'What a pity that handsome woman' married that Ugly little maul" I Oh, no!" SmiuYca^Vw-ek^yalw wife should I object to his staying at i the club so late, 't simply because be said, when he camo. homo the other night, 'ify dear it's tho coitlest year for many nights;. at 15 do* grees past ten, the c*tock stood; l? mitvntea t below fresite/rt A quarrelsome couple were.. (J&cu^mg the subject of epitaphs andltpinbstoaes,, and the husband said, Myy dear,: What kind of stone do you supper they will I give rno when I die? Brimstone,.my lo%'et/ was the affectionate Mlf** ,M0 tnrrn na tbem ,?m.?ojiJ?eiii &t\ih\m cat's tail, found tbnA thfr absence of tho I old woman who owns. tfeg-ea* is- necessary to the ptirftet stscpesa of such; an, experir. ment. His lactf looks as though, Buffalo. Bill had settled an old, grudge againtA. A young blacksmith wrote hit*.odtaeiK tisemcnt, stating that all orders iiv hies business would "fce promp/tl,y:exjCQuUd;;butL it came out, LAU others in this-busineak will be promptly executed/' OivBeauigr this fearful notifie* an old. blfrnksftjitlh threw up his hnas. ami ex,cmirncd t: 'Hits it come to this,' adfecr 30; years, of, honest. tollP SmitK;i^^ goi?g ^M^>, aujitlnngr more in conundrum^ ife jsscentJy ask ed his wife the dt?fecei&a- between; his^ head and a hogshead %J9.d. she said, there-, was neue. He says i,tj M;oMint tho right, answer. Smith can't sec why l?s-wJf? slloaldioh* | ject to his staying at libe olnb. so. lato?, simply because be sah^ when he came home the other'night, deAR it's- tho. coldest year for many a? 1& de grees past ten, tho clock.stood, 16,mim\to.s., below fVeezo."