Orangeburg times. (Orangeburg, S.C.) 1872-1875, April 30, 1874, Image 1
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?Alrstii i'uht a
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CHURCH STREET.
ORANGEBURG, C. H., S. G. ,
nudi G- '_
JF. hT Mat^ews 1
BARBEE,
ORANGEBURG, 80. Ca.
Shop an rear of Bettison's Building.
Apt* tf
? fi : ; ! I '.. ' "
. Fresh and genuine
? ' GARDEN SEEDS and ONION 8ETS, Job)
received from D. Landreth & Son, and for sale
by E.EZEKIEI,, Sign of the Big watch
NOTICE.
-Mettibers of the different G ranges w|U he su p
plied at Grange prices.
E EZEKXEI,
Mar. 13,1873 tf
7jl?SBS~M. MOWN,
B AEBER.
JlAKKKT:i'STBBBT, OiUNQEIMMO, S. C,
(vjext noon to Straus a Street's mux.)
itha bjdzenr hvery
itatM&cUon.
-Jim? 18,187? 18 ly
UNDERSIGN FD IS AGENT FOR
... i edebrtloi Prize-Medal Taylor Gin, of
which he has sold 25 in thiscounty. Also, the
",if WtimA Gobdrich Gin, highly recommended
(by 4Q9L D. W. Aiken and others.
?Oft 9m4- One 50 Saw, and One 45 Saw
T,AYLOU GIN.
AjO??42&w,
WffJBLSTT A <SQODRlCfI GIN.
^mlJBDKR: BELTING
mj&14x9fi ?t Agent's prices.
J. A; HAMILTON.
JTftly 10, 187* 21 tf
[FortheOitAKaEBCBO Timks.
.M8! APRIL lBtfi.
Tlio ro?e4 ftUj* f?nd ?aflefo die, c
Ab bright things must; '
And the symbol of love Will scalier1 and fly,
And under the sod wi? fall and die
??Dust'Brito dUt" 1 1 '? ,.
.But tho pent up aigh. or the team tlmf lare,
' ^Plie eye that looVe to the dear one's gravo, .
?t\Tells a friendship true; and yet;
Though the hopes and My m pat In es were so strong
' Of friendship tender, tried, and long; ? ? ' i]
They are snapped by the hand unseen | (i
And years, long years may roll between,
And many an April may smile in green .:
Ere tho?Ut forget. * '
Letter of Col. Ilichard Lathers to the
Washington Ohroniclo.
Kcferring with much gratification' to,
our re?en't interview on the subject of the
acknowledged frauds arid misrule now ex
isting in the State government: of S?u?h
Carolina, and which in common with
every distinguished public lnanllmvcnict
with in Washington, you deprecate und
earnestly desire to reform, yet I find from
your thoughtful remarks as to the difficul
ties of providing p^ctiqail^r^lre^ }fot?
these evils thntyou aro doubtful of con
gressional remedies, and therefore, we are
likely to lose much of the practical value**
of your sympathy, which your experience
as a statesman mid influence nsnn ?ditor;
would otherwise afford us. I am, there
for-desirous '6f interesting your in a
more careful investigation of this .subject
because many of the friends of good, gov
ernment here Imvc supposed that the
people of our State propose no well-de
fined reniedy under Congressional meas
ures or Executive Administration save
only that sympathy which, in the interest
of good government and against fraud
and corruption, mUst necessarily follow
?80 plain a case for their.co-operation.
But while such sympathy is material,
and if heartily and judiciously extended
through all the ramifications of Federal
influences in the State by the enforcement
i of proper election law.s and the maintcn-.
mice of proper officialsiu connection with
the Fcdcrul Administration would meas
urably afford relief, still I would also ask
your consideration of the more complete
relief which the fouth section of the fifth
article of the Federal Constitutiou affords
us, guaranteeing as it does to each State
a republican form of government, which
form in substance can not be said to exist
in a State where the rights of property
[are ignored, and where the whole system
of government is one of fraud and cor
ruption, beyond the reach of reform by
any means within the power of those on
whom the burdens of such misrule are
made to rest. Permit me, therefore, to
aks yoilr attention to a . few quotations
I from distinguished publicists and states
men as a partial illustration of my own
views, more to interest you in the use of
your own fertile resources in the pursuit
of so important an investigation than to
assume for my superficial remarks that
degree of importance which ;fto grave a
constitutional question merits, and on tho
determination of which hangs, perhaps,
the peace and happiness of thousands of
our fellow-citizens, whose power to resist
faction may depend on the conclusion.
We havo a constitutional right to a
republican form of government, and now
it is admitted by every class and every
party throughout our common lnud that
the rights of property are entirely ignor
ed, and that there is no machinery within
the State powerful enough to resist the
frauds and corruptions which impoverish
and humiliate us. It would, therefore,
be absured to say that we enjoy that?
that form of a republican government
contemplated by the Federal Constitu
tion. Julius Caesar overthrew the liber
tics of tho people of Homo in ancient
times, and Louis Napoleon suppitsscd
those of France in modern times while
conforming in" tho most oxplicit manner
to tho forms of the republic; but no pub*
licsts, economists,, jurists, or historians
havo cvor classified theso nations as
republics, after the overthrow of the
rights of these people, because the" forms
were maintained.
We arc guaranteed by tho fourth arti
cle of oiu- N/Mi/dinl Constitution n repub
lican form of gwernment. This means
the substance,, lwf, jthc form only. Tho
form must bo tho emanation from tljo |
substance, as ' the shadow follows ih'e
bocry. Tbe enrne?t hnd ; astute body of
statesmen who created a republican form
of gove"nment,v a??' who^ designed 'final
glorious instrument Tori security of them
selves and their posterity, disregarded
forms when they counseled a separation
from the nlother country, on tho ground
that V- freemen .tasatio.u wituoul *f pre
sentation was' a form without substah'ce,
however much doctrinaires' of jnat. , aw
might, show .the beauty ' of the Br^ti|Q.!
Constitution.' And when 'we cob template'
that taxation, without representation wn?
the sole cause 'oil our separation fronl the,
rit it/ ?jJw'."v>t _J . .i < - "JilH^tl
crown of Great Britain, are we not irre
sistibly brought to too'conclusion thfjt
lhat right' of representation ?s a condition
precedent to taxation was the very corner
stone of that re'panlican edifice guarivi
teed to each State ofitfte1 new confederate
nation which Washington, Jefferson,
!?ldams,'ahd'!R^ to secuf^
to?s?
. Suppose every Statelin the Union .ha^l
such a form and practice of government'
as now exists in South Carolina, and thG
same principle''6f action should extend
itself (as it surely would) to the FederoA
Government: how long would the Consti
tution continue to guarantee a republican!
form to itself? But we have the testi
mony of the wise farmers and comment*/
tor^ on the, Constitution icseli on this
subject. Mr. Hamilton, in his No. 51 of
the Federalist, while defending the Con:
atitution, to insure its adoption by the
States, wrjtes as follows:
'?It is of great importance in a republic^
not only to guard society against the cp3
pression of rulers, but to guard one pairl|
of society'against the injustice eftlieotnpj^'
part. Justice is the end' of. governments
it is the end of civil society; it ever bas^
been and *ver. will be pursued until ib;?oe
obtained, or until liberty be lost in the
pursuit. In a society under the forms of
which the stronger factions can readily
unite and oppress the weaker anarchy
may as truly be said to reign as in a state
ot na tu re when the weaker individual is
not secured against the violonce of tbe
strong.
Is not this the neknowedged condition
of South Carolina by tho evidence ad
duced from leading and official men who
direct its affairs at present?
Jefferson, in a letter to Madison, says :
"The executive power in our Govern
ment is not the only, perhaps not even
the principal, objoct of my solicitude.
The tyranny of tho legislature is really
the danger most to be feared."
And, of course, a tyrannical legislature
is one of the elements which the power
of the Federal Government was intended
to guard against under the guarantee of
tbe fourth article ot the Constitution.
Madison remarked in the convention;
' An increase of.population will, of ueces
sity, increase the proportion of those who
will labor under all the hardships of life
and secretly sigh for a more equal distri
bution'of its blessings. These may in
time outnumber those who nro placed
above feelings of indigence. According
to the equal laws of suffrage, tbe power
will slide into tbe hands of tho former;
no agrarinn attempts have yet been made
in this countr), hut symptoms of a level
ing spirit, as we have understood, have
sufficiently appeared in a certain quarter
to give notice of the future danger. How
is this dauger to he guarded against ou
republican principles? How is the dan
ger in all cases of interested coalitions to
oppress the minority to be guarded
agaiust?" The guarantee clause of the
Federal Constitution answers the ques
tion, and it has boon reserved to the
present time to justify the wisdom of that
provision. Mr. Gerry, in his reply to this
said: "He did not deny tho position of
Mr. Madison, that the majority will gen
erally violate justico where they have an
interest in doing so, but did not think
there was any such temptation in this
country." But Mr. Gerry could not
anticipate the possibility of a government
in tho hands of a sot of dishonest advan
turers, supported by an overwhelming
number of emancipated slaves, perfectly,
resistless in point of numbers, ignorant of
tlieir'own interest, as they are reckless of
the rights of the property and the persons.
they supersede.
Montesquo, and other distinguished
publicists, had suggested the Itaportance
^ (ede?e 'rcp^Diica n*''k>^mt\&i
means of extendiug the sphere' of popular
g?VerriW enfe1' wltti1 'fcaretV5 iv* the fttttmiS
'nenW'bf r?^^ttbiif^wV^-^P^ -*A ?AWi*
:g'rcat[J4uM^ wer?
theke'sruahei1 tAm^ak^'da^^X
tfftfu&Ua a^iiTBfyfoifel^D conqiieat^njcl'
?pr?&tfe^ abo*& tfrqr?
ill* itxVjie.-CAl JJJJ0 fad Iixijuty*kj jig ??,?1 j?
wuir suwuuo pan uiey are rerorraea, >mr
w'ln\A?rrV?
ta'forto
W^^^^ai-aiS? ^inBf^trVerf^nWS
"cropM^ dW fo>ntn&1hilig,natu)fi5 If
these wrffett, aWnow^eVe"^
full into .(Exaggerated maturity and fri.it
t?lnesfl? antf hence1 fW petition Wlfce
^ufia^rjrttoW?f utifC?'nfeBeW^y' % 'gralt1
"Mi?<li^r.; 'WS'1 ^^tcat: "a^ni>Ht^'
bn 'outiMfnV'W gbVeft'raentV >gavn! v'i&
marl^;?lft.wfli,Vfo? *'
Candid review of'?u? l?titiktIoa',; thafcs??e'
of tne'^ifeesto- under1 Ati1' we'; labor
IJav?l?erWA ' on "ine'
operations 'bf'?h'r'gov'erbten ?bt it w|ll'
be ftuno?f?tbi'patne ?ffie^a^oto
caused.Wfll-^iu^e'^cBiiui M rriaTjy'ofo?r
heaviest ?i4ilsf0rtuAea, anbV tiartlcutkrIf
6f p^blife ei^g^gerqehU^noT A'lat'm fbr'prr"*'
Vate'righ'tsfwhich Are echoed front 'One
'eU4 -j?nJifi <?o'ctinen;t'to the other, tttes?
?ifouai 'htf t?ue?y, if not wholly, effects f>f
the unsteadiness and injustice with which
'a tra?ioli8 srStflt hai tainted our' f/tY6life
;?dminWr^tionf1 ',XfilW^\tMM&
WBd !,a1llWtnbeV "bf^citiMsi' Whethef1
^nqu&ilhi ffoWajofttfy 'or WMhSftij*
After dUc??h^^the'??nge1^ (ti rfie equal
fy of interests n?d the1 public Weal arising
from the'prMorhi??^ fa((fc'
Hions, wh^ibecomo masters of the situation
he father remarks:
"But the most common and durable
source of /action has been tho various
aii4 unequal distribution of property,
those who hold, and these who nro with
out property, * * * The apportionment
of taxes on the various descriptions of
property is an act which seems to require
the most exact impartiality, yet there is
perhaps no legislative act in which great
er opportunity and temptation are given
to a prodominant party to trample on
the rules of justice; Every shilling with
which they overburden the inferior num
ber is a shilling saved to their pockets. *
* * To secure the public good and private
rights against the danger of such a fac
tion, and at the snrae time preserve the
spirit and form of popular government,
is then the greator object to' which our
inquiries are directed. Let me add that
it is the great* desideratum by which
ulone this fbfm of Government can be
rescued from the opprobrium under which
it has so long labored.'*' Here, again you
preceivehow pointedly his arguments
tend to show the necessity of the Federal
guarantee to each State.
Hamilton on the same subject says:
'Without a guarantee, the assistance to
be derived from the Union, in repelling
those domestic dangers may sometimes
threaten the existence ?l (he. State con
stitutions, must be renounced. Usurpa
tion may roar its crest in each State, and
trample upon the liberties of the people,
while tho National Government coyld
legally do nothing more than behold its
encroehments with indignation and re
gret. * * * The inordinate pride of State
importance has suggested to some minds
an objection to the principle of a guaran
ty in the Federal Government, as invol
ving an officious interference in tho do
mestic concerns of tho members. A
.scruple of this kind would deprive us of
one of the principal advantages to be ex
pected from the Union, end can only flow
from a misapprehension of the nature' of
of the provision itself. It could be no
impediment to roforms of the State con
stitution by a majority of tho people. In
a legal and peaceable mode this right
would remain undiminished. A guaran
tee by the national authority would be as
.much directed against tho usurpation of
rulers as against the ferments and outra
ges of faction and sedition in the commu
nity."
Calhoun, too, the most advanced advo
cate of constitutional State rights, in his
lcitcr to Mr. William Smith on the Rhoda
Island controversy, 1843, hold thai the
i
guarantor dft?sefUrfdefdutotitoion was in
tended tb he moro.a correctionury ' hieas
ure against tbo usurpation or misrulu of
State governments tbtm for prcapection
against domestic violence1. '-And I would
hero xcniatlL that, the coiwervativo vIcwb
of that great stalemnu,-- who valued tho j
Union ricXS to tho Constitution, aid rc
^?jSerew e^wneXjeMKury to thtteiidtfenfee*
or* thfrOtftBP, Have1 Deed too- Often nthm >j
prehetid^rl, Jnld Wt^Mnsai8feV*e?nt?d;
by^^iWWHte(58'bf poWti?mlft,?y'?l?i 5
whatrrtfey* believed ib be the 'logical Co a '
I sequences* of ? his : Opi uiohs * rather I'm ,n
tu'ob'e ?TBIb e*pressctf ^iftfs'afcd^aWwtid
principle-?'. In- discussing the fourth
?articlo of tho Constitution, bey writes ? as
fbllow^t'''- hc.a ^ it >ii v.)i.rJ i>luo(li u'(di <?
= ': t^fetftd-'MrV5 Simt?dnsy'bf^fcho?e
Island!}1'' an?M toil v>dl bloods vd/? 1
?? l'I'cdnaeh?Wi" h^sa^A^ld'lhe laUti1 in1
the order'in which I am' considering them
'but the dirst ns they stand in tho section,
nod the ouc, immediately involved in
the 'question ?? under consideration?I
mean the guarantee of a republican form
i*f^goverhkebt ^Me^^'^faatei'lnc?the
tInlo?.'jl Wl,'M aionl BWn^nrt3 io Job I ?
*BRbl? tn^t, a^rdlhg^to'its^ tr?*^
-str?cdb?^?olijeciaJ trre ritfelift'df thkit
? of p roteclieiv against dornest sc violence; |
1ahaitB?l'ins'tea'd,?f( b^ibg' ihtericfeti" to,
lprb?ecf thle'to've^n^entJ fof*tH8 BtMef it
'4s iritekicWd to protect" 'each1 lsWe (14?e
'the form as ? defined, viz: that the Hlate
means the people) 'dgalnst Its gov4ss^m?ept;
or, more 'strictly; ngdmst the ambition or
usurpation of its iidcrs. That tho object)
'of Ine (5jnstU?:t^?li, to'which1 ^"he* gurirajn
ttoi'eJer'^'aiid tooerty* more especially --j
btfento'geT^
1 ^nt,hr?,%e?dehiedVn,ti?ti tfaff6fi'lte?,]it-|
?follows' ?s a 'consequence that' it must )#
' cmbraccMn the guarantees if not ? incon
sistent With the 'language of the section,
But if embraced, it must be in tho guar
antee under consideration, as it is not in
the other two. If it bo'addciSf tliat^ iHtn
out this construction, the' guaran
would u torly frill to protect the States
against the attenips of ambition and usnr
pation on the part of rulers, to chauge
the forms of their governments and des
troy their liberty?the danger above all
others to which free and popular govern
incuts arc most exposed?it would seem
to follow irresistably, under the rule I
have laid down, that tho construction I
have placed upon the provisions ?s to tho
object of the guarantees is the true one
But it doubts should still remain, the fact
that it fully explains why the provision
requires the the application of the State
in case of the guarantee against domestic
violence, is omitted, would place it be
yond controversy; for it would be a per
fect absurdity to require that the party
against which the guarantee is intended
te protect should make an application to
be protected against itself."
In conclusion I would remark that,
apart from the remedy under the 4th ar
ticle of tho Constitution, Congress can
certainly correct evils arrising from its
own legislation. The proposition can
hardly be controverted that tho power to
make a law can certainly modify'jor ]
abolish it; and while it is conceded that
tho reconstruction measures of Congress
were only intended to protect tho freed
men a righis, yet the most earnest in their
cause now admit that the rights of white
men and their estates have been too much
sacrificed in the theory, ami that practi- |
cally both the interests of the white and
colored citizens have been m?do victims
of the rapicity of corrupt adventurers.
The remedy *i3 fully within the power of |
Congress without exercising cxttemn or
revolutionrijy measures. An amend
ment of the State constitution to protect
minorities and restrict the pover of ma
jorities by tho same application of the
cumulative systom of voting, so success
fully in force in England and in some of]
our own States, will go far to protect the
lights of property and persons against
fraud and nusrule.and yet preserve man
hood or individual suffrage to ewcry class
of citizens; or an amendment by which
memders of the Senateof the State should
be elected by tax-payers only would pro
tect the people against extravagant ap
propriations or tho fraudulent applica
tion of tho public money, and conserve
the puclic interest generally, especially
if sustained by an effective registry law
i and other measures for the protection of
the purity of the b^Woe^^^tWfcrly
degraded to serve the[pvipWa voHjUo
..?t.w citizen pwes '^J^n'&ufotJhe
Govern Dient; the Government owes rj pro *
tection to the ?> people/ /AnJ iftNtwor
practice which iatlrln these inutaaHaop
ditio?S can riot dee^^ered as a govern*
flaeatofthe^eopHi?d rtimfa; i^feot a
tfe&nblicaii &m ^g^vimHMfft. .Pgnyou'
Government of fraud on their race as a
'^frie ?\i(t?<?MH&h^\<%*MW\ of
Governments and people ?sfe ? reciporoeol.
K th*cUuejo;m^Ke8. WfAWj^^ven*
violates the trust it abdicates Aps 'r>o^rer>
And I Can hardly believe 'tnat' "Congress1
will'aid inking nn ?vil on the people of
a State, by any refinement of State HgW
or abstract constr ueiibn not? (thojo|ganic
exnusted in.. contriving abuses. Preee
dents can riot be relied upottto guido'*us,
because history does notfu?uimpItal
lei to the power jand MfeMt^oefl'tae
present rule^x^tiiig lath? itotittini, iu
.!o/ou a ojlif ftbn n
tu'^2*1 auid'w
. . Richard Xatbersl
'?:?} Won .acut .) '' ''^ , (? '?')iU r>rtc:t?c
-In.iems cirtts when a poliferoan intid?
? man fall be taW Win, ?fctjbe station
?B-J,?^ fr5en^,l^^Riou^ !t
l It i? suggested,that in building Roil- ?
f^Mfee -TrMrflflbonWi fce( ljeato^ ^edrhoty
1? W Tlfef SrTnT^,
apidly. . ;
parent1 the other ntgbt^ defines si io have
bean quite excititf g.
-Smith is not going to do anything more
in conundrum?. He recently asked his
wife the difTorehco between his head and
a hogshead, out) sho said there was none. \
He rays it was not the right answer.
I thought you weroborn on the 1st of
April, said a buaband to bis lovely wife,
who had mentioned the 21st as he birth
day. Most people would think so from
the choice I made of a hasband, she re
plied.
' - ? ? i
Husband: uWhy don't you wear hair
and thinpr apdi dressffj^abd look like
other women ? Wife,?j "JWhat! and have
every say, 'What a pity that handsome
woman' married that Ugly little maul"
I Oh, no!"
SmiuYca^Vw-ek^yalw wife should
I object to his staying at i the club so late, 't
simply because be said, when he camo.
homo the other night, 'ify dear it's tho
coitlest year for many nights;. at 15 do*
grees past ten, the c*tock stood; l? mitvntea
t below fresite/rt
A quarrelsome couple were.. (J&cu^mg
the subject of epitaphs andltpinbstoaes,,
and the husband said, Myy dear,: What
kind of stone do you supper they will
I give rno when I die? Brimstone,.my lo%'et/
was the affectionate Mlf** ,M0
tnrrn na tbem ,?m.?ojiJ?eiii &t\ih\m
cat's tail, found tbnA thfr absence of tho
I old woman who owns. tfeg-ea* is- necessary
to the ptirftet stscpesa of such; an, experir.
ment. His lactf looks as though, Buffalo.
Bill had settled an old, grudge againtA.
A young blacksmith wrote hit*.odtaeiK
tisemcnt, stating that all orders iiv hies
business would "fce promp/tl,y:exjCQuUd;;butL
it came out, LAU others in this-busineak
will be promptly executed/' OivBeauigr
this fearful notifie* an old. blfrnksftjitlh
threw up his hnas. ami ex,cmirncd t: 'Hits
it come to this,' adfecr 30; years, of, honest.
tollP
SmitK;i^^ goi?g ^M^>, aujitlnngr
more in conundrum^ ife jsscentJy ask
ed his wife the dt?fecei&a- between; his^
head and a hogshead %J9.d. she said, there-,
was neue. He says i,tj M;oMint tho right,
answer.
Smith can't sec why l?s-wJf? slloaldioh*
| ject to his staying at libe olnb. so. lato?,
simply because be sah^ when he came
home the other'night, deAR it's- tho.
coldest year for many a? 1& de
grees past ten, tho clock.stood, 16,mim\to.s.,
below fVeezo."