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PAGE TWO THE NEWBERRY SUN, NEWBERRY, SOUTH CAROLINA THURSDAY, JULY 15, 1965 uw Looking A. head ...by Dr. G«org« S. B«n*on PRESIDENT—NATIONAL EDUCATION ?ROCRAM SMrqr, ArkirtM* On Being Sometimes Right The American Presidency, a complex enough position in the domestic and world power struc ture, requires continuous study and explanation. Add a complicat ed, many-sided personality of near genius stature in some respects, like that of Lyndon Johnson, and you have material for more analy sis than can be accomplished in a score of books. Whatever it is that makes LBJ run, those mat ters are of prime interest today to every American, for all of us hope and pray that the most pow erful figure in today’s world of big decisions will have at least some of the right answers. The British statesman showed sympathy who recently observed that no matter what President Johnson does in sending or not sending Marines to preserve peace in such places as the Dominican Republic, he is always wrong, i This implies there may be a wide variance in what people think is the proper course, but surely the right course of action is not to be determined by whether it is a majority view, a minority view, or even whether anyone acepts it. Everyone, for that matter, might be wrong. It is a whopping task to seek principle, but seek it he must. Changing The Mind One way to be sometimes right is to frequently change your posi- more and more, -without appar ently caring for the future stab ility of the economy. Then, a President can pay poli tical debts only to regret them, even if it means later changing what was wrong in the first place. Why top labor officials wanted to ban the braceros is mystifying in the first place. But it brought near disaster both to the braceros and the farmers, and then gave a taste to consumers when prices of vegetables zoomed. Search for Values The emergence of a Johnson who is always right would, con- i sidering the nature of man’s falli- conclusive position of his own, it bility, be expecting too much. 1218 College St., Newberry, S. C. 29108 PUBLISHED EVERY THURSDAY O. F. Armfield, Jr., Owner Second-Class Postage Paid at Newberry, South Carolina. SUBSCRIPTION RATES: $2.00 per year in ad vance :Six Months $1.25. tion. The President has done this aplenty. If he seems to have no encouraged to go ahead spending may be that he looks to future elections when voters also may have views that bear little re semblance to their present ones. Suppose the President really wants to reduce “conflict in our national labor policy” by repeal ing the right-to-w T ork law’s. After nearly 20 years of Congressional activity for them, he now goes on record against them. The answer: he will require union backing in 1968, and such a need will not allow this pragmatic compromiser the convenience of his own be liefs. There seems to be some politi cal virtue in taking turns pleasing various segments, then subtly changing or diluting the original direction so as to please opposing elements. In his Dominican policy, the President at first showed a strong anti-communist position. Soon, however, this resolution ap peared to be softened as his top foreign policy aide tried to devel op coalitions that would bring in to the government various radicals and doubtful elements, thus dilu ting the victory sought by the an ti-communists who originally, seemingly, had the same goals as the U. S. Marines. Withholding Principles Another way to be right only occasionally is to advocate sound policies based on true principles, but only for limited applications to special sectors. The President told the steel industry recently, for example, that only non-infla- tionary wage increases would help keep the economy in a sound con dition. Nothing is said about fol lowing non-inflationary policies elsewhere, for either the federal government or the nation as a whole. Instead, the Congress is Neither would w r e urge this poli tician’s politician (nor any other president) to sit in his rocking chair and wait in a state of sus pended animation for the outcome of the opinion polls. What most of us would like of an American president, and even of the majority party whose ban ner he carries, is the greatest pos sible measure of disregard for popularity and for pleasing every body, along with a greater devo tion to those basic principles that encies. The ready abandonment of political advantage, the prefer ence of being right over being el ected, is what stands out so large in a Patrick Henry or a Henry Clay. In this troubled age w’hen too many have given up searching for true values, the challenge of being on the right side is difficult enough. But it is not impossible. imperiled. J When they have the power to stop production and wages, our economy is impaired. When they have the power to force wage increases without in creased production, they create inflation. We have deficits and threats of continuing deficits; we have for eign trade balance trouble and dwindling gold reserves; there are Communist gains in their race against the free world in the scientific, military, foreign rela tions, and economic fields. These are serious weaknesses which must be reversed. I have been a member of the U. S. Senate since 1933. I have seen the reasons for most of these to prevent them. I wish I could have done more. I am still trying. I say this as I think over the weaknesses develop. I have tried trend toward centralization in the Federal Government over the past 30-odd years; and we must keep this trend in mind as we attempt to act intelligently on public mat ters which will affect the lives of all of us in the period ahead. The two greatest foundation Dean Manion THE MANION FORUM require no alteration to fit exig- stones on our form of government SUBVERTING TRENDS By Sen. Harry Flood Byrd SENATOR STRO HURMOND Reports PEOPLE Let Our Losses Not Be In Vain AMID THE day-to-day report ing of such details as are made public about the fighting in Viet- Nam, there is much to confuse and little to provide perspective of what was and what is the over-all course of the war. The sketchy battle reports also make it easy to forget the significant events which led to the current situation. FACED WITH an effort by the communists to take over Laos, the U. S. chose in 1961 to negotiate a coalition government in that country. The communists knew, as did we, that Laos, ' which runs the length of the Southeast Asian peninsula, was strategically the key to the se curity of Southeast Asia. When we chose to negotiate, the com munists interpreted this to mean that we would not make a firm military stand anywhere in Asia. The attack was then stepped up in Viet-Nam. IN 1961, the government of South Viet-Nam, headed by Ngo Dinh Diem, controlled more than 80% of the territory of South Viet-Nam. He had substantial support among the South Viet- Namese people. However, in No vember, 1963, Diem was over thrown by a group of military officers who had support from the U. S. State Department. TODAY, less than 2 years later, the government of South Viet-Nam controls, by official U. S. admission, less than 30% of the territory ot South Viet- Nam, and probably less than 20% in fact. IN THE INTERVAL, commu nist forces in South Viet-Nam have grown in numbers of per sonnel, weapons, and types of weapons. These new forces have come from North Viet-Nam, in filtrated down through the cor ridor of Laos. IT NOW APPEARS that there is no hope that the U. S. will seek to win the war in Southeast Asia. The principal effort of the U. S. has been to demonstrate to the communists that we will not be run out. To emphasize this point, we have engaged in types of retaliation, described as “limit ed,^ or “controlled” responses. This retaliation has taken the form, primarily, of bombing raids on North Viet-Nam, di rected at targets of relatively minor military importance. This “show of force” is intended to being the communists to the ne gotiating table, the announced purpose of the U. S. policy. This “punch pulling,” in lieu of strik ing hard at critical military tar gets, is a result of our fears that either Red China will come into the war openly, or the Sov iets, whom we are reluctant to admit are involved, will no longer follow a policy of what they call “peaceful coexistence.” SO LONG AS the struggle was primarily political, it was fitting to adapt our actions to purely political considerations. We have now entered a phase of the struggle which is primar ily military. Large numbers of American personnel are involved. The rate of deaths of Americans in Viet-Nam indicates the extent of increased U. S. involvement in this war. Total deaths of American servicemen in Viet- Nam has increased from 3 in 1961, to 49 in 1962, to 113 in 1963, to 193 in 1964, and from the first of the year to June 10, 1965, deaths of American serv icemen were 276. THE DAY for demonstration and “shows of force” is past. Through the North Viet-Namesa port of Haiphong and over the railroads running from China to Hanoi and Haiphong is flowing a steady stream of supplies and weapons which will eventually be translated into American cas ualties. These targets must be destroyed to save American lives. The hour is already late, as the communists have been permitted to protect these tar gets with Russian missiles. WE HAVE LOST much in Southeast Asia—in territory, in respect of the people, in re sources, and in American casual ties. We must profit from these losses by avoiding the mistakes we have made in the past. We should have learned that we can no longer deter war in this area by mere possession of power. We cannot negotiate away the independence of allied countries. We cannot stop the war by “demonstrating” our power in ways that do not really hurt the enemy seriously. OUR LOSSES must be kept to a minimum, and the losses we have suffered and will suf fer must not be in vain. THE TIME has long since come when we have no choice but to play for keeps. We must destroy the enemy’s ability to make war. There is no other realistic alternative. Sincerely, From experience, we have learn ed that the more government is centralized, the more easily it is influenced—if not controlled—by leaders of -organized pressure groups. Certainly, the political target areas and the ruling officials of the government are more concen trated. We have heard that the more government is centralized in Fed eral bureaucracy at Washington, the more it is susceptible to the influence of labor leaders. It is now proposed that the Fed eral Government outlaw State right-to-work statutes. In this connection, think of this fact: In the past 35 years strikes in this country have prevented more than 800 million man-days of work; that is a loss of more than 800 million man-days of pay, and more than 800 million man-days of production. I have always conceded to good citizens in the rank and file of labor unions the privilege of or ganizing. I have conceded to legitimate labor unions the privilege of col lective bargaining when they rep resent their members. But I also concede to men and women the right to work if they choose. This is certainly a basic right. Labor leaders want the Federal Government to force membership in a union as a condition of em ployment. In excess of 50 million, or more than 70 per cent of those employed in the United States are not now members of the big national and international unions. Generally speaking, State right- to-work laws provide that the right of individuals to work shall not be denied on account of either membership or non-membership in labor organizations. Taft-Hartley Act recognizes States rights in this field. Labor leaders want this provision re pealed. Without it, we could expect the present Supreme Court to strike down every State right-to-work law in the country. Nineteen states have these right-to-work laws, a number of them enacted with constitutional amendments adopted by referen- dums. If they are not desired, the people in the States who approved their enactment could bring a- bout their repeal. But the labor leader pressure is at the Federal level. They want Federal action for wholesale nul lification of the states rights these laws represent, and the individual liberty they protect. I regard the right to work as I do the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. States have the right, the res ponsibility, and the duty to pro tect this fundamental freedom. This is my position and I shall fight for it. I am the only member now in the Senate who voted against the Wagner Act of 1939, giving spec ial privileges to labor and there fore to their leaders. I voted against the Taft-Hart ley Act and against the Truman veto. I supported strong labor legis lation in the past, and I will do it again. When labor leaders have the power virtually to shut down the country, our national security is are individual liberty and. State sovereignty. These are the strong est deterrents to centralized gov ernment. Centralization of gov ernment leads to socialism. Looking to the future, against the background of trends over the past years, there is reason for concern. The trend has been to ward centralization of govern ment, with inevitable fiscal and socialistic deterioration. I have confidence in our future if the citizens of the nation will oppose those things which are destructive of the principles un derlying our form of government, our individual liberties and our national solvency Our system of government is being menaced by three subvert ing trends which must be stopped. These trends are: (1) Increas ing Federal paternalism with fis cal deterioration; (2) increasing usurpation of power by the Sup reme Court and the Federal gov ernment; and (3) increasing in fluence of labor leaders over Fed eral authorities. Reverse these, and I have no doubt about our strength to meet any foreign challenge. I pledge my unrelenting effort in that di rection. It is up to all who believe in our system to fight for progress with out destroying the fundamental principles of our Government which, in a short space of time, have made us the greatest na tion in all the world. By Mary Whitman Occasionally 'a child has to stay in the hospital. There are many ways to bring him cheer. Today many hospitals recog nize that a child Adjusts more easily to hospital routine if a parent can spend some time with him and engage him in familiar activities. The right pastime can reas sure and refr h a child. - A youngster, like a adult, often prefers a slmpie uiversion to small talk. Of course, a doctor’s word is law so that play won’t be tiring. ■Children’s card games such as Authors can be pleasant, quiet pursuits for a visiting hour. Tick- tack-toe can be played on magio slates. CutUng out papor animals and standing them up is restfuL tPunch-out and sticker-fun books please most children. It's a- 'good idea to bring along a brown paper bag and a safety pfh. The bag, pinned to the mat tress, is a handy wastebasket for scraps of paper. “A diary is often welcomed by a 'child in the hospital even if hen.erer kept one before,” points out John Rocknowski of Whit man Publishing Company of Racine, Wisconsin. “He can keep notes on meals, visitors, names of doctors and nurses, and feel more an active part of his sur roundings. His family can add notes about home activities. Some children who have to put in time in sick-bay enjoy books. There are biographies of great physicians written for young sters and stories about nurses and how they train and work. A surprise a day helps the hours fly. A batch of small ma terials can be wrapped and dated, so that he opens one each morn ing. The present may be a card signed by his class, an I.O.U. for a trip to the ball game, a box of crayons and -some sketch paper, a story book. Small entertainments, scaled to his needs, can do much to smooth his day, strengthen his con fidence, and make him feel fully at ease in new surroundings. SPORTS AFIELD By TED RESTING It was once believed that the light of the full moon spoiled the flesh of fish. To protect his catch, a surf fisherman would bury it in moist sand. Today, the full-' Every American is involved in politics, whether he wants to be involved or not. Every citizen’s life is based upon the fact that he lives under a free political sys tem, and that is true regardless of business or profession. It is, therefore, important that every citizen of this country be informed about our government and the people who run it, if we expect to keep our freedoms, our free enterprise system and Cons titutional government. Otherwise, like a billion people who have al ready lost their freedom behind the Iron Curtain, we will also lose the freedom we have so long enjoyed. Businessmen should be concern ed about this, even more than other citizens. Abut five per cent of the people in this country are largely responsible for all jobs that are created, and business, if it is to stay competitive and free, must stay free of entanglement with the Federal, the state and local governments. It is essential that businessmen be interested in politics to the extent that they see to it that the public is inform ed. That is why businessmen should support radio and televis ion programs which are designed to educate the public. For the past 30 years or so, there has been a lack of educa tional programs and the result has been that many people have no idea of the progress government has made in encroaching on the free enterprise system. Many of our free enterprise operations have been gradually strangled thru high taxes and government interference that were unheard of in this country for over 150 years of our history. Many people we put in office do not believe in the idea of free enterprise, and it is very import ant that the people who are vot ing for such people know some thing about them before election day. Educational programs spons ored by responsible business groups or individuals can pro vide documented information a- bout candidates so the voters will have a chance to know what they may expect from a candidate if he is elected. Experience has shown that the companies that sponsor such pro grams on the air and in news papers, have enjoyed increased sales and profits because of their public interest in their govern ment. What is good for our coun try is proving to be good for busi ness, and this is perhaps one of the most hopeful signs for the fu ture of our country. It proves that no one need fear a loss of busi ness through the sponsorship of patriotic and conservative educa tional programs. mon theory is considered ridicu lous—but anglers still cover their blues and stripers with wet sand, at least when they are fishing un der a hot summer sun. Thus an old belief has evolved and remain ed useful. The theory that the rays of a lamp striking the surface of the water at night will scare off fish still persists in New England. Here there seems to be some modern proof that light on the surf spoils the night beach fish ing. But in the South, where there is considerable fishing done at night from the bridges and piers, nearly every fisher man uses a lantern suspended over the water to attract bait- fish—which in turn attract larger fish. A lighted flashlight put in a sealed bottle and lowered to the bottom will often act better than a chum pot for night fishing. We have learned from the ex-, perience of various anglers that any disturbance on or in the water will frighten fish in some instances and attract certain species of fish at other times. The old, experienced salmon anglers of Europe found that by stoning a pool they could bause inactive salmon to strike. It is a fairly common practice of southern sea trout fishermen to use popping floats to draw trout to their baits. Some market fishermen strike the surface of the water with long bamboo poles to simulate a school of baitfish. This, in turn, attracts the desired quarry. “The more you fish, the more you realize how little solid infor mation is available on the habits and feeding characteristics r of marine fish,” ponders Robert D. Hall, Salt-Water Fishing Editor of Sports Afield Magazine. Why certain fish will strike a particu lar color today and refuse it to morrow in favor of another is difficult to understand. There is little doubt that fish have various degrees of intelligence, and whe ther or not they can distinguish colors or shades of colors, they certainly seem to know what they Thy shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shall thy serve. —Deuteronomy 6:13-14 We modems do not believe in the worship of idols. And, we find it difficult to understand that in some remote comers of the earth men still pay homage to false gods or to creatures real and imaginary. Yet, we are not so perfect that there is no message for us in the above quotation. It is not enough that we worship and serve God at least once a week, and, having done so, feel “free” for six full \Ve do not worship idols. We know better. Yet, perhaps, some of us spend too much time in search of the material things, too little in the service of God. We worship God—but what value do we place on other things—money, fame, social position, etc. We need, from time to time, to examine our conscience—and measure our sense of values. Read your BIBLE dally and GO TO CHURCH SUNDAY INSURED iPV l&v; Newberry’s Largest Savings Institution Choose a federally-chartered association • •. New berry’s largest.. . chartered in 1935. Assets over 23% Million Dollars. Reserves far higher than legal re quirements. Accounts Insured by Federal Savings and Loan Insurance Corporation, Washington, D. C., a per manent Agency of the U. S. 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