The sun. [volume] (Newberry, S.C.) 1937-1972, July 15, 1965, Image 2
PAGE TWO
THE NEWBERRY SUN, NEWBERRY, SOUTH CAROLINA
THURSDAY, JULY 15, 1965
uw
Looking A. head
...by Dr. G«org« S. B«n*on
PRESIDENT—NATIONAL
EDUCATION ?ROCRAM
SMrqr, ArkirtM*
On Being Sometimes Right
The American Presidency, a
complex enough position in the
domestic and world power struc
ture, requires continuous study
and explanation. Add a complicat
ed, many-sided personality of near
genius stature in some respects,
like that of Lyndon Johnson, and
you have material for more analy
sis than can be accomplished in
a score of books. Whatever it is
that makes LBJ run, those mat
ters are of prime interest today
to every American, for all of us
hope and pray that the most pow
erful figure in today’s world of
big decisions will have at least
some of the right answers.
The British statesman showed
sympathy who recently observed
that no matter what President
Johnson does in sending or not
sending Marines to preserve peace
in such places as the Dominican
Republic, he is always wrong, i
This implies there may be a wide
variance in what people think is
the proper course, but surely the
right course of action is not to be
determined by whether it is a
majority view, a minority view, or
even whether anyone acepts it.
Everyone, for that matter, might
be wrong. It is a whopping task
to seek principle, but seek it he
must.
Changing The Mind
One way to be sometimes right
is to frequently change your posi-
more and more, -without appar
ently caring for the future stab
ility of the economy.
Then, a President can pay poli
tical debts only to regret them,
even if it means later changing
what was wrong in the first place.
Why top labor officials wanted to
ban the braceros is mystifying in
the first place. But it brought
near disaster both to the braceros
and the farmers, and then gave
a taste to consumers when prices
of vegetables zoomed.
Search for Values
The emergence of a Johnson
who is always right would, con-
i sidering the nature of man’s falli-
conclusive position of his own, it bility, be expecting too much.
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tion. The President has done this
aplenty. If he seems to have no encouraged to go ahead spending
may be that he looks to future
elections when voters also may
have views that bear little re
semblance to their present ones.
Suppose the President really
wants to reduce “conflict in our
national labor policy” by repeal
ing the right-to-w T ork law’s. After
nearly 20 years of Congressional
activity for them, he now goes on
record against them. The answer:
he will require union backing in
1968, and such a need will not
allow this pragmatic compromiser
the convenience of his own be
liefs.
There seems to be some politi
cal virtue in taking turns pleasing
various segments, then subtly
changing or diluting the original
direction so as to please opposing
elements. In his Dominican policy,
the President at first showed a
strong anti-communist position.
Soon, however, this resolution ap
peared to be softened as his top
foreign policy aide tried to devel
op coalitions that would bring in
to the government various radicals
and doubtful elements, thus dilu
ting the victory sought by the an
ti-communists who originally,
seemingly, had the same goals as
the U. S. Marines.
Withholding Principles
Another way to be right only
occasionally is to advocate sound
policies based on true principles,
but only for limited applications
to special sectors. The President
told the steel industry recently,
for example, that only non-infla-
tionary wage increases would help
keep the economy in a sound con
dition. Nothing is said about fol
lowing non-inflationary policies
elsewhere, for either the federal
government or the nation as a
whole. Instead, the Congress is
Neither would w r e urge this poli
tician’s politician (nor any other
president) to sit in his rocking
chair and wait in a state of sus
pended animation for the outcome
of the opinion polls.
What most of us would like of
an American president, and even
of the majority party whose ban
ner he carries, is the greatest pos
sible measure of disregard for
popularity and for pleasing every
body, along with a greater devo
tion to those basic principles that
encies. The ready abandonment of
political advantage, the prefer
ence of being right over being el
ected, is what stands out so
large in a Patrick Henry or a
Henry Clay. In this troubled age
w’hen too many have given up
searching for true values, the
challenge of being on the right
side is difficult enough. But it is
not impossible.
imperiled. J
When they have the power to
stop production and wages, our
economy is impaired.
When they have the power to
force wage increases without in
creased production, they create
inflation.
We have deficits and threats of
continuing deficits; we have for
eign trade balance trouble and
dwindling gold reserves; there
are Communist gains in their race
against the free world in the
scientific, military, foreign rela
tions, and economic fields. These
are serious weaknesses which
must be reversed.
I have been a member of the U.
S. Senate since 1933. I have seen
the reasons for most of these
to prevent them. I wish I could
have done more. I am still trying.
I say this as I think over the
weaknesses develop. I have tried
trend toward centralization in the
Federal Government over the past
30-odd years; and we must keep
this trend in mind as we attempt
to act intelligently on public mat
ters which will affect the lives of
all of us in the period ahead.
The two greatest foundation
Dean Manion
THE
MANION
FORUM
require no alteration to fit exig- stones on our form of government
SUBVERTING
TRENDS
By Sen. Harry Flood Byrd
SENATOR
STRO
HURMOND
Reports
PEOPLE
Let Our Losses Not Be In Vain
AMID THE day-to-day report
ing of such details as are made
public about the fighting in Viet-
Nam, there is much to confuse
and little to provide perspective
of what was and what is the
over-all course of the war. The
sketchy battle reports also make
it easy to forget the significant
events which led to the current
situation.
FACED WITH an effort by
the communists to take over
Laos, the U. S. chose in 1961 to
negotiate a coalition government
in that country. The communists
knew, as did we, that Laos,
' which runs the length of the
Southeast Asian peninsula, was
strategically the key to the se
curity of Southeast Asia. When
we chose to negotiate, the com
munists interpreted this to mean
that we would not make a firm
military stand anywhere in Asia.
The attack was then stepped up
in Viet-Nam.
IN 1961, the government of
South Viet-Nam, headed by Ngo
Dinh Diem, controlled more than
80% of the territory of South
Viet-Nam. He had substantial
support among the South Viet-
Namese people. However, in No
vember, 1963, Diem was over
thrown by a group of military
officers who had support from
the U. S. State Department.
TODAY, less than 2 years
later, the government of South
Viet-Nam controls, by official
U. S. admission, less than 30%
of the territory ot South Viet-
Nam, and probably less than
20% in fact.
IN THE INTERVAL, commu
nist forces in South Viet-Nam
have grown in numbers of per
sonnel, weapons, and types of
weapons. These new forces have
come from North Viet-Nam, in
filtrated down through the cor
ridor of Laos.
IT NOW APPEARS that there
is no hope that the U. S. will
seek to win the war in Southeast
Asia. The principal effort of the
U. S. has been to demonstrate
to the communists that we will
not be run out. To emphasize this
point, we have engaged in types
of retaliation, described as “limit
ed,^ or “controlled” responses.
This retaliation has taken the
form, primarily, of bombing
raids on North Viet-Nam, di
rected at targets of relatively
minor military importance. This
“show of force” is intended to
being the communists to the ne
gotiating table, the announced
purpose of the U. S. policy. This
“punch pulling,” in lieu of strik
ing hard at critical military tar
gets, is a result of our fears
that either Red China will come
into the war openly, or the Sov
iets, whom we are reluctant to
admit are involved, will no
longer follow a policy of what
they call “peaceful coexistence.”
SO LONG AS the struggle
was primarily political, it was
fitting to adapt our actions to
purely political considerations.
We have now entered a phase
of the struggle which is primar
ily military. Large numbers of
American personnel are involved.
The rate of deaths of Americans
in Viet-Nam indicates the extent
of increased U. S. involvement
in this war. Total deaths of
American servicemen in Viet-
Nam has increased from 3 in
1961, to 49 in 1962, to 113 in
1963, to 193 in 1964, and from
the first of the year to June 10,
1965, deaths of American serv
icemen were 276.
THE DAY for demonstration
and “shows of force” is past.
Through the North Viet-Namesa
port of Haiphong and over the
railroads running from China to
Hanoi and Haiphong is flowing a
steady stream of supplies and
weapons which will eventually
be translated into American cas
ualties. These targets must be
destroyed to save American
lives. The hour is already late,
as the communists have been
permitted to protect these tar
gets with Russian missiles.
WE HAVE LOST much in
Southeast Asia—in territory, in
respect of the people, in re
sources, and in American casual
ties. We must profit from these
losses by avoiding the mistakes
we have made in the past. We
should have learned that we can
no longer deter war in this area
by mere possession of power.
We cannot negotiate away the
independence of allied countries.
We cannot stop the war by
“demonstrating” our power in
ways that do not really hurt the
enemy seriously.
OUR LOSSES must be kept
to a minimum, and the losses
we have suffered and will suf
fer must not be in vain.
THE TIME has long since
come when we have no choice
but to play for keeps. We must
destroy the enemy’s ability to
make war. There is no other
realistic alternative.
Sincerely,
From experience, we have learn
ed that the more government is
centralized, the more easily it is
influenced—if not controlled—by
leaders of -organized pressure
groups.
Certainly, the political target
areas and the ruling officials of
the government are more concen
trated.
We have heard that the more
government is centralized in Fed
eral bureaucracy at Washington,
the more it is susceptible to the
influence of labor leaders.
It is now proposed that the Fed
eral Government outlaw State
right-to-work statutes.
In this connection, think of
this fact:
In the past 35 years strikes in
this country have prevented more
than 800 million man-days of
work; that is a loss of more than
800 million man-days of pay, and
more than 800 million man-days
of production.
I have always conceded to good
citizens in the rank and file of
labor unions the privilege of or
ganizing.
I have conceded to legitimate
labor unions the privilege of col
lective bargaining when they rep
resent their members.
But I also concede to men and
women the right to work if they
choose. This is certainly a basic
right.
Labor leaders want the Federal
Government to force membership
in a union as a condition of em
ployment. In excess of 50 million,
or more than 70 per cent of those
employed in the United States
are not now members of the big
national and international unions.
Generally speaking, State right-
to-work laws provide that the
right of individuals to work shall
not be denied on account of either
membership or non-membership in
labor organizations.
Taft-Hartley Act recognizes
States rights in this field. Labor
leaders want this provision re
pealed.
Without it, we could expect the
present Supreme Court to strike
down every State right-to-work
law in the country.
Nineteen states have these
right-to-work laws, a number of
them enacted with constitutional
amendments adopted by referen-
dums. If they are not desired, the
people in the States who approved
their enactment could bring a-
bout their repeal.
But the labor leader pressure
is at the Federal level. They want
Federal action for wholesale nul
lification of the states rights these
laws represent, and the individual
liberty they protect.
I regard the right to work as
I do the right to life, liberty, and
the pursuit of happiness.
States have the right, the res
ponsibility, and the duty to pro
tect this fundamental freedom.
This is my position and I shall
fight for it.
I am the only member now in
the Senate who voted against the
Wagner Act of 1939, giving spec
ial privileges to labor and there
fore to their leaders.
I voted against the Taft-Hart
ley Act and against the Truman
veto.
I supported strong labor legis
lation in the past, and I will do
it again.
When labor leaders have the
power virtually to shut down the
country, our national security is
are individual liberty and. State
sovereignty. These are the strong
est deterrents to centralized gov
ernment. Centralization of gov
ernment leads to socialism.
Looking to the future, against
the background of trends over
the past years, there is reason for
concern. The trend has been to
ward centralization of govern
ment, with inevitable fiscal and
socialistic deterioration.
I have confidence in our future
if the citizens of the nation will
oppose those things which are
destructive of the principles un
derlying our form of government,
our individual liberties and our
national solvency
Our system of government is
being menaced by three subvert
ing trends which must be stopped.
These trends are: (1) Increas
ing Federal paternalism with fis
cal deterioration; (2) increasing
usurpation of power by the Sup
reme Court and the Federal gov
ernment; and (3) increasing in
fluence of labor leaders over Fed
eral authorities.
Reverse these, and I have no
doubt about our strength to meet
any foreign challenge. I pledge
my unrelenting effort in that di
rection.
It is up to all who believe in our
system to fight for progress with
out destroying the fundamental
principles of our Government
which, in a short space of time,
have made us the greatest na
tion in all the world.
By Mary Whitman
Occasionally 'a child has to
stay in the hospital.
There are many ways to bring
him cheer.
Today many hospitals recog
nize that a child Adjusts more
easily to hospital routine if a
parent can spend some time with
him and engage him in familiar
activities.
The right pastime can reas
sure and refr h a child. - A
youngster, like a adult, often
prefers a slmpie uiversion to
small talk. Of course, a doctor’s
word is law so that play won’t
be tiring.
■Children’s card games such as
Authors can be pleasant, quiet
pursuits for a visiting hour. Tick-
tack-toe can be played on magio
slates. CutUng out papor animals
and standing them up is restfuL
tPunch-out and sticker-fun
books please most children. It's
a- 'good idea to bring along a
brown paper bag and a safety
pfh. The bag, pinned to the mat
tress, is a handy wastebasket
for scraps of paper.
“A diary is often welcomed by
a 'child in the hospital even if
hen.erer kept one before,” points
out John Rocknowski of Whit
man Publishing Company of
Racine, Wisconsin. “He can keep
notes on meals, visitors, names of
doctors and nurses, and feel
more an active part of his sur
roundings. His family can add
notes about home activities.
Some children who have to put
in time in sick-bay enjoy books.
There are biographies of great
physicians written for young
sters and stories about nurses
and how they train and work.
A surprise a day helps the
hours fly. A batch of small ma
terials can be wrapped and dated,
so that he opens one each morn
ing. The present may be a card
signed by his class, an I.O.U. for
a trip to the ball game, a box
of crayons and -some sketch
paper, a story book.
Small entertainments, scaled to
his needs, can do much to smooth
his day, strengthen his con
fidence, and make him feel fully
at ease in new surroundings.
SPORTS AFIELD
By TED RESTING
It was once believed that the
light of the full moon spoiled the
flesh of fish. To protect his catch,
a surf fisherman would bury it
in moist sand. Today, the full-'
Every American is involved in
politics, whether he wants to be
involved or not. Every citizen’s
life is based upon the fact that
he lives under a free political sys
tem, and that is true regardless
of business or profession.
It is, therefore, important that
every citizen of this country be
informed about our government
and the people who run it, if we
expect to keep our freedoms, our
free enterprise system and Cons
titutional government. Otherwise,
like a billion people who have al
ready lost their freedom behind
the Iron Curtain, we will also
lose the freedom we have so long
enjoyed.
Businessmen should be concern
ed about this, even more than
other citizens. Abut five per cent
of the people in this country are
largely responsible for all jobs
that are created, and business, if
it is to stay competitive and free,
must stay free of entanglement
with the Federal, the state and
local governments. It is essential
that businessmen be interested in
politics to the extent that they
see to it that the public is inform
ed. That is why businessmen
should support radio and televis
ion programs which are designed
to educate the public.
For the past 30 years or so,
there has been a lack of educa
tional programs and the result has
been that many people have no
idea of the progress government
has made in encroaching on the
free enterprise system. Many of
our free enterprise operations
have been gradually strangled
thru high taxes and government
interference that were unheard of
in this country for over 150 years
of our history.
Many people we put in office
do not believe in the idea of free
enterprise, and it is very import
ant that the people who are vot
ing for such people know some
thing about them before election
day. Educational programs spons
ored by responsible business
groups or individuals can pro
vide documented information a-
bout candidates so the voters will
have a chance to know what they
may expect from a candidate if he
is elected.
Experience has shown that the
companies that sponsor such pro
grams on the air and in news
papers, have enjoyed increased
sales and profits because of their
public interest in their govern
ment. What is good for our coun
try is proving to be good for busi
ness, and this is perhaps one of
the most hopeful signs for the fu
ture of our country. It proves that
no one need fear a loss of busi
ness through the sponsorship of
patriotic and conservative educa
tional programs.
mon theory is considered ridicu
lous—but anglers still cover their
blues and stripers with wet sand,
at least when they are fishing un
der a hot summer sun. Thus an
old belief has evolved and remain
ed useful.
The theory that the rays of a
lamp striking the surface of the
water at night will scare off fish
still persists in New England.
Here there seems to be some
modern proof that light on the
surf spoils the night beach fish
ing. But in the South, where
there is considerable fishing
done at night from the bridges
and piers, nearly every fisher
man uses a lantern suspended
over the water to attract bait-
fish—which in turn attract larger
fish. A lighted flashlight put in a
sealed bottle and lowered to the
bottom will often act better than
a chum pot for night fishing.
We have learned from the ex-,
perience of various anglers that
any disturbance on or in the
water will frighten fish in some
instances and attract certain
species of fish at other times. The
old, experienced salmon anglers
of Europe found that by stoning
a pool they could bause inactive
salmon to strike. It is a fairly
common practice of southern sea
trout fishermen to use popping
floats to draw trout to their baits.
Some market fishermen strike the
surface of the water with long
bamboo poles to simulate a school
of baitfish. This, in turn, attracts
the desired quarry.
“The more you fish, the more
you realize how little solid infor
mation is available on the habits
and feeding characteristics r of
marine fish,” ponders Robert D.
Hall, Salt-Water Fishing Editor
of Sports Afield Magazine. Why
certain fish will strike a particu
lar color today and refuse it to
morrow in favor of another is
difficult to understand. There is
little doubt that fish have various
degrees of intelligence, and whe
ther or not they can distinguish
colors or shades of colors, they
certainly seem to know what they
Thy shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shall thy serve.
—Deuteronomy 6:13-14
We modems do not believe in
the worship of idols. And, we find
it difficult to understand that in
some remote comers of the earth
men still pay homage to false
gods or to creatures real and
imaginary.
Yet, we are not so perfect that
there is no message for us in the
above quotation. It is not enough
that we worship and serve God at
least once a week, and, having
done so, feel “free” for six full
\Ve do not worship idols. We
know better. Yet, perhaps, some
of us spend too much time in
search of the material things, too
little in the service of God. We
worship God—but what value do
we place on other things—money,
fame, social position, etc.
We need, from time to time,
to examine our conscience—and
measure our sense of values.
Read your BIBLE dally
and
GO TO CHURCH
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