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y McCORMICK MESSENGER, McCORMICK, S. C.. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1938 Weekly News Review Latest Nazi Anti*Jewish Drive Gives Restless Reich a ‘Cause 9 By Joseph W. La Bine- Religion In times of stress men are known to seek solace in religion. But even religion’s solace becomes difficult when men are persecuted for their faith and race. That is the plight now facing all German opponents Bf Nazidom’s socialistic ideology, which dictates that the state must come first, that religion must take what is left. Thus, in less than a week’s time, German Jews were persecuted unmercifully and driven back to medieval ghetto style of liv ing, while German Catholics also found themselves on the defensive. Though the Vatican has long been outspoken against Germany’s five- year persecution of Jews, outright hostility did not come until last month’s Nazi storming of Theodore mm V, CARDINAL VON FACLHABER Terrorism arrived from Vienna. v . Cardinal Innitzer’s palace in Vien na. Now this battle has spread to Munich, where Michael Cardinal von Faulhaber’s palace was stoned. At Salzburg the Catholic university society has disbanded. The immediate excuse for a 36- hour anti-Jewish hysteria was the assassination in Paris of Ernest von Bath, a German diplomatic attache, by a 17-year-old Polish Jew. Right eously proclaiming \ that German Jews are answerable for the anti- Nazi acts of world Jewry, Germany has resorted to medieval terrorism and forced her Jewish citizens into such an economically impossible sit uation that self-extermination ap pears to be the eventual result. This seemingly ill-reasoned solu tion of the Jewish problem appar ently typifies the Nazi method of dealing with enemies, real or imagi nary. Observers are certainly not inclined to accept the Von Rath murder as a reason for the latest wave of persecution. Probably a better answer is that totalitarian rulers must have a constant “cause celebre” and that Nazidom, having won its Czechoslovakian cause, has found a new wave of Jewish perse cution the most satisfactory method of keeping national enthusiasm whipped up. However, since world opinion has rebelled against such a gruesome policy, it may prove a boomerang. Foreign To ward off Germany’s aggres sion on southeastern Europe, Tur key’s late President Kemal Ataturk led formation of a Balkan entente. Its members: Greece, Turkey, Ru mania and Jugoslavia. In the cen ter lies independent Bulgaria, still sulking over World war territorial losses to Greece, Jugoslavia and Rumania, waiting for the highest bidder to buy her favor. Since dynamic President Ataturk died, since Germany’s economic drive has borne fruit this year in Austria, Hungary and Czechoslo vakia, the Balkan entente is now looking for every possible means of solidifying itself. Observers predict that Jugoslavia will return her war- won territory to Bulgaria before January 1, also that Greece and Ru mania will do likewise. In return, Bulgaria will join the Balkan en tente. Meanwhile, although the entente will be strengthened by this shift of frontiers, Turkey’s anti-Nazi posi tion is not nearly so strong under her new president, Ismet Inonu, as under Ataturk. Although Turkey has long been pro-British, England’s vacillating policy of recent months has forced the Turks to seek other alliances. While an admirer of the United States and Great Britain, Inonu cannot forget the obligations his nation assumed when it recently received a huge loan from the Reich. Thus he must co-operate with southeastward-bound Adolf Hitler. • Desperately seeking to avert na tional bankruptcy, France has is sued 32 decree laws imposing every restriction possible without violating the traditional principles of French government. The gold reserve has been revaluated at the rate of 170 francs to the pound sterling, giving the government a paper profit of 22 billion francs. All taxes have been raised and the controversial five-day work week has been modified with out discarding its principle. Forced to make sacrifices usually imposed only during a war, Frenchmen have only one alternative—financial and economic collapse. Although the success of France’s rehabilitation effort rests solely on co-operation, Premier Edouard Daladier has one strong right arm in the support of 7,000,000 World war veterans. Domestic After 23 years of bickering, the U. S. and Mexico have reached a settlement over Mexican expropria tion of American-owned farm lands. On December 1 a two-man commit tee will meet in Mexcio City to de termine the amount of Mexico’s li ability, after which a $1,000,000 ini tial payment will be made. Subse quent payments will not be less than $1,000,000 a year. Mexico insists, how ever, that the farm land settlement establishes no precedent requiring her to pay for $400,000,000 in foreign- owned oil lands seized during the past few years. Why she should pay for land which contains no oil, meanwhile refusing to pay for land that does, is a perplexing bit of reasoning. The most likely answer is that farm land is cheaper than oil land, and that Mexico hopes her larger sin will be forgiven if she atones for the smaller sin. Agriculture The U. S. department of' agricul ture’s efforts to export surplus wheat have never enjoyed the state department’s sympathy, since for eign wheat-growing nations would be angry if their domestic prices were depressed by U. S. dumping of surplus grain. Although Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace now admits the export subsidy plan is not efficient, his department is committed to disposing of part of the U. S. surplus in this manner. Meanwhile Secretary of State Cor dell Hull has held his breath, hop ing these exports will not injure in ternational relations, especially with South American nations. This was the situation when Frank A. Theis, Kansas City grain broker, appeared at Rio de Janeiro to sell 15,000,000 bushels of U. S. wheat in Brazil. That nation was not imme diately hostile but a strong protest came from Argentina, which now supplies all of Brazil’s wheat. Al though Brazilians could use cheap wheat to make cheap bread, Argen tina is a good customer of the U. S. Upshot was a protest to the state department, delivered in Washing ton by Argentina’s Ambassador Don Felipe Espel. The problem’s crux: 111 Hip HPia m < m m lip , s ARGENTINA’S FELIPE ESPEL Wheat provoked a crisis. If Argentina could prove the agri culture department was assisting Mr. Theis in selling his wheat to Brazil, Buenos Aires would consider it equivalent to an “international in cident.’’ Mr. Hull issued an immedi ate denial of official U. S. implica tion in the scheme. So did Mr. Wallace, but he could not refrain from worrying publicly about the U. S. agricultural prob lem. Since future “international in cidents” will almost inevitably re sult if the U. S. tries to sell any more wheat abroad, Mr. Wallace must now concentrate on solving the problem domestically. The recent elections rebuffed his 1938 farm bill but he promises to defend it before the next congress. He has even in vited newly-elected congressmen to offer their suggestions. Meanwhile, little more is heard of the two-price plan for domestic dumping, under which low-income families would buy surplus commodities at special rates. People Great Britain is badly in need of salesmen to keep her far-flung em pire intact, and no better salesman could be found than the duke of Windsor. Now exiled in Paris with his wife, the former Wallis Warfield, England’s abdicated king may soon return to England’s good graces. That conciliatory gestures are in the air has been shown by the visit to Paris of the duke and duchess of Gloucester, Windsor’s brother. It is considered likely that Edward and his wife will spend Christmas day in London, probably returning later to take up permanent residence at Fort Belvidere. Politics Like all natural phenomena and many not so natural, U. S. political fortunes run in cycles of liberalism and conservatism. Thus every lengthy Republican administration has been succeeded by a shorter Democratic one, attesting to the American people’s inherent conserv atism. Since the Republican party reached its latest low ebb under Candidate Alfred Landon in 1936, none but the most optimistic expect ed anything but a minor gain so early as 1938. But it has proved otherwise, thanks to (1) a growing belief that the Roosevelt administra tion’s expensive recovery efforts have been unsuccessful, and (2) a fear that New Deal policies were en couraging the growth of radicalism. Moreover, it has been apparent that the public must eventually pro test against the political corruption which unavoidably gathers around so large a financial project as WPA. Though the Roosevelt administration may be blameless in this respect, such political machines as that of Pennsylvania’s Gov. George H. Earle have unsavory reputations. Another consideration, one that re ceived less attention than eventually proved justified, was dissatisfaction among America’s numerically im portant farmers. Since the agricul tural vote can control congress, it looked bad for the administration when this year’s highly touted farm program failed. Despite Secretary of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace’s sincere efforts, New Deal farm leg islation has left producers in north ern states without permanent relief. (See Agriculture.) Almost without exception the No vember general election has there fore made the U. S. return to its most normal political alignment in approximately 15 years. Always Democratic, the “solid South” has clung tenaciously to tradition. But this tradition does not mean the South will line up 100 per cent behind President Roosevelt, for South Car olina, Georgia and Maryland elect ed senators partially unsympathetic with the New Deal. Several other southern senators and congressmen, not up for re-election this year, are also unsympathetic. Though in many cases the Repub lican trend is not so great as first appearances might indicate, practi cally all northern states have shown a surge back to conservatism. This was especially marked in Minnesota and Wisconsin, where Farmer-Labor and Progressive partisans were ousted after long incumbencies. Michigan swung away from Demo cratic Gov. Frank Murphy largely because he sympathized with the radically tinged Committee for In dustrial Organization. In all north western states the swing to Repub licanism was due partly to agricul- al dissatisfaction. New England’s dustrial population rebelled against allegedly oppressive taxa tion and the C. I. O., while this ter ritory’s traditional conservatism also played an important role. Sub stantially the same explanation can be made for votes in Ohio and Pennsylvania. The only important New Deal gains have come in California, where a rock-ribbed Republican governor was ousted; in North Da kota, whose notoriously unsettled political situation has freakishly placed a Democrat in the governor’s chair, and in Maryland. But such a resume does not tell the entire story, for even those states which remained Democratic have shown an amazingly strong Re publican upsurge. New York’s Gov. Herbert H. Lehman won by only 70,000 votes over his Republican op ponent, youthful Thomas E. Dewey, whereas two years ago Mr. Leh man had a 500,000 margin. Illinois, which remains predominantly New Deal, increased its Republican house representation and returned a much larger conservative vote than -in 1936. Having gained at least 8 senators, 81 house members and 11 governors, the Republican party once more has a vocal minority in congress. More over its 1940 presidential hopes are better, despite the defeat in New York of Tom Dewey, once consid ered a likely candidate. If the 1938 election has created any new presi dential possibilities, they are Ohio’s Republican Sen. Robert Taft and Missouri’s Democratic Sen. Bennett Champ Clark. What the Republican upsurge will do for the U. S. remains conjectural, but post-election stock market activ ity has been encouraging. To help industry, the American Federation of Labor is already banking on G. O. P. congressional aid in amend ing the Wagner labor relations act. The outstanding fact is that 1938’s Republican party has emerged a liberalized entity, well-spanked for its former ultra-conservatism. Defense When Financier Bernard Baruch first proposed a huge United States rearmament program after the Eu ropean war scare, one of his talking points was that private enterprise would be revitalized. Official Wash ington agrees, as shown by rumors that the 1917 war industries board may be re-established to co-ordinate a “rearmament spending program” by private industry. The govern ment expects $5,000,000,000 to be spent for rehabilitation and expan sion of railroads, public utilities, chemicals, automotive and aircraft industries. It also expects “mobil ization” of America’s raw mate rials, solving such problems as that of manganese, an essential element in steel production which now comes largely from Cuba because United States deposits are not developed. tur£ indi Bruckart's Washington Digest Tumult and Shouting Are Over; So Now What Does It All Mean? For Months to Come the Results Will Be Subjected to Meas urement; More Thinking and Less Emotion Seems To Be the Rule; ‘Middle Class’ in Revolt. By WILLIAM BRUCKART WNU Service, National Press Bldg., Washington, D. C. WASHINGTON. — The period of distorted claims by the winners and the equally distorted alibis of the losers seems to be about over. We have heard all of the tumult and the shouting of an election time. The total vote has been tabulated, and it shows a greater number—83 new ones—of Republicans in the house of representatives and eight new Re publican senators. Some 14 more states have Republican governors ready to take over from the Demo crats they have displaced. There were what may be called important numerical gains for the Republican party label. But while the total vote has been tabulated and served as the basis for the claims of the winners and the alibis of the losers, those fig ures will be forgotten soon. The thing that is important is the result. We will be measuring the results for months to come. It is quite unimportant, in my mind, to appraise what the swing of a few votes may have meant. It is, however, mighty important to note that there were hard and close fights for scores of candidates, in this 1938 election. There were hard and close fights in the whole of New England; there were bitter strug gles in New York, Ohio, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minnesota, and else where. They were fought out largely on major issues because, generally speaking, local questions did not provide the fundamental issue in the states that are so important politi cally as those mentioned. What does it mean? What is the portent? Other writers and analysts have given and are giving their views. I guess there is no prohibi tion against mine. I firmly believe the votes cast in the 1938 election were the expres sion of an opposition to further ex perimentation by government in the field of unsound theories; the ex pression was against further use of the American people as guinea pigs, and it was definitely for a middle-of- the-road national policy. It was, therefore, a showing, a proof, of the necessity for our traditional two- party system of government, and surely, to that extent, the nation and national life benefited by the poll taken on November 8, 1938. More Thinking and Less Emotion Seems to Be Rule Looking over the whole picture, as the colors and the outlines now exhibit themselves, one who favors good government of a sound and lasting character cannot help hav ing his faith renewed. Of course, the political pendulum swings back and forth. That is to be expected. But, to me, there has appeared on the horizon a new level of political thought. Perhaps, I should not say that it is entirely new; I should say that it has been restored to its place in American life. And that observa tion should be amplified with the further statement that more think ing and less emotion appears to be the rule throughout the land. Ab sence of hysteria, or reduction of the scope of hysteria, always makes for sounder and more constructive conclusions. That is why there is so little use for an analysis of mi nute returns this year. The aspect is too broad to hinge upon such de tail. Probably, it can be said that the vote was an expression against waste and extravagance, against corruption of the electorate by use of public moneys, such as went on among relief workers and for which we ought always to be ashamed; it probably can be said that it was a vote against blank check appropria tions, or against government mess ing into every phase of human en deavor, or against many another item of policy in the New Deal, and if it were so said, it would be true to a degree, everywhere. But we are concerned with the sum into which these several things have been added. Vote Discloses Revolt by So-Called ‘Middle Class* The United States has been gov erned by an expression of the will of the majority. It is sound. It is the basis of a republic. There has been much criticism of President Roosevelt on the basis of his dom ination of government. It has been said that he is the government be cause he has had such complete control that even congress moved this way or that at his drection, in the manner of puppets. If those characterizations be true, then it appears to me logical to conclude that the late election was something of a vote for government by law and not by an individual or group of individuals. By the same reasoning, it is a logical assumption that the vote disclosed a revolt by the great middle class of the Ameri can people—the group which lives neither by the power of organization w^d the str/ke threat, nor by the power which Mr. Roosevelt so oftei. attributed to a few whom he has called the “economic royalists.” The New Dealers completely capitu lated to organized labor of the C. I. O. type, and used the numbers of votes there to bulwark its assault on business. The middle classes which embrace the backbone and the salt of the earth of any nation haven’t had much consideration from the New Deal thinkers. They have been the “forgotten men” (and women) about which Mr. Roosevelt spoke when campaigning in 1932. It is quite clear that the middle classes have grown tired of government playing into the hands of a single class. They are tired, as they were in 1932, when the Republicans had played too much into the hands of big business. Suspicious Middle Class Is Good for a Democracy The sum total of the situation, as regards the middle classes, is that they have become critical again. They followed Mr. Roosevelt un swervingly (speaking, now, of the majority) and they accepted his statements that “we have planned it that way.” But when the depres sion of 1937 came on them and it hit as hard as that of 1930, they found doubt in their minds. He could not have planned it that way, they reasoned. So there followed the natural sequence of criticism, and the country began to think that criticism was legitimate despite the New Dealers’ barrage of propagan da that the criticism, itself, was propaganda. With the middle classes back in the suspicious mood that is good for a democracy, they are again occupying their rightful role in government. There are many times more of them than any other group; they are the majority, and they showed it again this year by the sharp division of votes. The New Deal, with the aid of old line Jeffersonian Democrats, will control the congress for the next two years. But their control is not of such a character as to permit denial of rights to any individual representative or senator or any group of them. There can be no mailed fist or “must” orders. In stead, if Majority Leader Barkley in the senate and Majority Leader Rayburn in the house want to get their programs through, there must be moderation. Extremes will spell defeat and revolt, and it is conceiv able that policies of a too radical type could send the old line Demo crats over to the aid of the Repub licans and into a coalition to de stroy the New Deal utterly and ef fectively. There can be no more rubber stamp business. New Deal tactics must change, and the sooner the bunch of so-called intellectuals, the high brows, learn this lesson, the better it will be for Mr. Roosevelt, politically. I am told by a number of politi cally important personages that the election already has increased the courage of some of the conservative Democrats wjio were not outspoken heretofore. It is predicted that these will feel free now to tell the President when they disagree. None can foretell how far that situation will develop. It is a part, how ever, of the thought that modera tion must be the rule. Must Become Statesmen, Quit Their Demagoguery And, next, if the Republican lead ership has good sense, it will dis play its best brand. It will tell its followers to become statesmen and quit their demagoguery. The op portunity awaits them to be con structive and if they fail to put for ward sound proposals, they will have justified the country in refus ing to give them control as was done in 1936. It is proper to say, of course, that the Republicans will not be in control of either the senate or the house. That means, they can have no management of legislative ma chinery. That machinery, which is all-important in carrying forward political party policies, remains in the hands of the New Deal. But the absence of control fpr the Re publicans can not destroy the re sponsibility which they have as sumed in electing as many mem bers of the congress as is recorded. They dare not dodge that responsi bility. . Just ahead, therefore, lies the ne cessity for Mr. Roosevelt to realize that there is a new public temper which does not like extremes, and for Chairman John Hamilton of the Republican national committee, and Republican Leader McNary in the senate, and Republican Leader Mar tin in the house, there is the oppor tunity to fight for reasonable legis lation all of the way. These three Republican leaders must have something to offer besides criticism of the New Deal. (1 Western Newspaper Union. Crochet This Set and Tot Will Be Delighted > Pattern 6224 She’ll be proud as a peacock to wear this set so why not delight her with it? Made of sport yarn, it’s mainly single crochet (which gives it a firm body) with picots for decoration. The muff is a combined purse and muff—very grown-up and stylish! Pattern 6224 contains instructions for mak ing the set shown; illustrations of it and of stitches used; materials required. 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