McCormick messenger. (McCormick, S.C.) 1902-current, November 24, 1938, Image 2
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McCORMICK MESSENGER, McCORMICK, S. C.. THURSDAY, NOVEMBER 24, 1938
Weekly News Review
Latest Nazi Anti*Jewish Drive
Gives Restless Reich a ‘Cause 9
By Joseph W. La Bine-
Religion
In times of stress men are known
to seek solace in religion. But even
religion’s solace becomes difficult
when men are persecuted for their
faith and race. That is the plight
now facing all German opponents
Bf Nazidom’s socialistic ideology,
which dictates that the state must
come first, that religion must take
what is left. Thus, in less than a
week’s time, German Jews were
persecuted unmercifully and driven
back to medieval ghetto style of liv
ing, while German Catholics also
found themselves on the defensive.
Though the Vatican has long been
outspoken against Germany’s five-
year persecution of Jews, outright
hostility did not come until last
month’s Nazi storming of Theodore
mm
V,
CARDINAL VON FACLHABER
Terrorism arrived from Vienna.
v .
Cardinal Innitzer’s palace in Vien
na. Now this battle has spread to
Munich, where Michael Cardinal
von Faulhaber’s palace was stoned.
At Salzburg the Catholic university
society has disbanded.
The immediate excuse for a 36-
hour anti-Jewish hysteria was the
assassination in Paris of Ernest von
Bath, a German diplomatic attache,
by a 17-year-old Polish Jew. Right
eously proclaiming \ that German
Jews are answerable for the anti-
Nazi acts of world Jewry, Germany
has resorted to medieval terrorism
and forced her Jewish citizens into
such an economically impossible sit
uation that self-extermination ap
pears to be the eventual result.
This seemingly ill-reasoned solu
tion of the Jewish problem appar
ently typifies the Nazi method of
dealing with enemies, real or imagi
nary. Observers are certainly not
inclined to accept the Von Rath
murder as a reason for the latest
wave of persecution. Probably a
better answer is that totalitarian
rulers must have a constant “cause
celebre” and that Nazidom, having
won its Czechoslovakian cause, has
found a new wave of Jewish perse
cution the most satisfactory method
of keeping national enthusiasm
whipped up. However, since world
opinion has rebelled against such
a gruesome policy, it may prove a
boomerang.
Foreign
To ward off Germany’s aggres
sion on southeastern Europe, Tur
key’s late President Kemal Ataturk
led formation of a Balkan entente.
Its members: Greece, Turkey, Ru
mania and Jugoslavia. In the cen
ter lies independent Bulgaria, still
sulking over World war territorial
losses to Greece, Jugoslavia and
Rumania, waiting for the highest
bidder to buy her favor.
Since dynamic President Ataturk
died, since Germany’s economic
drive has borne fruit this year in
Austria, Hungary and Czechoslo
vakia, the Balkan entente is now
looking for every possible means of
solidifying itself. Observers predict
that Jugoslavia will return her war-
won territory to Bulgaria before
January 1, also that Greece and Ru
mania will do likewise. In return,
Bulgaria will join the Balkan en
tente.
Meanwhile, although the entente
will be strengthened by this shift of
frontiers, Turkey’s anti-Nazi posi
tion is not nearly so strong under
her new president, Ismet Inonu, as
under Ataturk. Although Turkey
has long been pro-British, England’s
vacillating policy of recent months
has forced the Turks to seek other
alliances. While an admirer of the
United States and Great Britain,
Inonu cannot forget the obligations
his nation assumed when it recently
received a huge loan from the
Reich. Thus he must co-operate with
southeastward-bound Adolf Hitler.
• Desperately seeking to avert na
tional bankruptcy, France has is
sued 32 decree laws imposing every
restriction possible without violating
the traditional principles of French
government. The gold reserve has
been revaluated at the rate of 170
francs to the pound sterling, giving
the government a paper profit of 22
billion francs. All taxes have been
raised and the controversial five-day
work week has been modified with
out discarding its principle. Forced
to make sacrifices usually imposed
only during a war, Frenchmen have
only one alternative—financial and
economic collapse. Although the
success of France’s rehabilitation
effort rests solely on co-operation,
Premier Edouard Daladier has one
strong right arm in the support of
7,000,000 World war veterans.
Domestic
After 23 years of bickering, the
U. S. and Mexico have reached a
settlement over Mexican expropria
tion of American-owned farm lands.
On December 1 a two-man commit
tee will meet in Mexcio City to de
termine the amount of Mexico’s li
ability, after which a $1,000,000 ini
tial payment will be made. Subse
quent payments will not be less than
$1,000,000 a year. Mexico insists, how
ever, that the farm land settlement
establishes no precedent requiring
her to pay for $400,000,000 in foreign-
owned oil lands seized during the
past few years. Why she should
pay for land which contains no oil,
meanwhile refusing to pay for land
that does, is a perplexing bit of
reasoning. The most likely answer
is that farm land is cheaper than
oil land, and that Mexico hopes her
larger sin will be forgiven if she
atones for the smaller sin.
Agriculture
The U. S. department of' agricul
ture’s efforts to export surplus
wheat have never enjoyed the state
department’s sympathy, since for
eign wheat-growing nations would
be angry if their domestic prices
were depressed by U. S. dumping of
surplus grain. Although Secretary
of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace
now admits the export subsidy plan
is not efficient, his department is
committed to disposing of part of
the U. S. surplus in this manner.
Meanwhile Secretary of State Cor
dell Hull has held his breath, hop
ing these exports will not injure in
ternational relations, especially with
South American nations.
This was the situation when Frank
A. Theis, Kansas City grain broker,
appeared at Rio de Janeiro to sell
15,000,000 bushels of U. S. wheat in
Brazil. That nation was not imme
diately hostile but a strong protest
came from Argentina, which now
supplies all of Brazil’s wheat. Al
though Brazilians could use cheap
wheat to make cheap bread, Argen
tina is a good customer of the U. S.
Upshot was a protest to the state
department, delivered in Washing
ton by Argentina’s Ambassador Don
Felipe Espel. The problem’s crux:
111
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ARGENTINA’S FELIPE ESPEL
Wheat provoked a crisis.
If Argentina could prove the agri
culture department was assisting
Mr. Theis in selling his wheat to
Brazil, Buenos Aires would consider
it equivalent to an “international in
cident.’’ Mr. Hull issued an immedi
ate denial of official U. S. implica
tion in the scheme.
So did Mr. Wallace, but he could
not refrain from worrying publicly
about the U. S. agricultural prob
lem. Since future “international in
cidents” will almost inevitably re
sult if the U. S. tries to sell any
more wheat abroad, Mr. Wallace
must now concentrate on solving the
problem domestically. The recent
elections rebuffed his 1938 farm bill
but he promises to defend it before
the next congress. He has even in
vited newly-elected congressmen to
offer their suggestions. Meanwhile,
little more is heard of the two-price
plan for domestic dumping, under
which low-income families would
buy surplus commodities at special
rates.
People
Great Britain is badly in need of
salesmen to keep her far-flung em
pire intact, and no better salesman
could be found than the duke of
Windsor. Now exiled in Paris with
his wife, the former Wallis Warfield,
England’s abdicated king may soon
return to England’s good graces.
That conciliatory gestures are in the
air has been shown by the visit to
Paris of the duke and duchess of
Gloucester, Windsor’s brother. It
is considered likely that Edward and
his wife will spend Christmas day in
London, probably returning later to
take up permanent residence at Fort
Belvidere.
Politics
Like all natural phenomena and
many not so natural, U. S. political
fortunes run in cycles of liberalism
and conservatism. Thus every
lengthy Republican administration
has been succeeded by a shorter
Democratic one, attesting to the
American people’s inherent conserv
atism. Since the Republican party
reached its latest low ebb under
Candidate Alfred Landon in 1936,
none but the most optimistic expect
ed anything but a minor gain so
early as 1938. But it has proved
otherwise, thanks to (1) a growing
belief that the Roosevelt administra
tion’s expensive recovery efforts
have been unsuccessful, and (2) a
fear that New Deal policies were en
couraging the growth of radicalism.
Moreover, it has been apparent
that the public must eventually pro
test against the political corruption
which unavoidably gathers around
so large a financial project as WPA.
Though the Roosevelt administration
may be blameless in this respect,
such political machines as that of
Pennsylvania’s Gov. George H.
Earle have unsavory reputations.
Another consideration, one that re
ceived less attention than eventually
proved justified, was dissatisfaction
among America’s numerically im
portant farmers. Since the agricul
tural vote can control congress, it
looked bad for the administration
when this year’s highly touted farm
program failed. Despite Secretary
of Agriculture Henry A. Wallace’s
sincere efforts, New Deal farm leg
islation has left producers in north
ern states without permanent relief.
(See Agriculture.)
Almost without exception the No
vember general election has there
fore made the U. S. return to its
most normal political alignment in
approximately 15 years. Always
Democratic, the “solid South” has
clung tenaciously to tradition. But
this tradition does not mean the
South will line up 100 per cent behind
President Roosevelt, for South Car
olina, Georgia and Maryland elect
ed senators partially unsympathetic
with the New Deal. Several other
southern senators and congressmen,
not up for re-election this year,
are also unsympathetic.
Though in many cases the Repub
lican trend is not so great as first
appearances might indicate, practi
cally all northern states have shown
a surge back to conservatism. This
was especially marked in Minnesota
and Wisconsin, where Farmer-Labor
and Progressive partisans were
ousted after long incumbencies.
Michigan swung away from Demo
cratic Gov. Frank Murphy largely
because he sympathized with the
radically tinged Committee for In
dustrial Organization. In all north
western states the swing to Repub
licanism was due partly to agricul-
al dissatisfaction. New England’s
dustrial population rebelled
against allegedly oppressive taxa
tion and the C. I. O., while this ter
ritory’s traditional conservatism
also played an important role. Sub
stantially the same explanation can
be made for votes in Ohio and
Pennsylvania.
The only important New Deal
gains have come in California,
where a rock-ribbed Republican
governor was ousted; in North Da
kota, whose notoriously unsettled
political situation has freakishly
placed a Democrat in the governor’s
chair, and in Maryland.
But such a resume does not tell
the entire story, for even those
states which remained Democratic
have shown an amazingly strong Re
publican upsurge. New York’s Gov.
Herbert H. Lehman won by only
70,000 votes over his Republican op
ponent, youthful Thomas E. Dewey,
whereas two years ago Mr. Leh
man had a 500,000 margin. Illinois,
which remains predominantly New
Deal, increased its Republican house
representation and returned a much
larger conservative vote than -in
1936.
Having gained at least 8 senators,
81 house members and 11 governors,
the Republican party once more has
a vocal minority in congress. More
over its 1940 presidential hopes are
better, despite the defeat in New
York of Tom Dewey, once consid
ered a likely candidate. If the 1938
election has created any new presi
dential possibilities, they are Ohio’s
Republican Sen. Robert Taft and
Missouri’s Democratic Sen. Bennett
Champ Clark.
What the Republican upsurge will
do for the U. S. remains conjectural,
but post-election stock market activ
ity has been encouraging. To help
industry, the American Federation
of Labor is already banking on G.
O. P. congressional aid in amend
ing the Wagner labor relations act.
The outstanding fact is that 1938’s
Republican party has emerged a
liberalized entity, well-spanked for
its former ultra-conservatism.
Defense
When Financier Bernard Baruch
first proposed a huge United States
rearmament program after the Eu
ropean war scare, one of his talking
points was that private enterprise
would be revitalized. Official Wash
ington agrees, as shown by rumors
that the 1917 war industries board
may be re-established to co-ordinate
a “rearmament spending program”
by private industry. The govern
ment expects $5,000,000,000 to be
spent for rehabilitation and expan
sion of railroads, public utilities,
chemicals, automotive and aircraft
industries. It also expects “mobil
ization” of America’s raw mate
rials, solving such problems as that
of manganese, an essential element
in steel production which now comes
largely from Cuba because United
States deposits are not developed.
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Bruckart's Washington Digest
Tumult and Shouting Are Over;
So Now What Does It All Mean?
For Months to Come the Results Will Be Subjected to Meas
urement; More Thinking and Less Emotion Seems
To Be the Rule; ‘Middle Class’ in Revolt.
By WILLIAM BRUCKART
WNU Service, National Press Bldg., Washington, D. C.
WASHINGTON. — The period of
distorted claims by the winners and
the equally distorted alibis of the
losers seems to be about over. We
have heard all of the tumult and the
shouting of an election time. The
total vote has been tabulated, and
it shows a greater number—83 new
ones—of Republicans in the house
of representatives and eight new Re
publican senators. Some 14 more
states have Republican governors
ready to take over from the Demo
crats they have displaced. There
were what may be called important
numerical gains for the Republican
party label.
But while the total vote has been
tabulated and served as the basis
for the claims of the winners and
the alibis of the losers, those fig
ures will be forgotten soon. The
thing that is important is the result.
We will be measuring the results for
months to come.
It is quite unimportant, in my
mind, to appraise what the swing of
a few votes may have meant. It
is, however, mighty important to
note that there were hard and close
fights for scores of candidates, in
this 1938 election. There were hard
and close fights in the whole of New
England; there were bitter strug
gles in New York, Ohio, Michigan,
Wisconsin, Minnesota, and else
where. They were fought out largely
on major issues because, generally
speaking, local questions did not
provide the fundamental issue in the
states that are so important politi
cally as those mentioned.
What does it mean? What is the
portent? Other writers and analysts
have given and are giving their
views. I guess there is no prohibi
tion against mine.
I firmly believe the votes cast in
the 1938 election were the expres
sion of an opposition to further ex
perimentation by government in the
field of unsound theories; the ex
pression was against further use of
the American people as guinea pigs,
and it was definitely for a middle-of-
the-road national policy. It was,
therefore, a showing, a proof, of
the necessity for our traditional two-
party system of government, and
surely, to that extent, the nation
and national life benefited by the
poll taken on November 8, 1938.
More Thinking and Less
Emotion Seems to Be Rule
Looking over the whole picture,
as the colors and the outlines now
exhibit themselves, one who favors
good government of a sound and
lasting character cannot help hav
ing his faith renewed. Of course,
the political pendulum swings back
and forth. That is to be expected.
But, to me, there has appeared on
the horizon a new level of political
thought. Perhaps, I should not say
that it is entirely new; I should say
that it has been restored to its place
in American life. And that observa
tion should be amplified with the
further statement that more think
ing and less emotion appears to be
the rule throughout the land. Ab
sence of hysteria, or reduction of
the scope of hysteria, always makes
for sounder and more constructive
conclusions. That is why there is
so little use for an analysis of mi
nute returns this year. The aspect
is too broad to hinge upon such de
tail.
Probably, it can be said that the
vote was an expression against
waste and extravagance, against
corruption of the electorate by use
of public moneys, such as went on
among relief workers and for which
we ought always to be ashamed; it
probably can be said that it was a
vote against blank check appropria
tions, or against government mess
ing into every phase of human en
deavor, or against many another
item of policy in the New Deal, and
if it were so said, it would be true
to a degree, everywhere. But we
are concerned with the sum into
which these several things have
been added.
Vote Discloses Revolt by
So-Called ‘Middle Class*
The United States has been gov
erned by an expression of the will
of the majority. It is sound. It is
the basis of a republic. There has
been much criticism of President
Roosevelt on the basis of his dom
ination of government. It has been
said that he is the government be
cause he has had such complete
control that even congress moved
this way or that at his drection, in
the manner of puppets.
If those characterizations be true,
then it appears to me logical to
conclude that the late election was
something of a vote for government
by law and not by an individual or
group of individuals. By the same
reasoning, it is a logical assumption
that the vote disclosed a revolt by
the great middle class of the Ameri
can people—the group which lives
neither by the power of organization
w^d the str/ke threat, nor by the
power which Mr. Roosevelt so oftei.
attributed to a few whom he has
called the “economic royalists.”
The New Dealers completely capitu
lated to organized labor of the C. I.
O. type, and used the numbers of
votes there to bulwark its assault
on business. The middle classes
which embrace the backbone and
the salt of the earth of any nation
haven’t had much consideration
from the New Deal thinkers. They
have been the “forgotten men” (and
women) about which Mr. Roosevelt
spoke when campaigning in 1932. It
is quite clear that the middle classes
have grown tired of government
playing into the hands of a single
class. They are tired, as they were
in 1932, when the Republicans had
played too much into the hands of
big business.
Suspicious Middle Class
Is Good for a Democracy
The sum total of the situation, as
regards the middle classes, is that
they have become critical again.
They followed Mr. Roosevelt un
swervingly (speaking, now, of the
majority) and they accepted his
statements that “we have planned
it that way.” But when the depres
sion of 1937 came on them and it
hit as hard as that of 1930, they
found doubt in their minds. He
could not have planned it that way,
they reasoned. So there followed
the natural sequence of criticism,
and the country began to think that
criticism was legitimate despite the
New Dealers’ barrage of propagan
da that the criticism, itself, was
propaganda. With the middle
classes back in the suspicious mood
that is good for a democracy, they
are again occupying their rightful
role in government. There are
many times more of them than any
other group; they are the majority,
and they showed it again this year
by the sharp division of votes.
The New Deal, with the aid of
old line Jeffersonian Democrats,
will control the congress for the next
two years. But their control is not
of such a character as to permit
denial of rights to any individual
representative or senator or any
group of them. There can be no
mailed fist or “must” orders. In
stead, if Majority Leader Barkley
in the senate and Majority Leader
Rayburn in the house want to get
their programs through, there must
be moderation. Extremes will spell
defeat and revolt, and it is conceiv
able that policies of a too radical
type could send the old line Demo
crats over to the aid of the Repub
licans and into a coalition to de
stroy the New Deal utterly and ef
fectively. There can be no more
rubber stamp business. New Deal
tactics must change, and the sooner
the bunch of so-called intellectuals,
the high brows, learn this lesson, the
better it will be for Mr. Roosevelt,
politically.
I am told by a number of politi
cally important personages that the
election already has increased the
courage of some of the conservative
Democrats wjio were not outspoken
heretofore. It is predicted that
these will feel free now to tell the
President when they disagree. None
can foretell how far that situation
will develop. It is a part, how
ever, of the thought that modera
tion must be the rule.
Must Become Statesmen,
Quit Their Demagoguery
And, next, if the Republican lead
ership has good sense, it will dis
play its best brand. It will tell its
followers to become statesmen and
quit their demagoguery. The op
portunity awaits them to be con
structive and if they fail to put for
ward sound proposals, they will
have justified the country in refus
ing to give them control as was
done in 1936.
It is proper to say, of course,
that the Republicans will not be in
control of either the senate or the
house. That means, they can have
no management of legislative ma
chinery. That machinery, which is
all-important in carrying forward
political party policies, remains in
the hands of the New Deal. But
the absence of control fpr the Re
publicans can not destroy the re
sponsibility which they have as
sumed in electing as many mem
bers of the congress as is recorded.
They dare not dodge that responsi
bility. .
Just ahead, therefore, lies the ne
cessity for Mr. Roosevelt to realize
that there is a new public temper
which does not like extremes, and
for Chairman John Hamilton of the
Republican national committee, and
Republican Leader McNary in the
senate, and Republican Leader Mar
tin in the house, there is the oppor
tunity to fight for reasonable legis
lation all of the way. These three
Republican leaders must have
something to offer besides criticism
of the New Deal.
(1 Western Newspaper Union.
Crochet This Set and
Tot Will Be Delighted
>
Pattern 6224
She’ll be proud as a peacock to
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6224 contains instructions for mak
ing the set shown; illustrations of
it and of stitches used; materials
required.
To obtain this pattern, send 15
cents in stamps or coins (coins
preferred) to the Sewing Circle,
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Please write your name, ad
dress and pattern number plainly.
Blessings From Wife
All the blessings of a household
come through the wife, therefore,
should her husband honor her.!
Men should be careful lest they
cause women to weep, for God
counts their tears.—The Talmud.
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