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V ^ i f ] •v McCORMICK MESSENGER. McCORMICK, S. C., THURSDAY. AUGUST 20, 1936 EUROPE WATCHES SPANISH WAR * Anxiously Await Outcome of Struggle Between Right and Left Factions; May Change World History. By WILLIAM C. UTLEY O RDINARILY you can take a Spanish revolution as a Greek revo lution, or you can let it alone. The general custom among the laity of observers in America in the past has been to let ’em alone. In Greek revolutions the government changes hands between mat inee and evening performances and, although whole navies are cap tured, no one ever gets hurt. The ordinary Spanish revolution is much the same, the one distinguishing factor being that murder and mayhem are present, but nobody gets hurt except Spaniards. Ever since Spain lost her last® — American colonies some 30-odd years ago, riot, revolution and re bellion have been rife in the sunny land. But because, in the past, these revolutions have been of -little con sequence outside the borders of Spain itself, other nations, even those on the European continent, have been justified in merely re maining aloof and letting matters take their course until once more a Spanish government of one kind or another is answering the ’phones. Aloofness often is only official as it is possible to do a neat little busi ness in arms with both warring sides, unofficially. But with this newest and most serious of Spanish revolutions the customary policy of laissez - faire among her neighbors is one diffi cult, if not impossible, to maintain. For here in Spain is now the ulti mate expression of a struggle that is now going on among the peoples of nearly every nation in Europe. See Death Struggle This is not a civil war to deter mine whether republic or monarchy shaH be the form of government. Actually it does not involve the question/ of how the nation shall be governed so much as who shall gov ern it. There is a death battle between what have' come to be called in Europe, and are more and more frequently mentioned here in the United States, the Right and the Gen. Emilio Mola, Rebel Leader. Left. On the Right is Fascism; on the left is Socialism. On the one side are the monopolies, the bureau crats and the big land owners; on the other are the peasant farmers, the small business men, union labor and the proletariat. It may be truthfully said that practically all Europe today is di vided into Rightest and Leftist fac tions. The sharp line of demarcation becomes more apparent -with each new heated political debate, with each new spirited election. For that treason every European eye is di rectly focused upon Spain. Deeply concerned are France, whose new Leftist government has not yet proved the panacea it was heralded to be; Germany, which will And new cause to arm against “the Reds” if the Left wins and a new victory over communism if the Right wins; Italy would welcome a strong Fascist neighbor, and ex clusive of her subtler political in terests, Great Britain must protect Gibraltar. While former revolutions in Spain have resulted in only qualified vic tories or defeats, it is generally con ceded that this one will be decisive. It may string along for many months, even years, but it will be a fight to a finish. Europe Watches Struggle Yet what is important about this civil war is not which government, Right or Left, emerges victorious, the choice of the majority of people. It is the ract that there is a serious fight. This is a bloody and cruel war. Homes, theaters, hospitals have become ammunition centers and barracks. Snipers spit death out of store windows, cannon wheels scar the surfaces of plains, the drone of bombers disturbs the calm of fabled Spanish skies. Right and Left have taken arms against each other. All Europe watches. For years the continent has been a tinder box, awaiting a match to set it off. • Crisis after crisis has been passed and another great war has been averted or post poned, sometimes ever so narrowly. May not this develop into the next of these great crises? What will France do if Italy sends aid to the Fascists? What will Germany do if Red Russia interferes on the other side? The Spanish-American war may be arbitrarily taken as the real be ginning of the political disintegra tion of Spain. It was less than a decade after that when she lost her last American colony. Four years later came the first of a series of uprisings among the people; it was quelled. That was in 1909; in 1917 there was another unsuccessful re volt. When the crisis after the World war came, the Spanish monarchy found itself unable to look after the welfare of its 23,000,000 subjects, who were finding it next to im possible to make a living. An at tempt was*made to right conditions in 1921 when Primo de Rivera was set up by the Rightist factions as dictator. It didn’t work. New Regime Fails Ten years later the republic was voted in and King Alfonso XIII was on his sudden way out. Spanish citi zens were free men. All the ills of the old times were to be forgotten. Their troubles were over. But, alas, it didn’t work out that way. Actually, the new government had been heralded a few months be fore its inception by a serious gene ral strike and an uprising among the military forces. There was the world-wide depression to be reck oned with, and the fact that in Spain the currency was deflated, industry frozen and foreign markets for Spanish farmers hopelessly lost. Primo de Rivera had been driven into exile by rising governmental debts and deficits. Political liberty was supposed to rectify all of these things. Of course it didn’t. When the republic was born 75 per cent of the population was de pendent, directly or indirectly, up on agriculture, yet so evilly was it distributed that only one-tenth pf the farm population could make a fair living from it. Immense estates, relics of feudal days, held the really fertile .land; the poor peasant was doomed to watch thou sands upon thousnds of acres of rich land carelessly, wastefully cul tivated, or even thrown open to pasture, while he, burdened with heavy debts, had to work a tiny patch of poor land. The great hordes of landless farm - hands, working only h£lf the year, and then at meager wages, were steadily growing. Small private industries wallowed hopelessly in debt, while great mo nopolies were so entwined into the government that when there were losses, the taxpayers made them good, but when there were profits the stockholders got them all. When the republic came into be ing there were countless and need less bureaus eating the substance of the treasury. A. costly and over large army, with many needlessly high-salaried officers noted for blun dering and extravagant “colonial” adventures, was being kept. Unem ployment, starvation wages and continued repression from the Right had concentrated the mass of poor industrial workers into a few large cities and had greatly increased their numbers. Expected Drastic Changes The people, rightly enough, ex pected drastic changes from the Men of the Republic. The economic theory of the Rightists, nominally result of hopeless conflict of policy. The Right, bewildered by conflict ing policy, between socialism one minute and Fascism the next, froze credits, paralyzed industry and agri culture, and hired armed bands of men to annoy the Leftists and thus provoke the government. In the summer of 1932 it all came to a boil and the Right provoked a military revolt, but intervention of civilian troops on the part of the govern ment quelled it. Economic conditions failed to im prove. There were strikes, riots and demonstrations. The Left was still in a bad way. The peasants led an uprising in 1933. So severely was it put down, the government began to lose the loyalty of the peasants and kindred classes. When later that year the Socialists were driven ■ mmbmh *.•••• > A 7 - > >- > ; < Women Marksmen Take Part. from the cabinet and the Right as sumed what amounted to almost all the power, there were political scandals and months of continued unrest followed. In 1934 the Left re volted upon the calling of Gil Robles into the cabinet. This was nearly a successful revolution and was only quieted by .the employment of the Spanish Foreign Legion and paid Moorish troops. Never before in Spanish history had such measures been necessary to protect the gov ernment. It was sufficient to instill more confidence and courage into the Left; and to incite the proleta riat further against the government of the Right. Accordingly the Left forced elec tions and swept the existing govern ment from power. That was early this year. The same old struggle has been going on ever since—the power has not yet definitely come to one side or the other to permit a continuity of action. But the new revolution, openly and unmistakably a civil war to the bit ter end, will leave Spain at last com pletely Right or completely Left— completely Fascist or completely Socialist. Americans Leave Spain The efficiency of the State depart ment and the foreign service has been strikingly demonstrated in the emergency precipitated by the rev olution in Spain, which required the government to conduct the first evacuation of Americans from a European country since the World war. When the revolution broke, Am bassador Bowers was at his sum mer house at Fuenterrabia, on the coast, five miles from San Sebas tian, the Summer capital, where were stationed Messrs. Johnson and Schoellkopf. Cut off from commu nication by telephone with his Sum mer embassy and prevented by bar ricades and fighting from going to San Sebastian, Mr. Bowers was tak en off by the cutter Cayuga and subsequently established his em- ■ 1 m •>:*Xv f <8 * yitiit v>-y» Scene in Toledo Showing Snipers Fighting Rebels. second in power in the republic and today represented by the rebelling Fascist generals, was that of re pression, wage-reduction breaking- up of labor unions, and concentra tion camps for forced labor—all the principles of Fascism. The republic was to substitute higher wages, new and fairer distribution of land’ gov ernment control of industry, reset tlement and rehabilitation projects and a security program. But the early republican govern ment found itself torn between two loyalties. It attempted to steer a middle course, providing legislation only upon pressure from Right or Left arfd, naturally, leaving only a bassy on the vessel to cruise in Spanish waters so as to be of aid to Americans. At the outset the situation in the Spanish capital was serious, with firing in the streets. The United States embassy stocked all the food it could get and stored water in large reservoirs for a siege. Then American nationals were directed to go to the embassy. A total of 160 went there, including Filipinos and Puerto Ricans. The embassy also received official requests to harbor nationals of Belgium, Sweden, Fin land, Turkey, Chile, Panama, Cuba and Austria, and did so. © Weatern Newspaper Union. Roses Liven Bedspread Pattern 1214 With' roses as its motif this newly embroidered bedspread’s sure of admirers! So is its em broidered bolster, or a matching scarf adorned this speedy way. Flowers are easy to do in single, outline and lazy - daisy stitch— their effect truly lovely! Pattern 1214 contains a transfer pattern of a motif 16 1-2 by 19 1-4 inches and two and two reverse motifs 4 1*4 by 5 1-2 inches. Color schemes ; illustrations oi all Or INTEREST TO W HOUSEWIfE When blankets are washed at home do not wring them dry. In stead hang them outdoors on tlie clothesline to dry. • • • After washing white silk stock ings or gloves and rinsing them thoroughly be sure to hang them in the shad^ to dry. This will keep them white. • * • • Left-over cauliflower can be dip ped in cracker crumbs and egg and fried in deep fat and served for luncheon or supper. • • • Custard pies should first be started to bake in a hot oven to set the crust, then the heat of the oven should be quickly reduced so that the custard may cook slowly. 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