McCormick messenger. (McCormick, S.C.) 1902-current, August 20, 1936, Image 3
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McCORMICK MESSENGER. McCORMICK, S. C., THURSDAY. AUGUST 20, 1936
EUROPE WATCHES SPANISH WAR
*
Anxiously Await Outcome of Struggle Between Right and Left
Factions; May Change World History.
By WILLIAM C. UTLEY
O RDINARILY you can take a Spanish revolution as a Greek revo
lution, or you can let it alone. The general custom among the
laity of observers in America in the past has been to let ’em alone.
In Greek revolutions the government changes hands between mat
inee and evening performances and, although whole navies are cap
tured, no one ever gets hurt. The ordinary Spanish revolution is
much the same, the one distinguishing factor being that murder and
mayhem are present, but nobody gets hurt except Spaniards.
Ever since Spain lost her last® —
American colonies some 30-odd
years ago, riot, revolution and re
bellion have been rife in the sunny
land. But because, in the past, these
revolutions have been of -little con
sequence outside the borders of
Spain itself, other nations, even
those on the European continent,
have been justified in merely re
maining aloof and letting matters
take their course until once more
a Spanish government of one kind
or another is answering the ’phones.
Aloofness often is only official as it
is possible to do a neat little busi
ness in arms with both warring
sides, unofficially.
But with this newest and most
serious of Spanish revolutions the
customary policy of laissez - faire
among her neighbors is one diffi
cult, if not impossible, to maintain.
For here in Spain is now the ulti
mate expression of a struggle that
is now going on among the peoples
of nearly every nation in Europe.
See Death Struggle
This is not a civil war to deter
mine whether republic or monarchy
shaH be the form of government.
Actually it does not involve the
question/ of how the nation shall be
governed so much as who shall gov
ern it.
There is a death battle between
what have' come to be called in
Europe, and are more and more
frequently mentioned here in the
United States, the Right and the
Gen. Emilio Mola, Rebel Leader.
Left. On the Right is Fascism; on
the left is Socialism. On the one
side are the monopolies, the bureau
crats and the big land owners; on
the other are the peasant farmers,
the small business men, union labor
and the proletariat.
It may be truthfully said that
practically all Europe today is di
vided into Rightest and Leftist fac
tions. The sharp line of demarcation
becomes more apparent -with each
new heated political debate, with
each new spirited election. For that
treason every European eye is di
rectly focused upon Spain. Deeply
concerned are France, whose new
Leftist government has not yet
proved the panacea it was heralded
to be; Germany, which will And
new cause to arm against “the
Reds” if the Left wins and a new
victory over communism if the
Right wins; Italy would welcome a
strong Fascist neighbor, and ex
clusive of her subtler political in
terests, Great Britain must protect
Gibraltar.
While former revolutions in Spain
have resulted in only qualified vic
tories or defeats, it is generally con
ceded that this one will be decisive.
It may string along for many
months, even years, but it will be
a fight to a finish.
Europe Watches Struggle
Yet what is important about this
civil war is not which government,
Right or Left, emerges victorious,
the choice of the majority of people.
It is the ract that there is a serious
fight. This is a bloody and cruel
war. Homes, theaters, hospitals
have become ammunition centers
and barracks. Snipers spit death
out of store windows, cannon wheels
scar the surfaces of plains, the
drone of bombers disturbs the calm
of fabled Spanish skies.
Right and Left have taken arms
against each other. All Europe
watches. For years the continent
has been a tinder box, awaiting a
match to set it off. • Crisis after
crisis has been passed and another
great war has been averted or post
poned, sometimes ever so narrowly.
May not this develop into the next
of these great crises? What will
France do if Italy sends aid to the
Fascists? What will Germany do if
Red Russia interferes on the other
side?
The Spanish-American war may
be arbitrarily taken as the real be
ginning of the political disintegra
tion of Spain. It was less than a
decade after that when she lost her
last American colony. Four years
later came the first of a series of
uprisings among the people; it was
quelled. That was in 1909; in 1917
there was another unsuccessful re
volt.
When the crisis after the World
war came, the Spanish monarchy
found itself unable to look after the
welfare of its 23,000,000 subjects,
who were finding it next to im
possible to make a living. An at
tempt was*made to right conditions
in 1921 when Primo de Rivera was
set up by the Rightist factions as
dictator. It didn’t work.
New Regime Fails
Ten years later the republic was
voted in and King Alfonso XIII was
on his sudden way out. Spanish citi
zens were free men. All the ills of
the old times were to be forgotten.
Their troubles were over.
But, alas, it didn’t work out that
way. Actually, the new government
had been heralded a few months be
fore its inception by a serious gene
ral strike and an uprising among
the military forces. There was the
world-wide depression to be reck
oned with, and the fact that in Spain
the currency was deflated, industry
frozen and foreign markets for
Spanish farmers hopelessly lost.
Primo de Rivera had been driven
into exile by rising governmental
debts and deficits. Political liberty
was supposed to rectify all of these
things. Of course it didn’t.
When the republic was born 75
per cent of the population was de
pendent, directly or indirectly, up
on agriculture, yet so evilly was it
distributed that only one-tenth pf
the farm population could make a
fair living from it. Immense
estates, relics of feudal days, held
the really fertile .land; the poor
peasant was doomed to watch thou
sands upon thousnds of acres of
rich land carelessly, wastefully cul
tivated, or even thrown open to
pasture, while he, burdened with
heavy debts, had to work a tiny
patch of poor land. The great hordes
of landless farm - hands, working
only h£lf the year, and then
at meager wages, were steadily
growing.
Small private industries wallowed
hopelessly in debt, while great mo
nopolies were so entwined into the
government that when there were
losses, the taxpayers made them
good, but when there were profits
the stockholders got them all.
When the republic came into be
ing there were countless and need
less bureaus eating the substance of
the treasury. A. costly and over
large army, with many needlessly
high-salaried officers noted for blun
dering and extravagant “colonial”
adventures, was being kept. Unem
ployment, starvation wages and
continued repression from the Right
had concentrated the mass of poor
industrial workers into a few large
cities and had greatly increased
their numbers.
Expected Drastic Changes
The people, rightly enough, ex
pected drastic changes from the
Men of the Republic. The economic
theory of the Rightists, nominally
result of hopeless conflict of policy.
The Right, bewildered by conflict
ing policy, between socialism one
minute and Fascism the next, froze
credits, paralyzed industry and agri
culture, and hired armed bands of
men to annoy the Leftists and thus
provoke the government. In the
summer of 1932 it all came to a boil
and the Right provoked a military
revolt, but intervention of civilian
troops on the part of the govern
ment quelled it.
Economic conditions failed to im
prove. There were strikes, riots and
demonstrations. The Left was still
in a bad way. The peasants led an
uprising in 1933. So severely was it
put down, the government began to
lose the loyalty of the peasants and
kindred classes. When later that
year the Socialists were driven
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Women Marksmen Take Part.
from the cabinet and the Right as
sumed what amounted to almost all
the power, there were political
scandals and months of continued
unrest followed. In 1934 the Left re
volted upon the calling of Gil Robles
into the cabinet. This was nearly a
successful revolution and was only
quieted by .the employment of the
Spanish Foreign Legion and paid
Moorish troops. Never before in
Spanish history had such measures
been necessary to protect the gov
ernment. It was sufficient to instill
more confidence and courage into
the Left; and to incite the proleta
riat further against the government
of the Right.
Accordingly the Left forced elec
tions and swept the existing govern
ment from power. That was early
this year. The same old struggle
has been going on ever since—the
power has not yet definitely come
to one side or the other to permit
a continuity of action.
But the new revolution, openly and
unmistakably a civil war to the bit
ter end, will leave Spain at last com
pletely Right or completely Left—
completely Fascist or completely
Socialist.
Americans Leave Spain
The efficiency of the State depart
ment and the foreign service has
been strikingly demonstrated in the
emergency precipitated by the rev
olution in Spain, which required the
government to conduct the first
evacuation of Americans from a
European country since the World
war.
When the revolution broke, Am
bassador Bowers was at his sum
mer house at Fuenterrabia, on the
coast, five miles from San Sebas
tian, the Summer capital, where
were stationed Messrs. Johnson and
Schoellkopf. Cut off from commu
nication by telephone with his Sum
mer embassy and prevented by bar
ricades and fighting from going to
San Sebastian, Mr. Bowers was tak
en off by the cutter Cayuga and
subsequently established his em-
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Scene in Toledo Showing Snipers Fighting Rebels.
second in power in the republic and
today represented by the rebelling
Fascist generals, was that of re
pression, wage-reduction breaking-
up of labor unions, and concentra
tion camps for forced labor—all the
principles of Fascism. The republic
was to substitute higher wages, new
and fairer distribution of land’ gov
ernment control of industry, reset
tlement and rehabilitation projects
and a security program.
But the early republican govern
ment found itself torn between two
loyalties. It attempted to steer a
middle course, providing legislation
only upon pressure from Right or
Left arfd, naturally, leaving only a
bassy on the vessel to cruise in
Spanish waters so as to be of aid
to Americans.
At the outset the situation in the
Spanish capital was serious, with
firing in the streets. The United
States embassy stocked all the food
it could get and stored water in
large reservoirs for a siege. Then
American nationals were directed
to go to the embassy. A total of 160
went there, including Filipinos and
Puerto Ricans. The embassy also
received official requests to harbor
nationals of Belgium, Sweden, Fin
land, Turkey, Chile, Panama, Cuba
and Austria, and did so.
© Weatern Newspaper Union.
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• * • •
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' • • *
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