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i THE GAFFNEY LEDGER —APRIL 23, 1901. Sl’KIOCIIKM ItV OTIIKK I'KOMINKN I M KN ( IiIum'h f{<'|>r«'M‘iiti«llvo nt M Hnliln){(oii \ IhIIh ('Imrlotti', !M »k«'H n Tour of the Cotton 'imiti fm-t iirliin I’lnntH of the City, in Tend. re<l t* I’lihlic Kecrptton in the Afl. riioon hiiiI Ht Nti;tit Atteinln n Itnu- quet Hn tlie tiuent of Honor of the South ern MHiiufneturern’ Cluh— He Sfieiikn of the Hoatli’n lute rent In t lie Tritrie In (\it ton tin' <ln In Clilnii and Crgen That 11 he En larged—8< nator^J {IMel.aiirln, of South t'arollna,'Spoke Along the'^Sam** Line and Took Oceanloil to Heny Keporln 1 fiat He Intended to l.aunchf.a New I’arty—>lr. felllnon A. Sinythe Talked About the loterent of Southern Itlanu- faeturern In the Sett lenient of the Troub- len In China —Dr. Chun. \V. Dabney Called Attention to the (trowing Krlendnhlp Itetween the VnuiigeNt and the OldeNt Counti lea of the World. (Charlotte, N\ Observer, April 19th.; His excellency, Mr. Wu Ting Fang, the Chinese minister to the United Htales, wv.s the guest of the Southern Mnnufactuteis' Club yesterday and last night. His reception not only by the members of the club but all Char lotte marked him as the visitor whom the city delighted to honor. luncheon with Senator J. C. Pritchard ' — who had arrived from Statesville on 11 he noon train-Senator McLaurin, Mr. ! Silas A. Webb, Mr. John Foord, Mr. H. I A. Murrill, Mr. Tompkins and Mr. J. J. THE CHINESE MINISTER HERE, : F »rm„, ■ j gulshed visitor, and at 3:30 o'clock in [ the afternoon Mr. Wu again beoame HE IILKS OF OUH OfHENTHL IRSDEJ;^ ‘"T 1 " ‘f™ ‘ he T ; ece r p " on t , ln I the parlors of the club. The reception | was almost exclusively a ladies’ affair and in the hour and a half that it last ed Mr. Wu shook hands with 400 or r>09 Charlotte women. His manner, at this purely social function, was notably at tractive. His pleasantry and good humor never relaxed; and he cleverly handled small talk or graver matters with the ease ot a drawing room favor ite. In costume and physiogomy only did he seem out of his element. As for the rest, he had the savior faire of the man of the world who is sure of him self. People may have come to see him out of curiosity, but afterwards they were sensible and appreciative of his simplicity and the naturalness of his address and the suggestion of strength in his every word. THE BANQUET, The banquet, which began at 7 o’clock, was held in the handsome din ing room of the club, on the fourth floor. At the head of a table which seated 38 people and extended into the hall out side the room, sat Mr. Tompkins, the club’s president. On his right sat Mr. Wu and nexr to him was Mr. J. P. Caldwell. On Mr. Tompkins’ left sat Senator McLaurin, Capt. Ellison A. Smythe, Dr. Charles W. Dabney, president of the University of Tennes see, and Mr. Silas D. Webb. Others who VV( . re seated at the same table and close to the minister were Senator Pritchard, Mr. T. S. Franklin, Mr. Richardson, of The Greenville, S. C., News, and Mr. J. S. Cothran. The remaining guests were: D. E. Allen, I. E. Avery, Dr. C. L. Alexander, W. Hrem, li. M. Brannon, O. L. Barringer, P. S. Baker, Dr. J. M. Belk, J. M. Beaty, S. W. Cramer, J. L. Cox, J. L. Chambers, Win. Coleman, David Clark, J. B. Cleveland, D. Cardwell, H. C. Clark, E. H. DeCamp, F. Dilling, E. A. Dodswor h, H. W. Eddy, J. D. Elliott, T. K. Elliott, Wm. En'.wistle, J. J. Farnan, John Foord, Dr. I. W. Faison, Thomas Green, A. C. Haskell, Jr. Geo. Howell, B. D. Heath, W. H. Heath, J. M. Harry, R. L. Hardage, C. W. Johnson, D. A. P. Jordan, T. L. Johnston, Jno. B. Kenney, Judge A. Harwell, Vinton Liddell, W. S. Liddell, M. A. Lyon, J. P. Leak, D. H. McCul lough, J. H. Mayes, H. A. Murrill, H. M. McAden, J. M. Miller, Jr., F. B. McDowell, D. K. Norris, W. R. Odell, M. Pegues, Dr. Dred Peacock, Lewis W. Parker, J. C. Plonk, E. S. Reid, J. B. Readman, Geo. Stephens, J. H. Sloan, J. S. Spencer, G. V. Steeb, J. L. Sexton, J. M. Scott, R. A. P. Smith, S. J. Smith, E. W. Thompson, S. B. Tanner, H. D. Wheat, A. H. Washburn, W. W. Watt, E. C. Fennimore. The menu was as follows: Green Turtle, aux Quinelles Radishes Queen Olives Fresh Penobscot River Salmon, Hollandalse Sauce Cucumbers, a la Vinaigrette Pommes Parislenne Laubenheimer Small Sweetbread Patties, a la Reine Fillet de Beouf, aux Champignons Rice Croquettes, aux Gri en Petit Pois Breast of Capon, Sauce Jardinaire i New Potatoes Escalloped Egg Plant < 'hampagne Baltimore Terrapin, Maryland Style Punch, a la Romaine Po: ted Game, en Cutlettes Water Cress Salade de Tomato, Mayonaise Charlotte, a la Parisenne Philadelphia Ice Cream, with Orange Ice Strawberries and Cream Florida Fruits Almond Macaroons Yellow, Pink and White Snowballs Vanilla and Cherry Kisses Chocolate Eclairs Angel Cake Coffee Cigars. The room ^was tastefully decorated and the banquet which was served by j Mr. Glimaine, the club caterer, was, in: service and in all other respects, the . most elaborate and successful affair i of the kind ever given bore. I At 10:30 Mr. Tompkins arose to an-' nounce the first speech. From the viewjtolnt of the South, said he, there might be difference of opinion as to America’s expansion in territory, but there could be no difference of opinion as to expansion of commerce. In this growth lie trusted there would be bet ter relations between this country and Chinn. He felt sure that the present as. embly desired no expansion of terri- fttory so far as China is concerned, and fl W'- w I \ TING FANG. HON. WU I’uaccotnpanied by any member of his fatlon, Minister Wu arrived from Washington yesterdaymorningand was met at the Southern depot by Messrs 1). A. Tompkins, president, and Messrs. Walter Brem and J. H. Cothran, of llte Manufacture!,i’ Club. He v s taken to the club where he occui/fed the su perb guest's chamber during his stty here. Tite visit of Mr. Wu had been pleas urably anticipated for many days; and interest in his personality and pres ence in this city were manifested eve.y- where. Crowds lined the sidewalks as the party drove from the station to the club, and from the time the minister entered the club until he reappeared many expectant people assembled In front of the building and on the oppo site side of the street to wait for ids coming. In company with Senator J. L. Mc Laurin and Messrs. D. A. Tompkins and J. S. Cothran, Minister Wu breakfasted at the club and then at 10 o'clock left the club to visit pia< es of manufacturing in the city. In the carriage with the minister were Mr. E. A. Smythe, of I’elzer, S. C.; Mr. Silas D. Webb, of New York, president of the China and Japan Trading Com pany, and Mr. D. A. Tompkins. Follow ing, in two other carriages, were Sena tor John L. McLaurin, Mr. John Foord, of New York, secretary of the Ameri- ly to have a most important bearing upon our social and political evolution, as well as upon our inlluenee in inter national trade. The South has sud denly acquired a great stake in the af fairs of the far East, and what this may mean in the adjustment of our re lations with other countries having large interests there and in shaping our international policies is a question which only the future can answer. In a memorial from the cotton manufac turers of the South addressed to the Secretary of State in November last, commending tin "open door” policy in China, the statement is made that a large part of the production of the cot ton drills and sheetings manufactured in Southern mills is exported to nortn China, and that ‘the prohibition or in terference in China by any European government would tend to seriously in- juie, not only the cotton manufacturing industries, but other important prod ucts of the United States which are be ing shipped to China It is not only the manufacturers of cotton goods that would tie seriously affected, but : the Southern planter and cot:on grower, who finds a ready cash sale for his products at his very door; and also the thousands of employes and laboring classes who are engaged in the cotton | mills and depend on the success of these manufacturing industries for a livelihood.” 'a NEW BOND BErWEEN THE | UNITED STATES AND CHINA, i This is a new bond of sympathy be tween China and the United States. I say “a new bond” because it is of a comparatively recent growth. The trade has practically sprung up since 1898. Statistics will bear this out. In isdJ, China took <1,331,033 worth of cotton goods from the United States, and in ]895, $1,723,394. It is to be observed that (the increase between 1890 and 1895 was jvery slight, though there was a decided im rease for the years 1891 and 1892. But from 1890 the importation of cotton manufactures from the United States into China nas made rapid strides, as the following figures will show: 1896 '$4,043,324; 1897, $i,400,978; 1898* $5,203.‘‘27; :1899, $9,844,505; 1900, $8,894,778. In other words, China imported last year over (five times the amount of American cot ton goods, measured in American dol lars, which she did in 1895. Let us take another view ot these figures. I find the total value of imports from tiie United States into China in 1900 to be $15,213,285. Of this amount $8,804,773 was in cotton goods over one-half of the whole and more than twice the total value of imports from the United States into China in 1895. But 1900 is an ab normal year owing to the disturbances in north China. The figures for 1899 are more striking. In that year the total American j importation into China amounted to $14,437,432, of which $9,844,565 was in cot ton goods—over two-thirds of the whole and about the same as the total value of American imports for 1898. The value df American cotton goods imported into Chiba in 1899, according to the imperial maritime customs of China, is even larger than that given by the United States Treasury Department—$10,180, lOL't! instead of $5,844,565. can Asiatic Association; Mr. D. A. t ft''' 1 *' '*- r ’ ir> * win. Cl cl Ilil Jordan, of Greenwood, S. C„ Mr. Joh$ jh.e was equally confident that there B. Clevelanl, of Spartanburg, president benoencouragementof anattempt of the Charleston & Western Caroling , 'Timm China. He introduced Mr. Wu Jfs 11 *iP nn oc 'l'-brated all over the world; Railway, and Messrs. W. S. Orr, J. M Beaty, J. L. Sexton, Henry M. McAden and 1. E. Avery, of Charlotte. The object of the drive, Mr. Tompkins explained, was to show Mr. Wu a di versity of cotton manufacturing, an 1 with tills end In view he was taken to the plant of the Charlotte Cordage Company, where sash coids only are uiade> to the Atherton Mill, which makes only yarns; to Mr. R. M. Oates' mill, where hosiery is made, and to the mill of the Highland Bark Manufac turing Company, which makes ging hams exclusively. The minister seemed pleased by everything he saw and the Intelligent interest In his questioning showed ab sorption of the information imparted. He thought that tin* productions of the mills referred to, as well as tire output of a* majority of other Southern mills, should find a sale in China and he stated that he believed the market would be opened for Dlls output tit tire it'ssalion of the present disturbances or fas well in Europe as in America a foreigner who, in looking af- the affairs of 400,000,000 of people as one reward of his efforts, the l-wlll of 80,000,000 Americans. M’KICCil OK MIMSTKK W IJ. IheNttiv HoimI of Syiii|>Mlh/ MetMcen lt,« I*, opts of the Orient him! of the Oi’cldeut-H.wthern Cotton UuoiD In China -% (treat Opportnnltr for expansion. Minister Wu’s speech was ns follows: It might he supposed that a lion’s share of the trade between China and the United States would naturally fall to the United Stales on • the Pacific const. There the Chinese have estab lished themselves in business. Portland. San Francisco, Los Angeles and other cities in California, Washington and Oregon have cr Ionics of Chinese cal lad “Chinatowns”—bits of the picturesque Orient set in the midst of the bustling and modern Occident. Indeed, (he Chinese have come to identify Cali fornia with America. Rut the recent disturbances in China have made some unexpected revelations. The unsettled "late of things In North China Is four 1 troubles in China, His int test extended*, arr ,. t . t Heriously the cotton Industry in not only to the output of the mills, btif^he Southern States of the United .States, In a general survey of foreign trade by the chief of the bureau of for eign commerce as published In the nd vance sheets of the consular reports for February, 1901, I find the following: THE SOUTH AND ORIENTAL TRADE. "The entrance of the South Into Ori ental trade is almost us novel a feature of our expansion as any that has been to other economic questions relating thereto. He commended the operatives that he saw; he was surprised at the variety of interests he found here; he praised tin- thrift and energy to be seen on all sides and he predicted a great future for Charlotte and the entire South. Returning In the dub, Mr. Wu h id Indicated, and It is > - e that set-ms llke- CHINA’S 1M1 ORTANCE AS A MAR KET FOR OUR COODS. To show the importance of China as a market for American cotton goods, i will resort once more to statistics. Take the figures foi 1899 as showing more normal trade conditions than those for 1900, as far as China is concerned. For that year the total value of cotton manufactures exported from the United States to all other countries is set down ns $23,566,914. Rut China alone took $9,- 844,565 worth of the goods, while Ger many took only $232,411, Great Britain, $892,351, and a)! the other countries In Europe $359,601. Turning to America, we find the Biitish dependencies of North America to be the next largest consumers with the value of $2,759,164. None of the countries either in North or South America took over a million dol lars. Only $.'.16,193 was sold to all the countries in Africa. Thus it will be seen that China furnishes a better market for American cotton goods than all lit?’ countries in Europe, Africa, North and South America put together. Large as ts the amount of American cotton goods which China Imports every year, it forms only one-sixth of the quantity she buys from abroad. Indeed, only the outskirts of the coun try have been entered. It is well-known fiat the hulk of the American goods is shipped to Manchuria and the prov ince of Chi-LI. Now Manchuria lias a imputation of 7,000,000 and Chi-Li a pop ulation of 18,<‘00,000. These are by no means the most thickly populated parts of the empire There are 17 other prov inces of China proper, many of which have a denser population than either Chi-LI or M.mihuria. There is no rea son why American cotton goods cannot find as ready a market in the prov luces of central and south China as in the north. In this connection, the re marks of the British consul at New Chwang on the subject in his report for 1899 are to the point. "The chief markets,” he says, “for American manufactured cottons In China are the southern provinces and Manchuria. Why is this so, and wiiy is it that American cottons are super- ceding English goods in these markets? The answer *<i that the heavier mak-s of goods are In greatest demand in the • older north; that America is our com petitor In the^e makes, and that these American goods are superior to and cheaper than the English Ceteris paribus, the Chinese dealer will not change Ids usual purchase for new' classes of goods; but as soon as equal ly good and even superior and cheat er goods are brought to his notice he wilt not hesitate to change ids custom. It is perfectly Immaterial to him whether the goods he deals in are manufactur' d In Great Britain or in the United States of America; and us a matter of fact I have asked native wholesale merchants here if they could tell me where the favorite sheetings and drllsi consumed in Manchuria are munuffig ured, and they have confessed their en tire Ignorance of the country of origin, stating at the same time that th;y merely Indent for their purchases by the special brand or ‘chop.’ 1 am told that the proof of the superiority of the American goods Is in the washing. When English goods are washed and the heavy sizing removed, they ate very Inferior to the American article when similarly treated. America is at present a successful rival In ’.he heavier manufactured cottons, and there is nothing to prevent her from en tering the lists against us in the higher grades. The setting up of machinery for the purpose Is simply a question of time, and if we are to regain the ground which we have already lost and maintain whet Is left to us, we must manufacture goods equal to and as [cheap as those of our rival.” SOUTHERN GOODS GAIN A FOOP- HOLD IN CHINA. Such is the opinion of one who has given the subject special study'. Tims it is manifest that the cotton growers and manufacturers of these Southern States have not only gained a foothold m Manchuria and north China, but can with a little effort easily find a large market for their goods throughout Lie whole of central and south China. The only tiling the American manu facturer lias to keep in mind is that he should make goods suitable for the hinese markets, it will not do to ship all surplus productions to China. The mie grade of goods will not sell so ell in one part ,of the country as in another. It is to be remembered that China has all the varieties of climate that are to be met with in this country. In the neighborhood of Canton snow and ice are seldom seen, while up in Pekin file river freezes over from No vember to March. The heavy aoo coarse grades of goods which are ex cellently adapted to the climaticchanges in the north naturally do not sell well in the south. The people in central and south China want better and finer goods. There is another peculiarity of the Chinese market which may be men tioned in (his connection. The Chinese are an economical people and hate to see anything go to waste. With them the width of goods, lor example, is a very important element. Chinese gar ments are of such shapes that they re quire the cloth to be of certain widths in order to cut to the best advantage nd with the greatest economy. Many seemingly trilling considerations of this nature often determine the popular de mand. Therefore, it is of the utmost im- poitance that the American manufac turer should study the market thoroughly. OMPETIPORS OF THE SOUTH ,N COTTON GOODS. Now the recent economic develop ments of the Southern States of this country nave rendered it Imperative for them to seek a market in the East. From purely agricultural States they have rapidly turned into more or less manufacturing ones. Before the great American civil war, they had practical ly a monopoly of the world’s supply of raw cotton, which commanded as high a price as 25 cents a pound, and most of it went to England to supply the looms of Lancashire. But since the civil war both Egypt and India have entered the held as competitors in cot ton production with the result that the price of raw cotton has gone steadily down until it stands at the present day at five or six cents a pound. Thus thc cotton grower has to produce four or five times as much as he did thirty or forty years ago before he can get ns much in return. But by becoming a manufacturer as well as a grower, he solves the Uiiticulty to his advantage. The establishment of cotton mills all over the Southern States is the natural result. It is to be expected that the manufacture of cotton goods can be done more cheaply in the place where cotton grows than elsewhere. There is a saving in the expense of handling and in transportation charges. All tins means that the South is more favored by nature foi the manufacture of cot ton than Lancashire or Massachusetts, whose mills have to depend upon impor tations for raw materials. But one hing the Southern manufacturer needs. That is a market for his good. It is just such a market that China can fur nish. Wherewithal shall the immense popu lation be clothed has always been a perplexing problem with Chinese economists. The ancient records of China trace the origin of the silk indus try back to fabulous antiquity. Men cius ,cme of the Chinese sages, that flourished in the fourth century be- lore the Christian era, recommended lie planting of mulberry trees by every household for the rearing of silk worms n order that the aged might have warm garments to wear when their blood began lo grow thin. Thus from ancient times the importance of the silk industry has been recognized, and every encouragement has been given to foster it. Notwithstanding all the im provements in silk manufacture tiu* cost ot production has not been suf ficiently reduced as to make silk gar ments anything but articles of luxury. Chinese weavers, indeed, have attained great skill in producing fabrics of In expressible beauty and exquisite work manship. But the higher the art of silk weaving becomes (for it is really an art), the less suitable are the manu factures for common use. WOOLEN GOODS NOT LIKED IN CHINA. Woolen stuff, on the other hand, does not seem so fur to find much favor with the Chinese. The Importation of woolen goods into China has not varied much from yeai to year for the lust ten years, the amount being about four million hulk wan taels. There is no disposition on the part of the Chinese to Increase their deman-1. In cotton alone have they found a cheap and serviceable material for clothing and for their do mestic requirements. 1 will quote a few words from Mr. Rounsevelle Wlldman, the late Unite ! States consul general at Hong Kong: “If properly placed before the Chi nese, American cotton goods will obtain the same foothold In southern China that they have in northern. The pres ent importations arc* not nearly suf ficient to meet the requirements. It must be borne in mind that the Chinese never wear wool—not even in the depth of winter; that, generally speaking, the ntlre population clothe themselves in cotton all the year round. Their bed clothes, umbrcilus and. In a few In stances, boat sails are made of cotton, and the consumption Is practically un limited if they are made in accordance with native requirements. The cloth'i should be a si rung, coarse, unbleached cloth, 22 Inches wide, retailuhle at about five cents gold a yard or 36 cents gold per piece of nine yards. There is also a virgin market for a cot ton cloth which, tanned or otherwise treated, would prove rain proof. All cotton goods would have to be put up In lengths to suit the peculiar require ments of the trade for which they are designed, and such details could best be learned after having made a trial ship ment." CHINA MAKEH SOME COTTON GOODS AT HOME. What Consul General Wlldman says Is evidently the result of careful en quiry an-1 close observation. 1 can cor roborate his siatements In every par ticular. It Is true that there Is a large quantity of cotton cloths made In China for home consumption. The Chinese use hand looms for this purpose. It is only In recent years that a few cotton mills have been established in Shanghai and elsewhere mostly by foreigner!. But these experiments have not so far proved very successful. The reason is not far to seek. China is not a cotton- producing country. For our mills for eign cotton has to be imported. Th2 value of Indian and Japanese yarn im ported for this puropse reaches the sum of about forty million haikwan taels every year. Under these circumstances American cotton goods need fear no competition from that quarter for years yet to come. The recent troubles in north China have undoubtedly injured the American cotton trade in that country, for the market for such goods has be come a vast camp for armed hosts. In he midst of war-like operations, trade and commerce cannot continue to ilour- sh. The restoration of peace and order o that distracted region will be a boon not only to the inhabitants of nor* h China, who have already suffered un told losses and hardships, hut also to Southern planters, manufacturers and laboring men of all classes in this coun try, who depend upon the return of the normal trade conditions in the Chinese empire for their continued prosperity, and I sincerely hope and trust that this will not be long delayed. Concluding, the minister spoke of the pleasure that his visit to Charlotte and to North Carolina had given him. He had come to the conclusion—and of course it was a fact—that this State is one of the most important manufactur ing States in America. In his drive over the city lie had noticed that several mills were closed and he had been told that this was due, in large measure, to the present trouble in north China. This had led him to think that although China is many miles from here, still what happens there is important to this country. The world is growing smaller, said he, and the welfare of one part of the world cannot be unimportant to other parts of the world. China, said Mr. Wu, has cultivated the arts of peace, not of war; and he was pleased to add that manufacturing, such as he had seen here, was the best ideal of the art of peace. Yet, for her shortcomings as a peaceful nation, Chi na is punished and must suffer. We are now in the twentieth century and if we are to be civilized in the proper concep tion of the term, the world must devote more attoiition to the arts of peace. He hoped that the shut-down of the mills would be ternporarly only. The great powers are trying to settle differences in China, and he believed that when an understanding was effected the trade with China would not only be revived but it would have a boom. (Applause.) Then all the mills that are closed will be opened and the arts of peace will bless the world. In a brief speech of commendation Mr. Tompkins introduced Senator J. L. McLaurin, who spoke as follows; Sl’KKCH OK SENATOR McLAUKJN. The South Realizing Some of the Dreams of Its Far-Seeing Statesmen--McKinley's Re-Election a Reflection Upon the New Demucracy-Our People Made the Allies of Professed Revolutionists. Senator McLaurin spoke as follows; Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen: 1 desire to make a statement of somewhat a personal nature before proceeding with the speech which I in 1 end to deliver to-night A certain newspaper correspondent in the city of Washington has persistently spread the report that I was coming to Char lotte to make a speech which would launch a new party in the Souih. The report is absurdly false. If 1 had any such intention good taste would pre vent me from taking advantage of an opportunity of this kind. I am con tent to advocate within Democratic lines the policies which I believe to be best for the South, and when 1 can no longer do this I am ready to retire to private life. In the South we are to-day realizing some of the dreams of its far-seeing statesmen and business men of fifty years ago. With prophetic eye, they saw the industrial and commercial possibilities of our highly favored Southland. With an advance of thought that is really surprising, they suggested en terprises of wonderful magnitude for its upbuilding and commercial domi nance. From 1838 to 1860, conventions were held to voice the demands of a deep-seated public sentiment for in- dustrlal progress. The story of these movement Is chronicled in a New Or leans publication, which, under the name of Debow’s Review, did for the Old South what The Manufacturers’ Record is doing for the South of to day. The same spirit which enabled our fathers to retire from the Held of de fect with nothing left but their cour age and their characters still lives in the- South, and inspires you to-day In your great undertaking. The plans of the great Southern business men and statesmen of fifty years ago are no longer idle dreams. Postponed by a cruel war which, de stroying our social and Industrial sys tem, for years rendered co-operation in national undertakings almost Im possible, such men as I meet here to night are making these dreams actual living realities. THE "NEW SOUTH" A MISNOMER. Talk about the "New South.” The name is a misnomer. It is the same old spirit revived which sixty years ago made the South the dominant power In this nation—a position of which nothing but war could have robbed her. What we need now to again attain that proud eminence is the same broad conception and the same comprehensive grasp of the true situation. The last twenty years have wrought an Industrial revolution in the South, which must find expression In our social and political life. The time Is past for the discussion as to whether this government Is to be one consolidated In Its structure or a loose aggregation of (so-called) sov ereign States. The civil war settled that. It Is useless to discuss the question of whether this Is to be a purely theoretical democratic government or an expanding and giant republic. The Spanish war settled that. Why not then accept conditions as they are and make the mozt of them? The agitation of such Issues only selves to sidetrack broad American doctrines and should not be made par ty questions, because they grow out of actual political and economic condi tions. which It Is beyond the power of either party to change. I care not of whnt political faith the occupant of the White House might have been; for, If a true American, mindful of th^ honor and dignity of the nation, the be widely different from what they are to-day. Why should our people be the only ones to close their eyes to what is go ing on? Why should we move along In the same old ruts and insist that political policies and old traditions, long since, dead, are vital living issues, and depend upon them for the salva tion of the South? SIGNIFICANCE IN McKINLEY’S ELECTION. The triumphant re-election of Mr. McKinley in the last campaign is full ot significance. It is a stubborn fact confronting the Democratic party to day, suggestive of reproachful remem brances and fearful menaces. What a refiection that this new Democracy did not carry a State where the issues were discussed and judgment passed by the people upon them on their mer its. Of course with us it has been im possible to decide elections upon is sues. it has been simply a question of white supremacy. In the North and the West, dissolved into factions, tainted by the errors of Republicanism and the follies of Populism, the party could not withstand the tide of popular opposition excited by unreasonable criticism of the conduct of a foreign war, and by the vicious and incendiary appeals made during the last month of the campaign to class hatred and prejudice. Fundamental principles were lost sight of, and in an insane effort to se cure party success at any cost, the at tempt was made to combine socialism, Populism and sectionalism, with noth ing but the sentiment and traditions of Democracy. The real Democratic leaders in the Senate for the past three years have been Allen, Teller and Pet tigrew, all of them able men, but one a Populist, one a high tariff Republi can, and the other, I do not know what. All of them opposed State banks of issue with proper safeguards, and most other things we need in the South. This was called the "New De mocracy” in contradistinction from the old, and some of its leaders stated that iis creeds were revolutionary and were so designed to be. To sow discontent with industrial conditions and distrust of the govern ing power; to array class against class, in the hope of securing fancied social and industrial equality, is to my mind the first step in revolution. The South is the American end of America. In no section is there so small a foreign element, so much conservatism, and so pure a patriotism. What a political paradox then it is for our people to be the allies of professed revolutionists elsewhere. THE SOUTH’S POLITICAL INFLU ENCE REDUCED. It was not the pure type of Southern Democracy that the balance of the country feared in the last presidential election. They knew that properly in terpreted this was conservative and safe. It was well understood, howev er, what intiuences dominated, and that, therefore, the South in national affairs was still powerless. One doubt ful Northern State had then and has now more inlluenee then the entire South combined. One party says, “Why should I consult you, I can hope for nothing.” The other says, “I’ve got you any way, and will do as I please; help yourself if you can.” What a position for a brave, high- spirited people, bound hand and foot, the miserable slaves of one party and a football for the other. I, for one, do not believe that the people of tlie Soutli are ready to trust this government into the hands of any party to begin the leveling process through the exercise of the taxing power; and yet this is exactly what ♦his new propaganda means, and out side of the South it i» proclaimed by the very same class who preach and practice social equality between the races. The two dogmas are insepar- ably interwoven. Go into the West, attend one of their campaign meet ings, scratch beneath the skin and you will find the same old social equality dogma, to the tune of which the soul of John Brown is still "marching on.” Taxation for the purpose of equaliz ing or redistributing property is rank socialism, not democracy. Let it take hold in the South and with it will go those barriers which we have erected to maintain the purity of our race and the integrity of our civilization. OPPOSITION TO EXPANSION FOL LY. Another thing, to my mind it is fol ly to oppose expansion under the name of imperialism. It deceives no man of Intelligence. He understands that there is no analogy between this coun try and the Roman Empire, and that those who talk of imperialism do not take into account that power which is born of our free institutions, a fortress in the hearts of our people stronger than any ever built of stone. As long ns this is there they can never become slaves; and when it Is dead it matters not whether under republic or empire, they become an easy prey. It depends upon the people, not the government, whether they be slaves or freemen. It to the people that make the govern ment, not the government the people. With a brave, strong, intelligent peo ple, with a free press and popular edu cation, there can be no Imperialism. Why should we he afraid to trust our selves? The whole tendency of the times and the spirit of the age is to ward democratic Instead of imperial istic ideas of government. The throne of the “Great White Czar” trembles to-day at the roar of the Democratic Lion, and the echoes resound even from the far off Orient. Our people understand that it is not actual territory or dominion over peo ple that we seek, but the expansion of American thought, ideas of govern ment, commerce and civilisation. DEMOCRACY MEANS LIBERTY. Political leaders nilKht as well learn that the law of progress will sweep away as chaff those who would place barriers against tills mighty tide which Is destined to spread the demo cratic idea of government to the utter most bounds of the earth. My defini tion of democracy is liberty for man, tormulated Into a theory of govern ment It means man's Inalienable ownership of himself, It means free thought and free speech. In llie dark ages of (he past some poor slave raised his bowed head, and looking up Into tlie blue sky, caught inspiration from God's free air and God’s free sunshine, and that he also was free, and, ever since, that vision of liberty has been an undying revela tion for every age and all dimes. Grecian and Roman slaves saw the heavenly light and, facing their mas ters’ swords bravely died. Huxon churl with wooden collar, and our own fathers, nt Cowpen* and King's Moun- results of the Hpanlsh war could not tain, looked upon the celestial picture, and with a smile of joy gave up their lives. Why need a true Democracy hunt for Issues In our relations with foreign countries? It is upon domestic prob lems, the rights of man and man, the relation of labor and capital and its stand upon these home issues that has endeared it to the people in the past and upon which it must finally stand or fall. It is folly to attempt to dwarf great national and international Issues Into mere questions of party policy; it failed in the last campaign, and will fail every time it is tried. MANSHOULD DOHISOWN THINK ING. Every member of the American Con gress, when it comes to a foreign war, an army, a navy, a merchant marine, or any other question affecting our honor as a nation, or our prosperity as a people, should be free and untram meled to vote as his judgment and conscience dictates. For myself, I would not, under existing conditions, be willing to hold a seat in the United States Senate upon any other terms. To allow others to think for me upon these great questions is a cowardly evasion of my responsibilities, and a criminal neglect of the true interests of those who elected me. 1 am rejoiced to-night to be in the presence of so many of the great cap tains of Southern industry. You are the men whose energy and enterprise are developing our natural resources and thus laying the foundation for the full enjoyment by our section of all that must follow in the wake of the expanding glory of our republic; and this in spite of the fact that it has be come the fashion in some quarters to sneer at what is termed the "sordid commercial” argument in favor of ex pansion and other national issues. Our political leaders should not for get the fact that modern democracy had its origin in this same commercial instinct. Two hundred and fifty years ago it had its birth in those cities along the river Rhine, where, through trade and manufacturing, the people had become so rich and powerful that they could compel the feudal lords to grant them civil rights. The free in stitutions of which we boast grew up under the fostering care of commerce. The rights of the individual expanded into rights for his city and these for the State, so that modern democracy owes all that it is to commercial ex pansion. True democracy does not teach that there is an absolute rule for government, and that any particu lar theory of government is of perma nent value and adapted under all cir cumstances for the welfare of man. The fathers of this republic never in tended to lay a foundation which was to be always of the same circum scribed proportions, with a super- si lucture of nicely measured parts, all to exist permanently just as construct ed. They aimed to create a giant, not a pigmy. For a century the nation has been content to grapple with questions of imernal development, but suddenly in the evolution of our national destiny, we have become one of the great pow ers of the world, and can no longer move In a circumscribed continental orbit. If we would maintain our su premacy or even equality among the nations of the world the shackles forg ed by narrow, sectional prejudices must be broken. The question of the hour Is not whether this republic is what its founders (with the lights before them) intended to make it; not whether this is theoretically an ideal democratic government, at all times in exact con formity to the technical requirements of a written constitution, but whether with the spirit rather than the letter of that constituiion, we are making the most of our national opportunities and meeting the political and economic conditions growing out of the con stantly changing needs of the people. No form of government was ever chosen out of hand, and it is historic ally true that no form of government ever did result from deliberate choice; it has always been the logical result of conditions. The nation is nothing but the type of individual life, and as from child hood to manhood we outgrow gar ments and duties they are put aside, so it is in the evolutionary develop ment of a nation, social, political and Industrial systems that have had their day are thrust aside for new methods and new systems to meet a changed and higher state of existence. We have readied a stage of development In the South where it is unprofitable to rake the dead ashes and charred embers of the past and where we must look for ward rather than backward. True statesmanship, while vigilant as to the present, looks with prophetic eye to the future. The people have a right to expect their leaders to be in advance of the thought of the age, and not tamely drift with the current. In an era of transition and change like this, with out some such forecast, political par- tles will ding to dead issues, and finally founder In the maelstrom of fac tional divisions and greed for office. When Ixmisiana, Florida, Texas and California were acquired the great leaders of the Democracy acted upon this doctrine, and so when this war with Spain produced certain results It would have been the part of wisdom to have made party platforms and policies correspond with existing con ditions and their natural and Inevita ble consequences. THE INTERNATIONAL TRADE CONTEST. We are now in the commercial arena contesting with the other nations for tlie trade of the world. So far we have built up our foreign trade by in tense absorption In the Internal devel opment of our domestic Industries. Ws now produce sufficient for the needs of twice our population, and not to find a market for our surplus Is to Invite stagnation and decay. The most striking feature In our ex port development Is the remarkable and constantly increasing demand for our iron and steel. Within six years wo have advanced to the position where American iron and steel anteni Into the construction of every bridge and railroad in the world or fixes ths price therefor. 1 saw In the papers a few days ago that the Baldwin Locomotive Works In Philadelphia were supplying ths Russian government with 150 locomo tives for the Trans-Siberian Railroad. The facts surrounding this sale are of peculiar interest. The Russian gov ernment owns Its railroads and main tains large shops. It put* a duty of 4 cents per i>ound on imports, but when It came to supplying the equipment for this giant road of 8,000 mllee, U was found that they had to come to the