The ledger. [volume] (Gaffney City, S.C.) 1896-1907, April 23, 1901, Image 3
i
THE GAFFNEY LEDGER
—APRIL 23, 1901.
Sl’KIOCIIKM ItV OTIIKK I'KOMINKN I M KN
( IiIum'h f{<'|>r«'M‘iiti«llvo nt M Hnliln){(oii
\ IhIIh ('Imrlotti', !M »k«'H n Tour of the
Cotton 'imiti fm-t iirliin I’lnntH of the City,
in Tend. re<l t* I’lihlic Kecrptton in the
Afl. riioon hiiiI Ht Nti;tit Atteinln n Itnu-
quet Hn tlie tiuent of Honor of the South
ern MHiiufneturern’ Cluh— He Sfieiikn of
the Hoatli’n lute rent In t lie Tritrie In (\it ton
tin' <ln In Clilnii and Crgen That 11 he En
larged—8< nator^J {IMel.aiirln, of South
t'arollna,'Spoke Along the'^Sam** Line
and Took Oceanloil to Heny Keporln
1 fiat He Intended to l.aunchf.a New
I’arty—>lr. felllnon A. Sinythe Talked
About the loterent of Southern Itlanu-
faeturern In the Sett lenient of the Troub-
len In China —Dr. Chun. \V. Dabney Called
Attention to the (trowing Krlendnhlp
Itetween the VnuiigeNt and the OldeNt
Counti lea of the World.
(Charlotte, N\ Observer, April 19th.;
His excellency, Mr. Wu Ting Fang,
the Chinese minister to the United
Htales, wv.s the guest of the Southern
Mnnufactuteis' Club yesterday and last
night. His reception not only by the
members of the club but all Char
lotte marked him as the visitor whom
the city delighted to honor.
luncheon with Senator J. C. Pritchard
' — who had arrived from Statesville on
11 he noon train-Senator McLaurin, Mr.
! Silas A. Webb, Mr. John Foord, Mr. H.
I A. Murrill, Mr. Tompkins and Mr. J. J.
THE CHINESE MINISTER HERE, : F »rm„,
■
j gulshed visitor, and at 3:30 o'clock in
[ the afternoon Mr. Wu again beoame
HE IILKS OF OUH OfHENTHL IRSDEJ;^ ‘"T 1 " ‘f™ ‘ he T ; ece r p " on t , ln
I the parlors of the club. The reception
| was almost exclusively a ladies’ affair
and in the hour and a half that it last
ed Mr. Wu shook hands with 400 or r>09
Charlotte women. His manner, at this
purely social function, was notably at
tractive. His pleasantry and good
humor never relaxed; and he cleverly
handled small talk or graver matters
with the ease ot a drawing room favor
ite. In costume and physiogomy only
did he seem out of his element. As for
the rest, he had the savior faire of the
man of the world who is sure of him
self. People may have come to see him
out of curiosity, but afterwards they
were sensible and appreciative of his
simplicity and the naturalness of his
address and the suggestion of strength
in his every word.
THE BANQUET,
The banquet, which began at 7
o’clock, was held in the handsome din
ing room of the club, on the fourth floor.
At the head of a table which seated 38
people and extended into the hall out
side the room, sat Mr. Tompkins, the
club’s president. On his right sat Mr.
Wu and nexr to him was Mr. J. P.
Caldwell. On Mr. Tompkins’ left sat
Senator McLaurin, Capt. Ellison A.
Smythe, Dr. Charles W. Dabney,
president of the University of Tennes
see, and Mr. Silas D. Webb. Others who
VV( . re seated at the same table and close
to the minister were Senator Pritchard,
Mr. T. S. Franklin, Mr. Richardson, of
The Greenville, S. C., News, and Mr. J.
S. Cothran. The remaining guests
were:
D. E. Allen, I. E. Avery, Dr. C. L.
Alexander, W. Hrem, li. M. Brannon,
O. L. Barringer, P. S. Baker, Dr. J.
M. Belk, J. M. Beaty, S. W. Cramer,
J. L. Cox, J. L. Chambers,
Win. Coleman, David Clark, J. B.
Cleveland, D. Cardwell, H. C. Clark,
E. H. DeCamp, F. Dilling, E.
A. Dodswor h, H. W. Eddy, J. D.
Elliott, T. K. Elliott, Wm. En'.wistle,
J. J. Farnan, John Foord, Dr. I. W.
Faison, Thomas Green, A. C. Haskell,
Jr. Geo. Howell, B. D. Heath, W. H.
Heath, J. M. Harry, R. L. Hardage,
C. W. Johnson, D. A. P. Jordan, T. L.
Johnston, Jno. B. Kenney, Judge A.
Harwell, Vinton Liddell, W. S. Liddell,
M. A. Lyon, J. P. Leak, D. H. McCul
lough, J. H. Mayes, H. A. Murrill, H.
M. McAden, J. M. Miller, Jr., F.
B. McDowell, D. K. Norris, W. R.
Odell, M. Pegues, Dr. Dred Peacock,
Lewis W. Parker, J. C. Plonk, E.
S. Reid, J. B. Readman, Geo.
Stephens, J. H. Sloan, J. S.
Spencer, G. V. Steeb, J. L. Sexton, J.
M. Scott, R. A. P. Smith, S. J. Smith,
E. W. Thompson, S. B. Tanner, H. D.
Wheat, A. H. Washburn, W. W. Watt,
E. C. Fennimore.
The menu was as follows:
Green Turtle, aux Quinelles
Radishes Queen Olives
Fresh Penobscot River Salmon,
Hollandalse Sauce
Cucumbers, a la Vinaigrette
Pommes Parislenne
Laubenheimer
Small Sweetbread Patties, a la Reine
Fillet de Beouf, aux Champignons
Rice Croquettes, aux Gri en Petit Pois
Breast of Capon, Sauce Jardinaire i
New Potatoes Escalloped Egg Plant
< 'hampagne
Baltimore Terrapin, Maryland Style
Punch, a la Romaine
Po: ted Game, en Cutlettes
Water Cress
Salade de Tomato, Mayonaise
Charlotte, a la Parisenne
Philadelphia Ice Cream,
with Orange Ice
Strawberries and Cream
Florida Fruits Almond Macaroons
Yellow, Pink and White Snowballs
Vanilla and Cherry Kisses
Chocolate Eclairs Angel Cake
Coffee Cigars.
The room ^was tastefully decorated
and the banquet which was served by j
Mr. Glimaine, the club caterer, was, in:
service and in all other respects, the .
most elaborate and successful affair i
of the kind ever given bore. I
At 10:30 Mr. Tompkins arose to an-'
nounce the first speech. From the
viewjtolnt of the South, said he, there
might be difference of opinion as to
America’s expansion in territory, but
there could be no difference of opinion
as to expansion of commerce. In this
growth lie trusted there would be bet
ter relations between this country and
Chinn. He felt sure that the present
as. embly desired no expansion of terri-
fttory so far as China is concerned, and
fl
W'-
w
I
\
TING FANG.
HON. WU
I’uaccotnpanied by any member of his
fatlon, Minister Wu arrived from
Washington yesterdaymorningand was
met at the Southern depot by Messrs
1). A. Tompkins, president, and Messrs.
Walter Brem and J. H. Cothran, of llte
Manufacture!,i’ Club. He v s taken to
the club where he occui/fed the su
perb guest's chamber during his stty
here.
Tite visit of Mr. Wu had been pleas
urably anticipated for many days; and
interest in his personality and pres
ence in this city were manifested eve.y-
where. Crowds lined the sidewalks as
the party drove from the station to the
club, and from the time the minister
entered the club until he reappeared
many expectant people assembled In
front of the building and on the oppo
site side of the street to wait for ids
coming.
In company with Senator J. L. Mc
Laurin and Messrs. D. A. Tompkins
and J. S. Cothran, Minister Wu
breakfasted at the club and then at 10
o'clock left the club to visit pia< es of
manufacturing in the city.
In the carriage with the minister were
Mr. E. A. Smythe, of I’elzer, S. C.; Mr.
Silas D. Webb, of New York, president
of the China and Japan Trading Com
pany, and Mr. D. A. Tompkins. Follow
ing, in two other carriages, were Sena
tor John L. McLaurin, Mr. John Foord,
of New York, secretary of the Ameri-
ly to have a most important bearing
upon our social and political evolution,
as well as upon our inlluenee in inter
national trade. The South has sud
denly acquired a great stake in the af
fairs of the far East, and what this
may mean in the adjustment of our re
lations with other countries having
large interests there and in shaping our
international policies is a question
which only the future can answer. In
a memorial from the cotton manufac
turers of the South addressed to the
Secretary of State in November last,
commending tin "open door” policy in
China, the statement is made that a
large part of the production of the cot
ton drills and sheetings manufactured
in Southern mills is exported to nortn
China, and that ‘the prohibition or in
terference in China by any European
government would tend to seriously in-
juie, not only the cotton manufacturing
industries, but other important prod
ucts of the United States which are be
ing shipped to China It is not
only the manufacturers of cotton goods
that would tie seriously affected, but
: the Southern planter and cot:on
grower, who finds a ready cash sale for
his products at his very door; and also
the thousands of employes and laboring
classes who are engaged in the cotton
| mills and depend on the success of
these manufacturing industries for a
livelihood.”
'a NEW BOND BErWEEN THE
| UNITED STATES AND CHINA,
i This is a new bond of sympathy be
tween China and the United States. I
say “a new bond” because it is of a
comparatively recent growth. The trade
has practically sprung up since 1898.
Statistics will bear this out. In isdJ,
China took <1,331,033 worth of cotton
goods from the United States, and in
]895, $1,723,394. It is to be observed that
(the increase between 1890 and 1895 was
jvery slight, though there was a decided
im rease for the years 1891 and 1892. But
from 1890 the importation of cotton
manufactures from the United States
into China nas made rapid strides, as
the following figures will show: 1896
'$4,043,324; 1897, $i,400,978; 1898* $5,203.‘‘27;
:1899, $9,844,505; 1900, $8,894,778. In other
words, China imported last year over
(five times the amount of American cot
ton goods, measured in American dol
lars, which she did in 1895. Let us take
another view ot these figures. I find
the total value of imports from tiie
United States into China in 1900 to be
$15,213,285. Of this amount $8,804,773 was
in cotton goods over one-half of
the whole and more than twice the total
value of imports from the United States
into China in 1895. But 1900 is an ab
normal year owing to the disturbances
in north China. The figures
for 1899 are more striking. In
that year the total American
j importation into China amounted to
$14,437,432, of which $9,844,565 was in cot
ton goods—over two-thirds of the whole
and about the same as the total value
of American imports for 1898. The value
df American cotton goods imported into
Chiba in 1899, according to the imperial
maritime customs of China, is even
larger than that given by the United
States Treasury Department—$10,180,
lOL't! instead of $5,844,565.
can Asiatic Association; Mr. D. A. t
ft''' 1 *' '*- r ’ ir> * win. Cl cl Ilil
Jordan, of Greenwood, S. C„ Mr. Joh$ jh.e was equally confident that there
B. Clevelanl, of Spartanburg, president benoencouragementof anattempt
of the Charleston & Western Caroling
, 'Timm China. He introduced Mr. Wu
Jfs 11 *iP nn oc 'l'-brated all over the world;
Railway, and Messrs. W. S. Orr, J. M
Beaty, J. L. Sexton, Henry M. McAden
and 1. E. Avery, of Charlotte.
The object of the drive, Mr. Tompkins
explained, was to show Mr. Wu a di
versity of cotton manufacturing, an 1
with tills end In view he was taken to
the plant of the Charlotte Cordage
Company, where sash coids only are
uiade> to the Atherton Mill, which
makes only yarns; to Mr. R. M. Oates'
mill, where hosiery is made, and to the
mill of the Highland Bark Manufac
turing Company, which makes ging
hams exclusively.
The minister seemed pleased by
everything he saw and the Intelligent
interest In his questioning showed ab
sorption of the information imparted.
He thought that tin* productions of the
mills referred to, as well as tire output
of a* majority of other Southern mills,
should find a sale in China and he
stated that he believed the market
would be opened for Dlls output tit tire
it'ssalion of the present disturbances or
fas well in Europe as in America
a foreigner who, in looking af-
the affairs of 400,000,000 of people
as one reward of his efforts, the
l-wlll of 80,000,000 Americans.
M’KICCil OK MIMSTKK W IJ.
IheNttiv HoimI of Syiii|>Mlh/ MetMcen lt,«
I*, opts of the Orient him! of the
Oi’cldeut-H.wthern Cotton UuoiD In
China -% (treat Opportnnltr for
expansion.
Minister Wu’s speech was ns follows:
It might he supposed that a lion’s
share of the trade between China and
the United States would naturally fall
to the United Stales on • the Pacific
const. There the Chinese have estab
lished themselves in business. Portland.
San Francisco, Los Angeles and other
cities in California, Washington and
Oregon have cr Ionics of Chinese cal lad
“Chinatowns”—bits of the picturesque
Orient set in the midst of the bustling
and modern Occident. Indeed, (he
Chinese have come to identify Cali
fornia with America. Rut the recent
disturbances in China have made some
unexpected revelations. The unsettled
"late of things In North China Is four 1
troubles in China, His int test extended*, arr ,. t . t Heriously the cotton Industry in
not only to the output of the mills, btif^he Southern States of the United
.States, In a general survey of foreign
trade by the chief of the bureau of for
eign commerce as published In the nd
vance sheets of the consular reports for
February, 1901, I find the following:
THE SOUTH AND ORIENTAL
TRADE.
"The entrance of the South Into Ori
ental trade is almost us novel a feature
of our expansion as any that has been
to other economic questions relating
thereto. He commended the operatives
that he saw; he was surprised at the
variety of interests he found here; he
praised tin- thrift and energy to be seen
on all sides and he predicted a great
future for Charlotte and the entire
South.
Returning In the dub, Mr. Wu h id Indicated, and It is > - e that set-ms llke-
CHINA’S 1M1 ORTANCE AS A MAR
KET FOR OUR COODS.
To show the importance of China as a
market for American cotton goods, i
will resort once more to statistics. Take
the figures foi 1899 as showing more
normal trade conditions than those for
1900, as far as China is concerned. For
that year the total value of cotton
manufactures exported from the United
States to all other countries is set down
ns $23,566,914. Rut China alone took $9,-
844,565 worth of the goods, while Ger
many took only $232,411, Great Britain,
$892,351, and a)! the other countries In
Europe $359,601. Turning to America,
we find the Biitish dependencies of
North America to be the next largest
consumers with the value of $2,759,164.
None of the countries either in North or
South America took over a million dol
lars. Only $.'.16,193 was sold to all the
countries in Africa. Thus it will be seen
that China furnishes a better market
for American cotton goods than all lit?’
countries in Europe, Africa, North and
South America put together.
Large as ts the amount of American
cotton goods which China Imports
every year, it forms only one-sixth of
the quantity she buys from abroad.
Indeed, only the outskirts of the coun
try have been entered. It is well-known
fiat the hulk of the American goods
is shipped to Manchuria and the prov
ince of Chi-LI. Now Manchuria lias a
imputation of 7,000,000 and Chi-Li a pop
ulation of 18,<‘00,000. These are by no
means the most thickly populated parts
of the empire There are 17 other prov
inces of China proper, many of which
have a denser population than either
Chi-LI or M.mihuria. There is no rea
son why American cotton goods cannot
find as ready a market in the prov
luces of central and south China as in
the north. In this connection, the re
marks of the British consul at New
Chwang on the subject in his report for
1899 are to the point.
"The chief markets,” he says, “for
American manufactured cottons In
China are the southern provinces and
Manchuria. Why is this so, and wiiy
is it that American cottons are super-
ceding English goods in these markets?
The answer *<i that the heavier mak-s
of goods are In greatest demand in the
• older north; that America is our com
petitor In the^e makes, and that these
American goods are superior to and
cheaper than the English
Ceteris paribus, the Chinese dealer will
not change Ids usual purchase for new'
classes of goods; but as soon as equal
ly good and even superior and cheat er
goods are brought to his notice he wilt
not hesitate to change ids custom. It
is perfectly Immaterial to him whether
the goods he deals in are manufactur' d
In Great Britain or in the United
States of America; and us a matter of
fact I have asked native wholesale
merchants here if they could tell me
where the favorite sheetings and drllsi
consumed in Manchuria are munuffig
ured, and they have confessed their en
tire Ignorance of the country of origin,
stating at the same time that th;y
merely Indent for their purchases by
the special brand or ‘chop.’ 1 am told
that the proof of the superiority of the
American goods Is in the washing.
When English goods are washed and
the heavy sizing removed, they ate
very Inferior to the American article
when similarly treated. America is at
present a successful rival In ’.he
heavier manufactured cottons, and
there is nothing to prevent her from en
tering the lists against us in the higher
grades. The setting up of machinery
for the purpose Is simply a question of
time, and if we are to regain the
ground which we have already lost and
maintain whet Is left to us, we must
manufacture goods equal to and as
[cheap as those of our rival.”
SOUTHERN GOODS GAIN A FOOP-
HOLD IN CHINA.
Such is the opinion of one who has
given the subject special study'. Tims
it is manifest that the cotton growers
and manufacturers of these Southern
States have not only gained a foothold
m Manchuria and north China, but can
with a little effort easily find a large
market for their goods throughout Lie
whole of central and south China.
The only tiling the American manu
facturer lias to keep in mind is that he
should make goods suitable for the
hinese markets, it will not do to ship
all surplus productions to China. The
mie grade of goods will not sell so
ell in one part ,of the country as in
another. It is to be remembered that
China has all the varieties of climate
that are to be met with in this country.
In the neighborhood of Canton snow
and ice are seldom seen, while up in
Pekin file river freezes over from No
vember to March. The heavy aoo
coarse grades of goods which are ex
cellently adapted to the climaticchanges
in the north naturally do not sell well
in the south. The people in central and
south China want better and finer
goods. There is another peculiarity of
the Chinese market which may be men
tioned in (his connection. The Chinese
are an economical people and hate to
see anything go to waste. With them
the width of goods, lor example, is a
very important element. Chinese gar
ments are of such shapes that they re
quire the cloth to be of certain widths
in order to cut to the best advantage
nd with the greatest economy. Many
seemingly trilling considerations of this
nature often determine the popular de
mand. Therefore, it is of the utmost im-
poitance that the American manufac
turer should study the market
thoroughly.
OMPETIPORS OF THE SOUTH ,N
COTTON GOODS.
Now the recent economic develop
ments of the Southern States of this
country nave rendered it Imperative for
them to seek a market in the East.
From purely agricultural States they
have rapidly turned into more or less
manufacturing ones. Before the great
American civil war, they had practical
ly a monopoly of the world’s supply of
raw cotton, which commanded as high
a price as 25 cents a pound, and most
of it went to England to supply the
looms of Lancashire. But since the
civil war both Egypt and India have
entered the held as competitors in cot
ton production with the result that the
price of raw cotton has gone steadily
down until it stands at the present day
at five or six cents a pound. Thus thc
cotton grower has to produce four or
five times as much as he did thirty or
forty years ago before he can get ns
much in return. But by becoming a
manufacturer as well as a grower, he
solves the Uiiticulty to his advantage.
The establishment of cotton mills all
over the Southern States is the natural
result. It is to be expected that the
manufacture of cotton goods can be
done more cheaply in the place where
cotton grows than elsewhere. There is
a saving in the expense of handling and
in transportation charges. All tins
means that the South is more favored
by nature foi the manufacture of cot
ton than Lancashire or Massachusetts,
whose mills have to depend upon impor
tations for raw materials. But one
hing the Southern manufacturer needs.
That is a market for his good. It is
just such a market that China can fur
nish.
Wherewithal shall the immense popu
lation be clothed has always been a
perplexing problem with Chinese
economists. The ancient records of
China trace the origin of the silk indus
try back to fabulous antiquity. Men
cius ,cme of the Chinese sages, that
flourished in the fourth century be-
lore the Christian era, recommended
lie planting of mulberry trees by every
household for the rearing of silk worms
n order that the aged might have
warm garments to wear when their
blood began lo grow thin. Thus from
ancient times the importance of the
silk industry has been recognized, and
every encouragement has been given to
foster it. Notwithstanding all the im
provements in silk manufacture tiu*
cost ot production has not been suf
ficiently reduced as to make silk gar
ments anything but articles of luxury.
Chinese weavers, indeed, have attained
great skill in producing fabrics of In
expressible beauty and exquisite work
manship. But the higher the art of
silk weaving becomes (for it is really
an art), the less suitable are the manu
factures for common use.
WOOLEN GOODS NOT LIKED IN
CHINA.
Woolen stuff, on the other hand, does
not seem so fur to find much favor with
the Chinese. The Importation of woolen
goods into China has not varied much
from yeai to year for the lust ten years,
the amount being about four million
hulk wan taels. There is no disposition
on the part of the Chinese to Increase
their deman-1. In cotton alone have
they found a cheap and serviceable
material for clothing and for their do
mestic requirements. 1 will quote a few
words from Mr. Rounsevelle Wlldman,
the late Unite ! States consul general at
Hong Kong:
“If properly placed before the Chi
nese, American cotton goods will obtain
the same foothold In southern China
that they have in northern. The pres
ent importations arc* not nearly suf
ficient to meet the requirements. It
must be borne in mind that the Chinese
never wear wool—not even in the depth
of winter; that, generally speaking, the
ntlre population clothe themselves in
cotton all the year round. Their bed
clothes, umbrcilus and. In a few In
stances, boat sails are made of cotton,
and the consumption Is practically un
limited if they are made in accordance
with native requirements. The cloth'i
should be a si rung, coarse, unbleached
cloth, 22 Inches wide, retailuhle at
about five cents gold a yard or 36
cents gold per piece of nine yards.
There is also a virgin market for a cot
ton cloth which, tanned or otherwise
treated, would prove rain proof. All
cotton goods would have to be put up
In lengths to suit the peculiar require
ments of the trade for which they are
designed, and such details could best be
learned after having made a trial ship
ment."
CHINA MAKEH SOME COTTON
GOODS AT HOME.
What Consul General Wlldman says
Is evidently the result of careful en
quiry an-1 close observation. 1 can cor
roborate his siatements In every par
ticular. It Is true that there Is a large
quantity of cotton cloths made In China
for home consumption. The Chinese
use hand looms for this purpose. It is
only In recent years that a few cotton
mills have been established in Shanghai
and elsewhere mostly by foreigner!.
But these experiments have not so far
proved very successful. The reason is
not far to seek. China is not a cotton-
producing country. For our mills for
eign cotton has to be imported. Th2
value of Indian and Japanese yarn im
ported for this puropse reaches the sum
of about forty million haikwan taels
every year. Under these circumstances
American cotton goods need fear no
competition from that quarter for years
yet to come.
The recent troubles in north China
have undoubtedly injured the American
cotton trade in that country,
for the market for such goods has be
come a vast camp for armed hosts. In
he midst of war-like operations, trade
and commerce cannot continue to ilour-
sh. The restoration of peace and order
o that distracted region will be a boon
not only to the inhabitants of nor* h
China, who have already suffered un
told losses and hardships, hut also to
Southern planters, manufacturers and
laboring men of all classes in this coun
try, who depend upon the return of the
normal trade conditions in the Chinese
empire for their continued prosperity,
and I sincerely hope and trust that this
will not be long delayed.
Concluding, the minister spoke of the
pleasure that his visit to Charlotte and
to North Carolina had given him. He
had come to the conclusion—and of
course it was a fact—that this State is
one of the most important manufactur
ing States in America. In his drive over
the city lie had noticed that several
mills were closed and he had been told
that this was due, in large measure, to
the present trouble in north China.
This had led him to think that although
China is many miles from here, still
what happens there is important to this
country. The world is growing smaller,
said he, and the welfare of one part of
the world cannot be unimportant to
other parts of the world.
China, said Mr. Wu, has cultivated
the arts of peace, not of war; and he
was pleased to add that manufacturing,
such as he had seen here, was the best
ideal of the art of peace. Yet, for her
shortcomings as a peaceful nation, Chi
na is punished and must suffer. We are
now in the twentieth century and if we
are to be civilized in the proper concep
tion of the term, the world must devote
more attoiition to the arts of peace. He
hoped that the shut-down of the mills
would be ternporarly only. The great
powers are trying to settle differences
in China, and he believed that when an
understanding was effected the trade
with China would not only be revived
but it would have a boom. (Applause.)
Then all the mills that are closed will
be opened and the arts of peace will
bless the world.
In a brief speech of commendation
Mr. Tompkins introduced Senator J. L.
McLaurin, who spoke as follows;
Sl’KKCH OK SENATOR McLAUKJN.
The South Realizing Some of the Dreams
of Its Far-Seeing Statesmen--McKinley's
Re-Election a Reflection Upon the New
Demucracy-Our People Made the Allies
of Professed Revolutionists.
Senator McLaurin spoke as follows;
Mr. Toastmaster and Gentlemen:
1 desire to make a statement of
somewhat a personal nature before
proceeding with the speech which I
in 1 end to deliver to-night A certain
newspaper correspondent in the city
of Washington has persistently spread
the report that I was coming to Char
lotte to make a speech which would
launch a new party in the Souih. The
report is absurdly false. If 1 had any
such intention good taste would pre
vent me from taking advantage of an
opportunity of this kind. I am con
tent to advocate within Democratic
lines the policies which I believe to be
best for the South, and when 1 can no
longer do this I am ready to retire to
private life.
In the South we are to-day realizing
some of the dreams of its far-seeing
statesmen and business men of fifty
years ago. With prophetic eye, they
saw the industrial and commercial
possibilities of our highly favored
Southland.
With an advance of thought that is
really surprising, they suggested en
terprises of wonderful magnitude for
its upbuilding and commercial domi
nance. From 1838 to 1860, conventions
were held to voice the demands of a
deep-seated public sentiment for in-
dustrlal progress. The story of these
movement Is chronicled in a New Or
leans publication, which, under the
name of Debow’s Review, did for the
Old South what The Manufacturers’
Record is doing for the South of to
day.
The same spirit which enabled our
fathers to retire from the Held of de
fect with nothing left but their cour
age and their characters still lives in
the- South, and inspires you to-day In
your great undertaking.
The plans of the great Southern
business men and statesmen of fifty
years ago are no longer idle dreams.
Postponed by a cruel war which, de
stroying our social and Industrial sys
tem, for years rendered co-operation
in national undertakings almost Im
possible, such men as I meet here to
night are making these dreams actual
living realities.
THE "NEW SOUTH" A MISNOMER.
Talk about the "New South.” The
name is a misnomer. It is the same
old spirit revived which sixty years
ago made the South the dominant
power In this nation—a position of
which nothing but war could have
robbed her. What we need now to
again attain that proud eminence is
the same broad conception and the
same comprehensive grasp of the true
situation. The last twenty years have
wrought an Industrial revolution in
the South, which must find expression
In our social and political life.
The time Is past for the discussion as
to whether this government Is to be
one consolidated In Its structure or a
loose aggregation of (so-called) sov
ereign States. The civil war settled
that.
It Is useless to discuss the question
of whether this Is to be a purely
theoretical democratic government or
an expanding and giant republic. The
Spanish war settled that. Why not
then accept conditions as they are and
make the mozt of them?
The agitation of such Issues only
selves to sidetrack broad American
doctrines and should not be made par
ty questions, because they grow out of
actual political and economic condi
tions. which It Is beyond the power of
either party to change. I care not of
whnt political faith the occupant of
the White House might have been; for,
If a true American, mindful of th^
honor and dignity of the nation, the
be widely different from what they
are to-day.
Why should our people be the only
ones to close their eyes to what is go
ing on? Why should we move along
In the same old ruts and insist that
political policies and old traditions,
long since, dead, are vital living issues,
and depend upon them for the salva
tion of the South?
SIGNIFICANCE IN McKINLEY’S
ELECTION.
The triumphant re-election of Mr.
McKinley in the last campaign is full
ot significance. It is a stubborn fact
confronting the Democratic party to
day, suggestive of reproachful remem
brances and fearful menaces. What a
refiection that this new Democracy did
not carry a State where the issues
were discussed and judgment passed
by the people upon them on their mer
its. Of course with us it has been im
possible to decide elections upon is
sues. it has been simply a question of
white supremacy. In the North and
the West, dissolved into factions,
tainted by the errors of Republicanism
and the follies of Populism, the party
could not withstand the tide of popular
opposition excited by unreasonable
criticism of the conduct of a foreign
war, and by the vicious and incendiary
appeals made during the last month of
the campaign to class hatred and
prejudice.
Fundamental principles were lost
sight of, and in an insane effort to se
cure party success at any cost, the at
tempt was made to combine socialism,
Populism and sectionalism, with noth
ing but the sentiment and traditions of
Democracy. The real Democratic
leaders in the Senate for the past three
years have been Allen, Teller and Pet
tigrew, all of them able men, but one
a Populist, one a high tariff Republi
can, and the other, I do not know
what. All of them opposed State
banks of issue with proper safeguards,
and most other things we need in the
South. This was called the "New De
mocracy” in contradistinction from
the old, and some of its leaders stated
that iis creeds were revolutionary and
were so designed to be.
To sow discontent with industrial
conditions and distrust of the govern
ing power; to array class against class,
in the hope of securing fancied social
and industrial equality, is to my mind
the first step in revolution. The South
is the American end of America. In
no section is there so small a foreign
element, so much conservatism, and so
pure a patriotism. What a political
paradox then it is for our people to be
the allies of professed revolutionists
elsewhere.
THE SOUTH’S POLITICAL INFLU
ENCE REDUCED.
It was not the pure type of Southern
Democracy that the balance of the
country feared in the last presidential
election. They knew that properly in
terpreted this was conservative and
safe. It was well understood, howev
er, what intiuences dominated, and
that, therefore, the South in national
affairs was still powerless. One doubt
ful Northern State had then and has
now more inlluenee then the entire
South combined. One party says, “Why
should I consult you, I can hope for
nothing.” The other says, “I’ve got you
any way, and will do as I please; help
yourself if you can.”
What a position for a brave, high-
spirited people, bound hand and foot,
the miserable slaves of one party and
a football for the other.
I, for one, do not believe that the
people of tlie Soutli are ready to trust
this government into the hands of any
party to begin the leveling process
through the exercise of the taxing
power; and yet this is exactly what
♦his new propaganda means, and out
side of the South it i» proclaimed by
the very same class who preach and
practice social equality between the
races. The two dogmas are insepar-
ably interwoven. Go into the West,
attend one of their campaign meet
ings, scratch beneath the skin and you
will find the same old social equality
dogma, to the tune of which the soul
of John Brown is still "marching on.”
Taxation for the purpose of equaliz
ing or redistributing property is rank
socialism, not democracy. Let it take
hold in the South and with it will go
those barriers which we have erected
to maintain the purity of our race and
the integrity of our civilization.
OPPOSITION TO EXPANSION FOL
LY.
Another thing, to my mind it is fol
ly to oppose expansion under the name
of imperialism. It deceives no man of
Intelligence. He understands that
there is no analogy between this coun
try and the Roman Empire, and that
those who talk of imperialism do not
take into account that power which is
born of our free institutions, a fortress
in the hearts of our people stronger
than any ever built of stone. As long
ns this is there they can never become
slaves; and when it Is dead it matters
not whether under republic or empire,
they become an easy prey. It depends
upon the people, not the government,
whether they be slaves or freemen. It
to the people that make the govern
ment, not the government the people.
With a brave, strong, intelligent peo
ple, with a free press and popular edu
cation, there can be no Imperialism.
Why should we he afraid to trust our
selves? The whole tendency of the
times and the spirit of the age is to
ward democratic Instead of imperial
istic ideas of government.
The throne of the “Great White
Czar” trembles to-day at the roar of
the Democratic Lion, and the echoes
resound even from the far off Orient.
Our people understand that it is not
actual territory or dominion over peo
ple that we seek, but the expansion of
American thought, ideas of govern
ment, commerce and civilisation.
DEMOCRACY MEANS LIBERTY.
Political leaders nilKht as well learn
that the law of progress will sweep
away as chaff those who would place
barriers against tills mighty tide
which Is destined to spread the demo
cratic idea of government to the utter
most bounds of the earth. My defini
tion of democracy is liberty for man,
tormulated Into a theory of govern
ment It means man's Inalienable
ownership of himself, It means free
thought and free speech.
In llie dark ages of (he past some
poor slave raised his bowed head, and
looking up Into tlie blue sky, caught
inspiration from God's free air and
God’s free sunshine, and that he also
was free, and, ever since, that vision of
liberty has been an undying revela
tion for every age and all dimes.
Grecian and Roman slaves saw the
heavenly light and, facing their mas
ters’ swords bravely died. Huxon
churl with wooden collar, and our own
fathers, nt Cowpen* and King's Moun-
results of the Hpanlsh war could not tain, looked upon the celestial picture,
and with a smile of joy gave up their
lives.
Why need a true Democracy hunt
for Issues In our relations with foreign
countries? It is upon domestic prob
lems, the rights of man and man, the
relation of labor and capital and its
stand upon these home issues that has
endeared it to the people in the past
and upon which it must finally stand
or fall.
It is folly to attempt to dwarf great
national and international Issues Into
mere questions of party policy; it
failed in the last campaign, and will
fail every time it is tried.
MANSHOULD DOHISOWN THINK
ING.
Every member of the American Con
gress, when it comes to a foreign war,
an army, a navy, a merchant marine,
or any other question affecting our
honor as a nation, or our prosperity as
a people, should be free and untram
meled to vote as his judgment and
conscience dictates. For myself, I
would not, under existing conditions,
be willing to hold a seat in the United
States Senate upon any other terms.
To allow others to think for me upon
these great questions is a cowardly
evasion of my responsibilities, and a
criminal neglect of the true interests
of those who elected me.
1 am rejoiced to-night to be in the
presence of so many of the great cap
tains of Southern industry. You are
the men whose energy and enterprise
are developing our natural resources
and thus laying the foundation for the
full enjoyment by our section of all
that must follow in the wake of the
expanding glory of our republic; and
this in spite of the fact that it has be
come the fashion in some quarters to
sneer at what is termed the "sordid
commercial” argument in favor of ex
pansion and other national issues.
Our political leaders should not for
get the fact that modern democracy
had its origin in this same commercial
instinct. Two hundred and fifty years
ago it had its birth in those cities
along the river Rhine, where, through
trade and manufacturing, the people
had become so rich and powerful that
they could compel the feudal lords to
grant them civil rights. The free in
stitutions of which we boast grew up
under the fostering care of commerce.
The rights of the individual expanded
into rights for his city and these for
the State, so that modern democracy
owes all that it is to commercial ex
pansion. True democracy does not
teach that there is an absolute rule
for government, and that any particu
lar theory of government is of perma
nent value and adapted under all cir
cumstances for the welfare of man.
The fathers of this republic never in
tended to lay a foundation which was
to be always of the same circum
scribed proportions, with a super-
si lucture of nicely measured parts, all
to exist permanently just as construct
ed. They aimed to create a giant, not
a pigmy.
For a century the nation has been
content to grapple with questions of
imernal development, but suddenly in
the evolution of our national destiny,
we have become one of the great pow
ers of the world, and can no longer
move In a circumscribed continental
orbit. If we would maintain our su
premacy or even equality among the
nations of the world the shackles forg
ed by narrow, sectional prejudices
must be broken.
The question of the hour Is not
whether this republic is what its
founders (with the lights before them)
intended to make it; not whether this
is theoretically an ideal democratic
government, at all times in exact con
formity to the technical requirements
of a written constitution, but whether
with the spirit rather than the letter
of that constituiion, we are making
the most of our national opportunities
and meeting the political and economic
conditions growing out of the con
stantly changing needs of the people.
No form of government was ever
chosen out of hand, and it is historic
ally true that no form of government
ever did result from deliberate choice;
it has always been the logical result
of conditions.
The nation is nothing but the type
of individual life, and as from child
hood to manhood we outgrow gar
ments and duties they are put aside,
so it is in the evolutionary develop
ment of a nation, social, political and
Industrial systems that have had their
day are thrust aside for new methods
and new systems to meet a changed
and higher state of existence. We have
readied a stage of development In the
South where it is unprofitable to rake
the dead ashes and charred embers of
the past and where we must look for
ward rather than backward. True
statesmanship, while vigilant as to the
present, looks with prophetic eye to
the future.
The people have a right to expect
their leaders to be in advance of the
thought of the age, and not tamely
drift with the current. In an era of
transition and change like this, with
out some such forecast, political par-
tles will ding to dead issues, and
finally founder In the maelstrom of fac
tional divisions and greed for office.
When Ixmisiana, Florida, Texas and
California were acquired the great
leaders of the Democracy acted upon
this doctrine, and so when this war
with Spain produced certain results It
would have been the part of wisdom
to have made party platforms and
policies correspond with existing con
ditions and their natural and Inevita
ble consequences.
THE INTERNATIONAL TRADE
CONTEST.
We are now in the commercial arena
contesting with the other nations for
tlie trade of the world. So far we
have built up our foreign trade by in
tense absorption In the Internal devel
opment of our domestic Industries. Ws
now produce sufficient for the needs of
twice our population, and not to find
a market for our surplus Is to Invite
stagnation and decay.
The most striking feature In our ex
port development Is the remarkable
and constantly increasing demand for
our iron and steel. Within six years
wo have advanced to the position
where American iron and steel anteni
Into the construction of every bridge
and railroad in the world or fixes ths
price therefor.
1 saw In the papers a few days ago
that the Baldwin Locomotive Works
In Philadelphia were supplying ths
Russian government with 150 locomo
tives for the Trans-Siberian Railroad.
The facts surrounding this sale are of
peculiar interest. The Russian gov
ernment owns Its railroads and main
tains large shops. It put* a duty of 4
cents per i>ound on imports, but when
It came to supplying the equipment for
this giant road of 8,000 mllee, U was
found that they had to come to the