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News Review of Current Events the World Over Explosion Kills More Than 600 Children in Texas Rural School—Justice McReynolds* Rebuke to Critics of Supreme Court. By EDWARD ]W.__PICKARD © Weitern Newspaper Union. V y T HE east Texas oil field was the scene of the worst school dis aster in history. The London Con solidated rural school, a few miles north of Henderson, was demolished by a tremendous gas explosion and more than 600 children and their teachers were killed. The horror that followed wrought such confusion that Gov. James V. Allred declared martial law in the vicinity of the school, and Ordered National Guard troops to the scene. He previously had ordered all state highway patrolmen in the area to proceed there. President Roosevelt, hearing at Warm Springs about the horrible disaster, was most distressed and urged the Red Cross “and all of the government agencies” to stand by and render every assistance pos sible. Albert Evans, flood disaster head in Little Rock, Ark., and his staff rushed to the stricken Texas town, and all communities within reach gave aid to the extent of their capacity. The blast smashed to bits the main structure of the educational plant that was termed the largest rural school in America and the richest in the world. About 740 children and 38 teachers were in the building at the time and nearly all who were not killed out right were injured. Of the latter it was believed many would not re cover. Fifty or more mothers of the young victims were attending a par ent-teacher association meeting in the school gymnasium, a separate building, when the explosion came, sending the mangled bodies of their sons and daughters flying through the air. The women raced to the wrecked structure with screams of agony and tore at the ruins with their bare hands. For a few minutes after the roof caved in, leaving jagged remnants of wall standing 'ike the ruins of a medieval castle, flames shot out above the wreckage. But the build ing was of fireproof construction and the blaze, having almost nothing to feed upon, soon died out. W. C. Shaw, superintendent of the school, whose son was one of those killed, had just left the building. “I was standing about fifty feet jway from the building when the ex plosion came,” he said. “There wasn’t much noise. The root just lifted up, then the walls fell out and the roof fell in. It was all over in a minute, no, less than that, half a minute. It’s unbelievable.” Highway police, National Guan^- men and workers from all the nearby oil wells managed to re store some semblance of order at the scene, roping off the campus and systematically carrying on the task of getting out the bodies of the dead. From the oil well machine shops were brought acetylene torches to burn away the steel girders while trucks hauled on heavy iron chains, pulling the debris away from the building. The great force of the blast was taken as proof that the disaster was caused by the ignition of natural gas which was used to heat the school plant. Unable, because of all the confusion, to ascertain the cause of the explosion, it was theorized that someone attempted to light a heater which accidentally had been left turned on. The “wet gas” used, which comes from oil wells on the gchool campus, is odorless and so would have given no warning. L^VIDENCE of good sportsman- ship is to accept the outcome when one has had a chance to pre sent a fair case to a fair tribunal, said Associate Jus tice James C. Mc Reynolds of the Su preme court in an extemporaneous talk at a fraternity ban quet in Washington It was the first time a member of the court had expressed his views on rela tionship of the court to the government since the President Justice •made his proposal McReynolds for packing the tribunal, and op ponents of that plan were encour aged to hope other of the justices might be induced to appear before the senate judiciary committee and tell what they think of it. Justice McReynolds, who is seventy-five years old, has voted against the New Deal fourteen times and for it twice. Near the end of his talk the jus tice said: “I should like to be op timistic. I should like to tell you that the situation is rosy. I''han’t. But I like to believe in the courage of the American people, and I hope they may make a solution of which they may be proud.” Edward S. Corwin, professor of constitutional law at Princeton, was heard by the-jsenate committee in support of the President’s bill and he got along very nicely until Sen ator Burke, leader of the opposition. called his attention to a speech the professor mrtle a year ago and a book he wrot« 25 years ago, in both of which he expressed views quite different from those he seemingly ^ now holds. Then Senator Tom Con-4 p ens to be a gold nally took a hand in the question ing: “Now you say the court is biased. You want to add six new justices who will be biased in the other di rection, don’t you?” Professor Corwin evaded a direct answer for some time, but Senator Connally demanded to know whether he did not support the President’s plan for this purpose. "Well, that is one of the reasons,” the witness said. The American Federation of La bor, like its opponent, the C. I. O., has favored the President’s court plan, though rather mildly, but President William Green, when he appeared before the senate commit tee, was even less emphatic in his approval of it. He denied that the court as now constituted “has as sumed dictatorial power or that its members have not the mental ca pacity or the necessary learning.” Senator Wheeler said he was un der pressure from organized labor because of his position against the Roosevelt program, but he declared he would not change. He said Maj. George L. Berry, the President’s co-ordinator for industrial co-opera tion and also head of labor’s Non partisan League, “has had a man traveling through Montana at gov ernment expense stirring up activity against me.” S ENATORS indulged in an indig nant debate concerning the sit- down strike and there were de mands for a congressional investi gation of this new weapon of labor. Majority Leader Joe Robinson said: “Manifestly the sit- down strike is un lawful. It is not within the rights of any individual or group of individuals to seize or retain possession of prop erty to the exclusion of the employer for the purpose of enforcing demands against the employer.” However, he added, it was diffi cult for the federal government to do anyfhing in the matter until the Supreme court has passed on the validity of the Wagner-Connery labor relations act. Senator Johnson of California gave a “general warning” that the sit-down strike is the most ominous thing in our national life today, bad for the government and in the long run worse for labor. The Democratic senate whip, Sen ator James Hamilton Lewis of Illi- what ^■£k. about: Windsor’s Finances. S ANTA MONICA, CALIF. - By latest reports, the'duke of Windsor must start life as a married man reduced to a per sonal estate of only about $600,- 000, plus guaranteed annual re mittances amounting to but a beggarly $100,000 more. To be sure, as the old saying is, two can live as cheaply as one—if one of the two hap- Irvin S. Cobb Sen.Robinson fish or even a ca nary—but otherwise the notion hasn’t worked out under modern conditions, wives these days being what wives are these days. Still, they do say Mrs. Simpson is pretty handy with a skillet, which, on the cook’s Thurs days off, ought to save getting in extra kitchen help; and what with there being no crown jewels to keep polished and installment houses just crying to help all young honeymoon- ers out—you furnish the bird, we furnish the nest!—Well, by scrimp ing, the couple should get by, don’t you think? . • • • Washington Rumors. H OW rumors do float about—es pecially in the neighborhood of Washington. Well, Washington al ways has been kind of a windy place. First we hear a boom is to be started for Mrs. Roosevelt to suc ceed the President at the conclu sion of his term. This is promptly denied and the question arises—how is that loyal soul, Uncle Jim Farley, going to stand the strain of waiting until Sistie Dahl gets old enough to run? Uncontradicted as yet is the other report that the White House craves to revive the NRA, under another set of initials and—let us hope—with a better-looking Blue Eagle than that first one was. • • • “Sweeping” Inquiries. A FTER every major disaster ** which conceivably was pre ventable, we have a “sweeping in quiry” or a “searching probe”—it depends on which phrase the re- | porters like best—to fix the blame, i Rarely does anything come of this, but it must indeed be a great con- | solation to the widows and the or phans of the victims. Seemingly, it never occurs to any one to make the said investigation before the tragedy occurs, with a l view of searching out defective mechanism or imperfect construc tion then. We are a gre-t people for shut- | ting the stable door after the horse is gone—shutting it good and tight so the probers may have leisure for their probing. • • • Defying a Glacier. IN ALASKA, the Revell family are * defying Black Rapids glacier which, without seeming provocation mois, vehemently criticized sit-down an( j a ft er remaining perfectly calm actics of labor and demanded m- f or severa | million years, suddenly b y congress. Is the Parted coming down upon them. United States a government. Lew- ru mbling and roaring and acting is asked. “Every form of com merce is being torn apart under the name of controversy between employer and employee, leading to the danger of national riots.” CIT-DOWN strikers, ordered by ^ Circuit Judge Allen Campbell of Detroit to evacuate the Chrysler plants, defied the court when the writ of injunction was served on them and declared they would re main “to the death.” The sheriff said he had done his full duty until he received further instructions from the court and the judge was await- up generally as it advances. Its icy snout is only abf.ut a mile away from their roadhouse now, but they’re still serving ye olde blue plate special—choice of jello or stewed prunes—as usual. The Revells couldn’t be New York people. In New York, everybody strives to move at least once every two years, whether there’s reason for it or not. A lady flat dweller there likes the scriptural promise of a house of many mansions because it gives her such a warm glow to think of spending eternity shifting .. ... , , i from one mansion to another, v re ng appl,cat,on (rom the Chrysler decorating as she goes, lawyers for writs of contempt. Meanwhile Gov. Frank Murphy, who had hurried home from Flori da, set up a committee to con- cil ate the many strikes, in that area and to devise a legislative program to dispose of future labor disputes. Rev. Frederic Siedenburg, S. J., executive dean of the University of Detroit, was named chairman of the' committee. It has tw’enty-three members drawn from representa tives of civic, industrial, religious and labor institutions. Since the committee was limited to four members for labor, Homer Martin, international president of the United Automobile Workers of America, the union waging the city’s outstanding strikes against Chrysler Corporation and Hudson Motors, rejected the governor’s in vitation to U. A. W. A. member ship on the committee. A MELIA EARHART left Oak- ^ land, Calif., in her “flying lab oratory” for what promises to be the greatest adventure of her ad venturous life—a 27,000 mile flight around the world, following gen erally the equator. Her first hop of 2,400 miles took her to Honolulu. With her in the Lockheed Electra twin motored plane were CapL- Harry Manning and Fred Noonan] navigators, who were to leave the plane at Hawaii, and Paul Mantz, Amelia’s technical adviser, who was to continue with her to Dar win, northern Australia. Crime and Punishment. ,AT A recent trial in New York for a hideous murder, the law yer for the killer—who, incidentally had confessed—wound up his plea with this old and reliable and beau tifully logical standby: “Putting this man in the electric chair will never bring back the woman he slew—remember that. Gentlemen of the jury.” But putting a brutal killer in the electric chair will never bring him oack either, which, after all, is the main idea, isn’t it, Gentlemen of any rational jury? IRVIN S. COBB. A Western Newspaper Union. Washington Digest g h National lopics Interpreted B V WILLIAM BRUCKART NAT IONA ,G A A . H N Cj ill Selecting Indian Chiefs In some tribes, such as the Iro quois and some Pueblo tribes, cer tain chieftaincies were always se lected from a particular clan. While there were hereditary chieftaincies among certain other groups, as a matter of practice such offices were usually elective. It is possible that the political system of the Iroquois influenced the democratic style of government of the United States. Probably the only example in North America of a power analogous to that of a despot was to be found among the Natchez and neighbor ing tribes of the lower Mississippi In this instance submission to the will of the chief was for the most part voluntary and based on reli gion. Washington.—Developments that have taken place and are taking e .. place in the fight oees /Yew precipitated by Alignment President Roose- . velt’s plan to re form the Supreme court of the United States show some phases not hitherto evident in political fights. One of these, I believe, portends important changes in the political alignment in this country. I have reported to you in these columns many times evidences of a growing trend toward a new political align ment and I can say now that noth ing which has taken place since Mr. Roosevelt took his New Deal into the White House has given such impetus to this coming realignment as his proposal that congress pass a law giving him authority to name six more justices for the high est court. The information coming into Washington these days shows very plainly that the Roosevelt court packing proposal is calling forth op position from both of the major po litical parties. In other words, the opposition to the President’s move is probably nonpartisan to a greater extent than any issue before the American people in the last 50 years. It will be remembered that the late President Wilson’s proposal that the United States enter the League of Nations falls within that period of time and while there was both Democratic and Republican opposition to Mr. Wilson’s program, it can not be said to have extended among the rank and file of the Dem ocratic party, then in power, to the extent that Mr. Roosevelt’s court packing project has permeated the lists of Democratic voters. I have endeavored to gain the views of many individuals respect ing the prospects of a new political alignment but few of the men whose judgment is best politically are will ing to make a guess. A consider able number of them say frankly that they are unable to guess. On the other hand, however, there was general agreement that Mr. Roose velt, by suddenly tossing his court program into the lap of congress, has given momentum to a move ment that for some months appears to have been simply marking time. There are certain facts on this phase of the court battle that appear obvious. They are influential and important as well. Take for example the fact that Mr. Roosevelt does not have the backing of the so-called solid South for his proposition. Now, the Demo cratic party for three-quarters of a century has rpaintained the South as a stronghold of its party. In deed, in every presidential and congressional election, Republican politicians began calculating what the Democratic strength could be at the maximum by conceding 13 states to the Democrats. How dif ferent is the situation, now. • » • One can go through the lists of representatives in congress from the South and find them rather even ly divided. One will find among Mr. Roosevelt’s opponents in this battle numerous senators and rep resentative who have supported him on every other item of legisla tion that he has recommended to congress. Now, however, the story is different. Another interesting phase of the legislative situation is that the bulk of the true and constant liberals in the senate and the house have taken a stand against the proposi tion of increasing the Supreme court from nine to fifteen members. These two points do not repre sent all of the factors opposing the President’s plan by any means, but I think it can be definitely said that if Mr. Roosevelt is defeated in his demand at this time, the two fac tors that I have named will have been the deciding influences. Having influences like those just mentioned expanding in their scope, portends, as I suggested above, a considerable shake-up in party af- filation of a lasting kind. I do not mean to say that all of the liberals who are opposing the plan and all of the Democrats who are opposing the court-packing will refrain, from supporting Mr. Roosevelt on other issues in the future. I do mean to emphasize, however, that some of them will not return to the ranks of Roosevelt stalwarts. Thus it becomes rather obvious, I think, that thd conservative ranks in congress will be increased to the extent that some of the defections, caused by Mr. Roosevelt’s court proposal, result in permanent ad herence to other philosophies. So it seems to me that the future holds the probability of a sharp line of demarcation between radicals and conservatives. How they will be identified and what labels they may wear is immaterial. We are du; to have a conservative party and a radical party in this country and its shape and character is be ing molded under the driving fire of the controversy precipitated by Mr. Different Story 'Happy Bluebirds' Motifs for Linens Roosevelt’s demands for six more Supreme court justices. • * -• In a previous article I discussed the bitterness that has permeated -•. 7 - the Supreme cottrt Growing controversy. This Bittemen bitterness is grow ing and no one can tell how teTH^c it is going to be. Yet, while the political leaders make charges and countercharges, it seems to me to be almost pa thetic that the nine judges of the Supreme court must sit quietly by and say nothing. They can not de fend themselves against the criti cisms leveled at them by President Roosevelt and his associates. I have searched the records as far as I have been able and I have yet to find where any justice of the Supreme court of the United States ever has expressed himself publicly on any occasion when the court was assailed. It is a rule that is strictly adhered to by the nine justices whom Mr. Roosevelt has described as “the nine old men.” Therefore, we see them as the center of one of the greatest political battles in history, wholly unwilling to be smirch their dignity or their rec ords by answering back. The recent “fireside chat” by Mr. Roosevelt was replete with innuen does and inferences that the mem bers of the court are quite incapa ble of doing their job; that they are living in an age that is dead and, consequently, unable to see things as the rest of the country sees them today. Mr. Roosevelt’s speech at the victory dinner of the Demo crats was purely politics and his fireside chat in explanation of his court program was 90 per cent poli tics. But the Supreme court is not in politics. It strikes me as being almost a tragedy that these “nine old men” can not defend their honor and their record after a lifetime of service to the American people. I do not take much stock in the many tirades that have filled the air and columns upon columns of newspaper space that the present justices are incapable of doing their job. There is so much untruth, *>o many unwarranted conclusions in those tirades that it amounts to a gi gantic campaign that will mislead the people of the nation. Assuming that some of the justices are too old to do their job and assuming fur ther that some of them may be too conservative to deal with pres ent day problems, it yet seems to me to be an indisputable fact that there is nothing in life that can take the place of experience and the lessons thus learned. • • • • While Mr. Roosevelt was taking a vacation in the warm sunshine of Georgia, the case Able in behalf of the Spokegmen court packing proposition was ably presented to the senate com* mittee on the judiciary. His spokes men were Attorney General Cum mings and Assistant Attorney Gen eral Robert Jackson. They did their job well. They met some of the most vicious questions from com mittee members that I have ever heard and they met them with a smile. True, opponents of the pro gram among those senators were not satisfied at all with the explana tions advanced by the President’s spokesmen. That fact, however, does not take away from the two witnesses the credit that is due them. And thus for the first time we have what must be regarded as of ficial arguments. I mean these ar guments are to be distinguished from fireside chats and political speeches concerning the merits of the President’s plan. Likewise, for the first time we have a frank ad mission that Mr. Roosevelt’s pur pose in asking congress to give him authority for appointing six addi tional judges is to give him men on that court who will see present day problems rs the President sees them. * In view of Mr. Jackson’s state ments to the committee, we can look back upon some of the speeches made by New Deal spokes men some months ago and can realize from them and present de velopments that Mr. Roosevelt had the general purpose of packing the court in mind for some months. This circumstance seems to explain also why the President and his ad visors refused to accept the recom mendation of Prof. Raymond Moley in 1934. At that time, Professor Moley, a member, if not the num ber one man, of the Brain Trust, urgently pressed for the New Deal ers to go to the country with two constitutional amendments. He wanted the people of the country to understand that these amendments would permit enactment of certain types of laws. He thought that the congressional elections of 1934 .was the time to present the questions to the voters. It must be said that Professor Moley’s proposition was one of the fairest and soundest to be made. It is a method prescribed' by the Constitution itself. t Weatern Newspaper Uoloa. Pattern 1315 ~ Bluebirds are for happiness—so runs the legend. This dainty pat tern in 10-to-the-inch crosses will add a cheery touch indeed to your towels, pillow cases, scarfs or cloths. Do these simple motifs in natural color, or two shades of one color. 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