The Barnwell people-sentinel. (Barnwell, S.C.) 1925-current, April 01, 1937, Image 2
News Review of Current
Events the World Over
Explosion Kills More Than 600 Children in Texas Rural
School—Justice McReynolds* Rebuke to
Critics of Supreme Court.
By EDWARD ]W.__PICKARD
© Weitern Newspaper Union. V y
T HE east Texas oil field was the
scene of the worst school dis
aster in history. The London Con
solidated rural school, a few miles
north of Henderson, was demolished
by a tremendous gas explosion and
more than 600 children and their
teachers were killed.
The horror that followed wrought
such confusion that Gov. James V.
Allred declared martial law in the
vicinity of the school, and Ordered
National Guard troops to the scene.
He previously had ordered all state
highway patrolmen in the area to
proceed there.
President Roosevelt, hearing at
Warm Springs about the horrible
disaster, was most distressed and
urged the Red Cross “and all of
the government agencies” to stand
by and render every assistance pos
sible. Albert Evans, flood disaster
head in Little Rock, Ark., and his
staff rushed to the stricken Texas
town, and all communities within
reach gave aid to the extent of their
capacity.
The blast smashed to bits the
main structure of the educational
plant that was termed the largest
rural school in America and the
richest in the world.
About 740 children and 38 teachers
were in the building at the time and
nearly all who were not killed out
right were injured. Of the latter it
was believed many would not re
cover.
Fifty or more mothers of the
young victims were attending a par
ent-teacher association meeting in
the school gymnasium, a separate
building, when the explosion came,
sending the mangled bodies of their
sons and daughters flying through
the air. The women raced to the
wrecked structure with screams of
agony and tore at the ruins with
their bare hands.
For a few minutes after the roof
caved in, leaving jagged remnants
of wall standing 'ike the ruins of a
medieval castle, flames shot out
above the wreckage. But the build
ing was of fireproof construction and
the blaze, having almost nothing to
feed upon, soon died out.
W. C. Shaw, superintendent of the
school, whose son was one of those
killed, had just left the building.
“I was standing about fifty feet
jway from the building when the ex
plosion came,” he said. “There
wasn’t much noise. The root just
lifted up, then the walls fell out
and the roof fell in. It was all over
in a minute, no, less than that, half
a minute. It’s unbelievable.”
Highway police, National Guan^-
men and workers from all the
nearby oil wells managed to re
store some semblance of order at
the scene, roping off the campus
and systematically carrying on the
task of getting out the bodies of the
dead.
From the oil well machine shops
were brought acetylene torches to
burn away the steel girders while
trucks hauled on heavy iron chains,
pulling the debris away from the
building.
The great force of the blast was
taken as proof that the disaster was
caused by the ignition of natural
gas which was used to heat the
school plant. Unable, because of all
the confusion, to ascertain the cause
of the explosion, it was theorized
that someone attempted to light a
heater which accidentally had been
left turned on.
The “wet gas” used, which comes
from oil wells on the gchool campus,
is odorless and so would have given
no warning.
L^VIDENCE of good sportsman-
ship is to accept the outcome
when one has had a chance to pre
sent a fair case to a fair tribunal,
said Associate Jus
tice James C. Mc
Reynolds of the Su
preme court in an
extemporaneous talk
at a fraternity ban
quet in Washington
It was the first time
a member of the
court had expressed
his views on rela
tionship of the court
to the government
since the President Justice
•made his proposal McReynolds
for packing the tribunal, and op
ponents of that plan were encour
aged to hope other of the justices
might be induced to appear before
the senate judiciary committee and
tell what they think of it. Justice
McReynolds, who is seventy-five
years old, has voted against the
New Deal fourteen times and for it
twice.
Near the end of his talk the jus
tice said: “I should like to be op
timistic. I should like to tell you
that the situation is rosy. I''han’t.
But I like to believe in the courage
of the American people, and I hope
they may make a solution of which
they may be proud.”
Edward S. Corwin, professor of
constitutional law at Princeton, was
heard by the-jsenate committee in
support of the President’s bill and
he got along very nicely until Sen
ator Burke, leader of the opposition.
called his attention to a speech the
professor mrtle a year ago and a
book he wrot« 25 years ago, in both
of which he expressed views quite
different from those he seemingly ^
now holds. Then Senator Tom Con-4 p ens to be a gold
nally took a hand in the question
ing:
“Now you say the court is biased.
You want to add six new justices
who will be biased in the other di
rection, don’t you?”
Professor Corwin evaded a direct
answer for some time, but Senator
Connally demanded to know whether
he did not support the President’s
plan for this purpose.
"Well, that is one of the reasons,”
the witness said.
The American Federation of La
bor, like its opponent, the C. I. O.,
has favored the President’s court
plan, though rather mildly, but
President William Green, when he
appeared before the senate commit
tee, was even less emphatic in his
approval of it. He denied that the
court as now constituted “has as
sumed dictatorial power or that its
members have not the mental ca
pacity or the necessary learning.”
Senator Wheeler said he was un
der pressure from organized labor
because of his position against the
Roosevelt program, but he declared
he would not change. He said Maj.
George L. Berry, the President’s
co-ordinator for industrial co-opera
tion and also head of labor’s Non
partisan League, “has had a man
traveling through Montana at gov
ernment expense stirring up activity
against me.”
S ENATORS indulged in an indig
nant debate concerning the sit-
down strike and there were de
mands for a congressional investi
gation of this new
weapon of labor.
Majority Leader
Joe Robinson said:
“Manifestly the sit-
down strike is un
lawful. It is not
within the rights of
any individual or
group of individuals
to seize or retain
possession of prop
erty to the exclusion
of the employer for
the purpose of enforcing demands
against the employer.”
However, he added, it was diffi
cult for the federal government to
do anyfhing in the matter until the
Supreme court has passed on the
validity of the Wagner-Connery
labor relations act.
Senator Johnson of California
gave a “general warning” that the
sit-down strike is the most ominous
thing in our national life today, bad
for the government and in the long
run worse for labor.
The Democratic senate whip, Sen
ator James Hamilton Lewis of Illi-
what
^■£k.
about:
Windsor’s Finances.
S ANTA MONICA, CALIF. -
By latest reports, the'duke
of Windsor must start life as a
married man reduced to a per
sonal estate of only about $600,-
000, plus guaranteed annual re
mittances amounting to but a
beggarly $100,000 more.
To be sure, as the old saying is,
two can live as cheaply as one—if
one of the two hap-
Irvin S. Cobb
Sen.Robinson
fish or even a ca
nary—but otherwise
the notion hasn’t
worked out under
modern conditions,
wives these days
being what wives
are these days.
Still, they do say
Mrs. Simpson is
pretty handy with a
skillet, which, on
the cook’s Thurs
days off, ought to save getting in
extra kitchen help; and what with
there being no crown jewels to keep
polished and installment houses just
crying to help all young honeymoon-
ers out—you furnish the bird, we
furnish the nest!—Well, by scrimp
ing, the couple should get by, don’t
you think? .
• • •
Washington Rumors.
H OW rumors do float about—es
pecially in the neighborhood of
Washington. Well, Washington al
ways has been kind of a windy
place.
First we hear a boom is to be
started for Mrs. Roosevelt to suc
ceed the President at the conclu
sion of his term. This is promptly
denied and the question arises—how
is that loyal soul, Uncle Jim
Farley, going to stand the strain of
waiting until Sistie Dahl gets old
enough to run?
Uncontradicted as yet is the other
report that the White House craves
to revive the NRA, under another
set of initials and—let us hope—with
a better-looking Blue Eagle than
that first one was.
• • •
“Sweeping” Inquiries.
A FTER every major disaster
** which conceivably was pre
ventable, we have a “sweeping in
quiry” or a “searching probe”—it
depends on which phrase the re-
| porters like best—to fix the blame,
i Rarely does anything come of this,
but it must indeed be a great con-
| solation to the widows and the or
phans of the victims.
Seemingly, it never occurs to any
one to make the said investigation
before the tragedy occurs, with a
l view of searching out defective
mechanism or imperfect construc
tion then.
We are a gre-t people for shut-
| ting the stable door after the horse
is gone—shutting it good and tight
so the probers may have leisure
for their probing.
• • •
Defying a Glacier.
IN ALASKA, the Revell family are
* defying Black Rapids glacier
which, without seeming provocation
mois, vehemently criticized sit-down an( j a ft er remaining perfectly calm
actics of labor and demanded m- f or severa | million years, suddenly
b y congress. Is the Parted coming down upon them.
United States a government. Lew- ru mbling and roaring and acting
is asked. “Every form of com
merce is being torn apart under
the name of controversy between
employer and employee, leading to
the danger of national riots.”
CIT-DOWN strikers, ordered by
^ Circuit Judge Allen Campbell of
Detroit to evacuate the Chrysler
plants, defied the court when the
writ of injunction was served on
them and declared they would re
main “to the death.” The sheriff
said he had done his full duty until
he received further instructions from
the court and the judge was await-
up generally as it advances. Its
icy snout is only abf.ut a mile away
from their roadhouse now, but
they’re still serving ye olde blue
plate special—choice of jello or
stewed prunes—as usual.
The Revells couldn’t be New York
people. In New York, everybody
strives to move at least once every
two years, whether there’s reason
for it or not. A lady flat dweller
there likes the scriptural promise of
a house of many mansions because
it gives her such a warm glow to
think of spending eternity shifting
.. ... , , i from one mansion to another, v re
ng appl,cat,on (rom the Chrysler decorating as she goes,
lawyers for writs of contempt.
Meanwhile Gov. Frank Murphy,
who had hurried home from Flori
da, set up a committee to con-
cil ate the many strikes, in that area
and to devise a legislative program
to dispose of future labor disputes.
Rev. Frederic Siedenburg, S. J.,
executive dean of the University of
Detroit, was named chairman of the'
committee. It has tw’enty-three
members drawn from representa
tives of civic, industrial, religious
and labor institutions.
Since the committee was limited
to four members for labor, Homer
Martin, international president of
the United Automobile Workers of
America, the union waging the
city’s outstanding strikes against
Chrysler Corporation and Hudson
Motors, rejected the governor’s in
vitation to U. A. W. A. member
ship on the committee.
A MELIA EARHART left Oak-
^ land, Calif., in her “flying lab
oratory” for what promises to be
the greatest adventure of her ad
venturous life—a 27,000 mile flight
around the world, following gen
erally the equator. Her first hop of
2,400 miles took her to Honolulu.
With her in the Lockheed Electra
twin motored plane were CapL-
Harry Manning and Fred Noonan]
navigators, who were to leave the
plane at Hawaii, and Paul Mantz,
Amelia’s technical adviser, who
was to continue with her to Dar
win, northern Australia.
Crime and Punishment.
,AT A recent trial in New York
for a hideous murder, the law
yer for the killer—who, incidentally
had confessed—wound up his plea
with this old and reliable and beau
tifully logical standby:
“Putting this man in the electric
chair will never bring back the
woman he slew—remember that.
Gentlemen of the jury.”
But putting a brutal killer in the
electric chair will never bring him
oack either, which, after all, is the
main idea, isn’t it, Gentlemen of
any rational jury?
IRVIN S. COBB.
A Western Newspaper Union.
Washington
Digest g
h
National lopics Interpreted
B V WILLIAM BRUCKART
NAT IONA
,G
A A . H N Cj
ill
Selecting Indian Chiefs
In some tribes, such as the Iro
quois and some Pueblo tribes, cer
tain chieftaincies were always se
lected from a particular clan. While
there were hereditary chieftaincies
among certain other groups, as a
matter of practice such offices were
usually elective. It is possible that
the political system of the Iroquois
influenced the democratic style
of government of the United States.
Probably the only example in North
America of a power analogous to
that of a despot was to be found
among the Natchez and neighbor
ing tribes of the lower Mississippi
In this instance submission to the
will of the chief was for the most
part voluntary and based on reli
gion.
Washington.—Developments that
have taken place and are taking
e .. place in the fight
oees /Yew precipitated by
Alignment President Roose-
. velt’s plan to re
form the Supreme court of the
United States show some phases not
hitherto evident in political fights.
One of these, I believe, portends
important changes in the political
alignment in this country. I have
reported to you in these columns
many times evidences of a growing
trend toward a new political align
ment and I can say now that noth
ing which has taken place since
Mr. Roosevelt took his New Deal
into the White House has given such
impetus to this coming realignment
as his proposal that congress pass
a law giving him authority to
name six more justices for the high
est court.
The information coming into
Washington these days shows very
plainly that the Roosevelt court
packing proposal is calling forth op
position from both of the major po
litical parties. In other words, the
opposition to the President’s move
is probably nonpartisan to a greater
extent than any issue before the
American people in the last 50
years. It will be remembered that
the late President Wilson’s proposal
that the United States enter the
League of Nations falls within that
period of time and while there was
both Democratic and Republican
opposition to Mr. Wilson’s program,
it can not be said to have extended
among the rank and file of the Dem
ocratic party, then in power, to the
extent that Mr. Roosevelt’s court
packing project has permeated the
lists of Democratic voters.
I have endeavored to gain the
views of many individuals respect
ing the prospects of a new political
alignment but few of the men whose
judgment is best politically are will
ing to make a guess. A consider
able number of them say frankly
that they are unable to guess. On
the other hand, however, there was
general agreement that Mr. Roose
velt, by suddenly tossing his court
program into the lap of congress,
has given momentum to a move
ment that for some months appears
to have been simply marking time.
There are certain facts on this
phase of the court battle that appear
obvious. They are influential and
important as well.
Take for example the fact that
Mr. Roosevelt does not have the
backing of the so-called solid South
for his proposition. Now, the Demo
cratic party for three-quarters of a
century has rpaintained the South
as a stronghold of its party. In
deed, in every presidential and
congressional election, Republican
politicians began calculating what
the Democratic strength could be
at the maximum by conceding 13
states to the Democrats. How dif
ferent is the situation, now.
• » •
One can go through the lists of
representatives in congress from
the South and find
them rather even
ly divided. One
will find among
Mr. Roosevelt’s opponents in this
battle numerous senators and rep
resentative who have supported
him on every other item of legisla
tion that he has recommended to
congress. Now, however, the story
is different.
Another interesting phase of the
legislative situation is that the bulk
of the true and constant liberals
in the senate and the house have
taken a stand against the proposi
tion of increasing the Supreme court
from nine to fifteen members.
These two points do not repre
sent all of the factors opposing the
President’s plan by any means, but
I think it can be definitely said that
if Mr. Roosevelt is defeated in his
demand at this time, the two fac
tors that I have named will have
been the deciding influences.
Having influences like those just
mentioned expanding in their scope,
portends, as I suggested above, a
considerable shake-up in party af-
filation of a lasting kind. I do not
mean to say that all of the liberals
who are opposing the plan and all
of the Democrats who are opposing
the court-packing will refrain, from
supporting Mr. Roosevelt on other
issues in the future. I do mean to
emphasize, however, that some of
them will not return to the ranks
of Roosevelt stalwarts.
Thus it becomes rather obvious,
I think, that thd conservative ranks
in congress will be increased to the
extent that some of the defections,
caused by Mr. Roosevelt’s court
proposal, result in permanent ad
herence to other philosophies.
So it seems to me that the future
holds the probability of a sharp line
of demarcation between radicals
and conservatives. How they will
be identified and what labels they
may wear is immaterial. We are
du; to have a conservative party
and a radical party in this country
and its shape and character is be
ing molded under the driving fire of
the controversy precipitated by Mr.
Different
Story
'Happy Bluebirds'
Motifs for Linens
Roosevelt’s demands for six more
Supreme court justices.
• * -•
In a previous article I discussed
the bitterness that has permeated
-•. 7 - the Supreme cottrt
Growing controversy. This
Bittemen bitterness is grow
ing and no one
can tell how teTH^c it is going to
be. Yet, while the political leaders
make charges and countercharges,
it seems to me to be almost pa
thetic that the nine judges of the
Supreme court must sit quietly by
and say nothing. They can not de
fend themselves against the criti
cisms leveled at them by President
Roosevelt and his associates.
I have searched the records as
far as I have been able and I have
yet to find where any justice of the
Supreme court of the United States
ever has expressed himself publicly
on any occasion when the court was
assailed. It is a rule that is strictly
adhered to by the nine justices
whom Mr. Roosevelt has described
as “the nine old men.” Therefore,
we see them as the center of one
of the greatest political battles in
history, wholly unwilling to be
smirch their dignity or their rec
ords by answering back.
The recent “fireside chat” by Mr.
Roosevelt was replete with innuen
does and inferences that the mem
bers of the court are quite incapa
ble of doing their job; that they are
living in an age that is dead and,
consequently, unable to see things
as the rest of the country sees
them today. Mr. Roosevelt’s speech
at the victory dinner of the Demo
crats was purely politics and his
fireside chat in explanation of his
court program was 90 per cent poli
tics. But the Supreme court is not
in politics. It strikes me as being
almost a tragedy that these “nine
old men” can not defend their honor
and their record after a lifetime of
service to the American people.
I do not take much stock in the
many tirades that have filled the
air and columns upon columns of
newspaper space that the present
justices are incapable of doing their
job. There is so much untruth, *>o
many unwarranted conclusions in
those tirades that it amounts to a gi
gantic campaign that will mislead
the people of the nation. Assuming
that some of the justices are too old
to do their job and assuming fur
ther that some of them may be
too conservative to deal with pres
ent day problems, it yet seems to
me to be an indisputable fact that
there is nothing in life that can
take the place of experience and the
lessons thus learned.
• • •
•
While Mr. Roosevelt was taking
a vacation in the warm sunshine of
Georgia, the case
Able in behalf of the
Spokegmen court packing
proposition was
ably presented to the senate com*
mittee on the judiciary. His spokes
men were Attorney General Cum
mings and Assistant Attorney Gen
eral Robert Jackson. They did their
job well. They met some of the
most vicious questions from com
mittee members that I have ever
heard and they met them with a
smile. True, opponents of the pro
gram among those senators were
not satisfied at all with the explana
tions advanced by the President’s
spokesmen. That fact, however,
does not take away from the two
witnesses the credit that is due
them.
And thus for the first time we
have what must be regarded as of
ficial arguments. I mean these ar
guments are to be distinguished
from fireside chats and political
speeches concerning the merits of
the President’s plan. Likewise, for
the first time we have a frank ad
mission that Mr. Roosevelt’s pur
pose in asking congress to give him
authority for appointing six addi
tional judges is to give him men on
that court who will see present day
problems rs the President sees
them. *
In view of Mr. Jackson’s state
ments to the committee, we can
look back upon some of the
speeches made by New Deal spokes
men some months ago and can
realize from them and present de
velopments that Mr. Roosevelt had
the general purpose of packing the
court in mind for some months.
This circumstance seems to explain
also why the President and his ad
visors refused to accept the recom
mendation of Prof. Raymond Moley
in 1934. At that time, Professor
Moley, a member, if not the num
ber one man, of the Brain Trust,
urgently pressed for the New Deal
ers to go to the country with two
constitutional amendments. He
wanted the people of the country to
understand that these amendments
would permit enactment of certain
types of laws. He thought that the
congressional elections of 1934 .was
the time to present the questions
to the voters. It must be said that
Professor Moley’s proposition was
one of the fairest and soundest to
be made. It is a method prescribed'
by the Constitution itself.
t Weatern Newspaper Uoloa.
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Envy is a necessary evil; it is a
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yet better.—Voltaire.
Don 9 t Sleep
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If you want to r4ally GET RID OF
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A Trying Person
He surely is in want of another’s
patience who has none of his own.
—Lavater.
Miss
REE LEEF
says
Capudine
xelmre±
NEURALGIC PAIN
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Copying those who are well-
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