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'''NITIATIVE, REFERENDUM AND RECALL NO FIELD IN NATIONAL POLITICS fi b REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT, AS CON CEIVED BY FRAMERS OF CONSTITUTION, it ONLY SAFE BULWARK OF CIVIL LIBERTY a 0 li Danger of Departing from Path Established f by the Fathers (i SPEECH DELI.VERE) 1Y NIR. UNI)ElJ\VO(l) BlEORE CATHOLIC CLUB OF NEW YORK CITY l)ECFAll3ER 19, 1911. al Tile i)' tin purpose of government is the protection of life, lilerty and prop erty. .'llhe safe-guardimg of property rights is essemial to the advancemiet of st our civilization. Mten do not always awake to the realization that the just enforcement of the law is more essential to good governinent than the enactment of new i statu tcs. Less than a century and a half ago the Federal Constitution was written' it become the pattern in its fuidamiental features for our State Constitutions. ec The world had experimented witli almost every conceivable method of govern- fc inent for thousands of years before the birth of Our repiblic. Tihe statesmen 1I who created the form of the new government were essentially students of the s1 vheories of govermlijent and lovers of the liberties of tle Most of pi Shen had offered their lives and their fortuties in the strugglc for heir country's i.lependence. No man can justly charge timezi vitst eitler lack of intforma ion regarding the essential principles of government, or want of lionesty ii of purpose to create a governieit that would secure to themselves and thir w children "a more perfect Union, establish Justice, insure domestic Trandtility, w Provide for the common defeise, promote the general \Welfare, and secure the t\ ihlessings of Liberty to themselves and their Posterity.' tI a World's First Written Constitution. They proclaimed to the world its first written Constitution, created a gov ernment of law in absolute contradistinction to a government of men. gve framers of the Federal Constitution were familiar with the repeated fail ures of governments based on the principle of a direct democracy, where the people were the direct law-making power and in some instances the ultimate judicial power of the country. Dangers of a Direct Democracy. st They knew from the history of the past that those governments had failed p r heir purpose; that the liberties of tihe people had been destroyed by tile % .- -rues and excesses which marked the adninistration of I government where i ,e Jaws were nade in the forun by the assembled niultitude, and were not tle g nature product of selected men especially trained for the work in hand. 11 'They knew that the failure of every direct Democracy was due not to the lack of honesty or purpose on the part of the aggregate citizenship as sembled in the forum, but to the fact that they were often swayed by their 'esires, passions, and prejudices, and lacked intimate knowledge of the re- S suitanit effect of thcir actions,. No honest man in his individual entity will controvert the Golden Rule S that all men should do unto others as they would be done by, but it is rarely tI the case that the assembled populace can divorce itself from its selfish desirc,; and deal out abstract justice to those who may be temporarily in the minority. Realizing the danger and excesses of a direct Democracy, the framers of a our Constitution endeavored to establish a government that would protect the rights and liberties of the individual aid at the same time reflect ultimateli the will of the majority i the enactment of the law of the land. Ours a Representative Form of Government. I T'o accompllish this end, they established a representative form of govern- P mieint designed to create a law-making power resp~onsive to the will of the people, and at thme saimie time they wrote in the Constittution certain checks and .balances intended to prevent the more brutal force of a majority from (Ie- I st royiing the liberty amid property rights of the individuald. it must alwvays be borne in mind that the framers of our Constitution wvere not attempting to establish freedom of Government, for they created a Gov ernment with only certain delegated powers expressly given to the Nation by tr the States, reserving to the States the right to make most of the laws that 11 alfected the liberties of the citizen. The underlying principle of the Consti- i: .tution~ was to gtmarantee the liberty of the citizen and the protection of his h )ropecrty rights agamnst the p)ower of the Governmment itself.p Independent Judiciary Established. I To guard and protect these rights, an independent judiciary was established a to see that neither the Exectutive nor thme Legislative branches of the Govern- it ment encroached upon the guaranteed rights of the individual. It is evident that thme framers of the Constitution were unwvilling to trust si a selected legislative body, held in cheek by the veto powver of the Executive; Ii fearing even then an unbridled abuse of the powver, they established Constitu tional gtuarantees of liberty that a majority of the people could not trample hi upon or the Government itself destroy. I Sonme niay say that a majority of the people wvill not endanger the liberties ei and rights of the individual. 1 wish that this wecre true, but the history of ii every government has shmownt that at tunes the people, when unchecked by k1 constitutional guarantees, have destroyed individual rights and individual sI Jiberty. nl Unwise Changes Now Proposed. It is nowv proposed by some that we shall in part abandon the representative -( government enacted by our Revoitionary fathers, aitd adopt a system that in the end wvould establish a dlirect democracy wvhen the ultimate powver to umake. lawvs would be placed directly in the hands of all the people, and the independent j udiciary iended to protect the Conistitutional guarantees of individual liberty tI would become subservient to thme w~ill of the majority throtigh pplitical coim pmlsion. We may forget that Madisoii and IHamilton, soldiers in the war for Ameri- ii can .Independence, brought their great minds and nmatture judgments to the c< framing of the Constituition of the United States, btit there is one whose sincere mi judgment wvill not be doubted as to tIme value of a representative government tI as conmpared wvith a direct one, eveni by those wvho dloubt the sincerity of p)ur-- Ie .pose and the honesty of opinion of other men. .Jefferson's Wise Views. In speaking of "the~ equal rights of man," Thomias J efferson declared: o4 "Modern times have the signal advantage, too, of having dliscovered t11 the only dlevice by which these tights can be sectired, to wit :Govern- t11 nment by the peop~le, acting not ini person, but by representatives chosen by themselves." - The author of the Declaration of Independence, knowing that all poptular g 'vernmenmt before his time, restiig on thme direct decisions of the people, had frled and ultimately had reverted into umncontrolled despotism, rejoiced that d the hour had come when a represetntative govennent cotuld express the will f of a free people. If is now proposed to abandon thme representative principle ~ of government established by our fathers and revert to the direct action of tI .the people, to the principle of an Athenian democracy adapted to modern r conditions., Representative Government Only Check on Excesses and Passion. a0 Our representative government was established to guard against the ex- r cesses which had brought the ancient direct popular government to destruction, tr and because our government does not at all times immediately respond to public sentiment, there are some who insist that the principle of government is at fault and must ,be changed. Trhey do not reflect that at times they may mis judge real publhe sentiment, that at other times the instrument of the govern ment (the representative tyhom the people canm change at recurring periods) t11 is at fault and' not the basic principle of the government itself, My experience as a legislator leads me to believe that the Congress of the mi United States will always ultimately responid to the enlightened and matured sentiment of the people. .th With the chmanging~ tides of pumblic sentiment, we have repeatedly experienced cc changes in the exercise of the taxing powers. We have seen the legislative branch of the government in direct response to public ,sentiment fn recent years enact railroad rate legislation, pure food w laws; prov.ide for the publicity of campaign ftundl. national quarantine, irrigate v the arid West and build the Tsthmian Canal. Can it he trumthfullhy said that di the Comrress has failed ultimately to place on the stattute books the laws that a majority of the American people were In favor of as a result of their perma- f nent and deliberate judgment? ef (Continued on Next Column.) fe "iME TO ABA .UNWO The most humiliating paradox in < ,merican politics to-day is the shrink- t ig attitude of some of our own people a nward the presidential possibilities of r outherni men. 1he civil war, the memories of which d irnished the nursery for this indefensi- ' le sectional abasement, is 50 years at P ur back. Ninety per cent of the Amer- f an voters who elect a president re- < iember this war and its dividing rancor I nly as history. With outstretched < inds, having given every proof of view ig Mason and Dixon's line as no more b political barrier than the Mississippi r the Rockies, the dominant generation t t the North invites the South, its pub- s c men, by right of citizenship and by t ght of demonstrated ability, into full 1 llowship in the: nation's counsels. South Wanting in Boldness What has been the answer of the s outh-at least, the answer that may be terpreted by the silence or the diffi- f mnce of hundreds of thousands of rep- r sentative Southerners? Obsessed by the ghosts of half a cen- i try ago, guilty of ati embarrassment < d a self-consciousness that is nothing t lort of arrant sectional cowardice, 1: ere is a feeling among many South- f ners that the wraiths of the sixties I ill statid between the South and the i hute llouse--te South and that par- 1 ipation in the nation's voice, the na- s t's destiny, to which the nation is t ger to admit. us. Tie consequences of this abnegation of c mmitnon manhood could not be more I: reefully portrayed than in the words c the Constitit on's Washington corre ondent, in a dispatch discussing the esidential status resulting from the a~vey-Wilson-\Vatterson episode. "If , writes our correspondent, canvass g the possibilities of Oscar Under ond, the brilliant Alabamian, along I it oilier Southerners, "pays the penal- < tOf being a Southern man, it will be I ic South and not the North to ex- f :t it." South's Political Stage Fright That is also an accurate delineation t New Leader From the South "'The President's veto, of course, de royed the Free List Bill, as well as I the other features of the Democratic atform. The special session, however, as not without far-reaching results. I s chief accomplishments were a reor- q inized Congress and a resurrected emocratic majority under a new lead ship. It also emphasized the new I irt which the Southern States are now U laying in national affairs. With a I outherner as Chief Justice, a Southerner : i majority leader in Congress, and outherners as prominent candidates for I te Democratic presidential nomination -Clark, Underwood and Wilson-the aition Is certainly more united than at I tiy time since the Civil War. No man !joices more over this changed situa- I on than Underwood. HeI is even more I terested in the solidarity of the forty ght States than in the union of the I emnocratic party."--Burton J. Hen ek in McClure's Magacine, February, kla bama's Candidate Mr. Underwood's service to the coun- I y during nine terms in the National I ouse of Representatives has been most I stinguished, and has made his name a r >ulsehold wvord in the homes of thei :ople. For more than 20 years lhe has :en in the very front of his party's I Lttle line, a leader from his youth, anidi 'er faithftil to his party's principles I id1 candlidates. No Democrat can findi flawv in his political record ; no charge desertion in any campaign ; no accu-i tion of serving special interests can < against him. I lis congressional colleagues respect in for his sincerity, his high sense of >tnor, his sagacity andl his acknowl- I Igedi ability, and this in itself is an fallible proof of his merit, for nonet low so well the capabilities of ai atesman as those wvho have served I' any years wvith him and nloted his ; mnduct in (lays of peace and those of >litical storm.--Cinicinnati En quircr, I ctober 23, 1911. i (Contintied from The respotnse may not be as rapidl, br lre is certainly not as tuch dlanger 0o gislation. Cannot .a committee of the Conigri itiate legislation, within the limitations *sses, and abuses, protect the rights of aj ority, as well oi bettert than the partis at they may acconiplishi one result, ar avo a wake of dlestruction as to collate Untrustworthines It is trute that under the system pro >ters wouild first have to b~e obtained. ten lie has signed petitions to please ot e- paper, to dletermtineo what thought e average tian who sae;is a petition. eople Suffer More From Failure c Lack of Proper Should I stop to criticise our governme r more froth the failure to enforce the from the lack of proper legislation. tund oni the statute books, that if fai, c complain against ; but it is so much an to insist that our neighbor shall go ady have. If there are evils in our government ganic form. It is due to the failure id justly perform the dutties impose< id the way is clear, The people shouk sponsibility the tunfaithful servant and tie to the trust imnposedl upon them. The People and the You tell me the people cannot elect ho at the masses of the people are far b< easures, and arc far more likely to s easure. When you say that the voter cannot s e will of the people in his office, and untry, I say you reflect on the very f isjudlge the honesty and the intelligence Our Constitution was born in the hour as ripe In the hearts of nmen. For a c< ar, greed, and Intolerance; through th< saster, It has protected the lives. liberty Let us elect honest men to public ofice r the true Interest of the Constituti1 Feet It may have on their personal fort1 r a change of the fundamental nrinctlph ANDON RTHY SECT A f the manner in which the North views lie situation. We use Underwood only s an illustration, though his magnificent ecord as House leader during the spe tal session would, as our correspondent eclares, have assured his nomination with a sweep"--had he lived at the JorthI To the North, it makes no dif erence where Underwood, or any other ne of the galaxy being discussed, was orn. The representative Northerner oes not bridle at mention of Bull Run r Gettysburg. It remains for the South c develop political stage fright over hese diminishing chapters in our his ory. The last smouldering embers of ectional acrimony were stamped out by lie Spanish-American war. The last arriers between North and South were runibled before the achievements of oc Wheeler, of Fitzhugh Lee, and of iany of the younger generation on both ides. The most convincing evidence of this act is the manner in which the nation eceived the announcement of the broad nd patriotic action of President Taft i elevating Justice White, a Confed rate veteran, to the Chief Justiceship of lie United States Supreme Court. A rotesting snarl -ose here and there rom the irreconcilables. And the voices lost bitter in denunciation of that riundice cane from-the Northern ress I It is only essential for the occa ional freak firebrand to rise and at .mpt to wave the "bloody shirt," to be uried with ridicule, not only by his onfrares, but as well by the news apers of all sections of our common ountry. Not a Question of Expediency or Discretion In the face of these cumulative facts, here are some in the South who still uestion if, "on account of past of enses," it is "discreet" or "expedient" or a Southern man to offer himself for residential honors I We insult our elves, we debase our manhood, we sur ender the rights the North is so willing o concede us, when we permit our .nderwood for President The argument that lie lives too far ;outh to ie available is without weight. lie country has reached that state of nion-has been so closely drawn to ether by railroad and telegraph-that labaia is brought to the door of New (ork. Massachusetts and Texas are near eighbors and even the two Portlands, 4 Maine and Oregon, stand within easy ailing distance of each other. So far s any feeling of sectionalism is con erned, or any prejudice against the se ection of a Southern man for the presi lency, Underwood is, like Lincoln, a ative of Kentucky, and therefore as auch Northern as Southern, was born luring the Civil War, and grew to man iood after the old bitterness between forth and South had died out. He is .big, brainy, coutrageous man.--Balti sore Sun, July 26, 1911. Jnderwood Presi dential Timber Mr. Underwood wvould make an ideal 'residlent. He is a broad-gauged, level eadled citizen; he doesn't slip his cere ral cogs and go off at a tangent as a abid exponent of revolutionary dogmas .i an effort to popularize himself ; lhe is miformly courteous to all men ; lhe be eves in, redlucimg the high cost of liv rig in this country, not talking about it; le does not believe in destroying the Iidtistries of the United States while at lhe samne time lie is a thorough believer ai the primciples of tariff for reventue inly. There is no flub-dub about Mr. Un erwood. ,He doesn't believe in shams. .e is a big, brawny, brainy statesman, ,ithout his lightning rod out to attract lhe D~emocratic nomination for the pres lency, and largely on that very account c is, liable to be the very man that will et in the way of the bolt that may levate him to the White House.-J. WV. ~lennier, in the Timses-Desnwcrat, Mus egee, Okla., October 28, 1911. First Colunmn.) tit is probably more permanient and enacting hasty, ill-considered or bad 'ss, composed of representative men, of the Constitution, guard against ex the minority, voice the wishes of the in friends of a measure whlo, in order e2 temiptedl to reach so far that they ral matters the measure touches ? s of Petitions. )osed, a petition b~y a percetntage of lhtt let every mani ask himself how get rid of the person who presented nld (deliberation will be exercised b~y f Law Enforcement Than Frorn Legislation. nt, I would say that the people stiffer laws on the statute books than they hlow many remedial laws are to be ly enforced wvould remedy the evils easier to cry out for new legislation to jail for violating the law we al as it exists today, it is not in its of those in office to honestly, fairly I upon them. The remedy is plaitn dIrive from the places of power and elect those who will lbe faithful and Representatives. nest and faithful servants. I tell you tter judges of men than they are of sleet an honest man than an honest elect a public official who will reflect be faithftul to the Constitution of his rat principle of free government and of the American people. when the love of liberty and freedom ntury it has withstood the storms of tenmpests of discontent, danger and and property of our people. men who have the courage to stand they represent regardless of what mes. There then will be no demand is of our ovenment. ONAL BASEME=NT course, as a people, to be so interpreted It is not in human nature to accord respect, where self-respect is absent ilow, then, can we expect the remainder of the nation to continue to respect us, when we grovel in the dust of a by. gone era, and let go by default the rights inherent im American manhoodl For virtually half a century the South has.furnished the hewers of wood and drawers of water for the - Democratic party. It has, faithilly with each re :urrent four years, furnished the Democ racy's army and its line officers-cheer Fully yielding command to other sections, With a smile, it has steadily forsworn the political loaves and fishes, content, for the sake of the party, that they go to doubtful States-time and again to States most of us knew at the time were steel-riveted Republican. Let Us Claim Our Birthright For 50 years we have eatep . in the political kitchen. Consistently, we have waxed cheerful when denied even the dubious privilege of the second table. And to-day, when the clock of destiny strikes, when the door of opportunity is wide ajar, when the North actually lives tip to that prophetic utterance in the Senate of Ben Hill, "We are back in the louse of our fathers, and we are here to stay, thank God i"-a few of us are still >)lushing and stammering, still vearing olitical sackeloth and ashes, still up to Ie old "easy mark" game of doing all he drudgery, with none of the cakes md ale! Let's end this disgraceful farce I We furnish, have long furnished, the electoral votes, the powder and shot, the niuslitions, of the Democratic party. Let's assert those equal rights and privi leges as American citizens, as the re mnainder of the nation fraternally hids 11s to do. Let's cease the stultification of informing the nation, by our actions, that ve cannot bring forth a man capa ble for the presidency. For the sec tional cowardice, here and there mani fested, is equivalent to that shameful aind ungrounded admission.-Thc Con-. rtitution, Atlanta, Ga., January 21, 1912. Southern Leaders "Naturally the ncn who have led the Democrats in the House of Representa tives so successfully under trying con ditions are freely mentioned at the pres ent time as possible candidates for the presidential nomination by the Demo eratic Convention. These leaders are Lhanip Clark, Speaker of the House, and Oscar Underwood, a new and coming man. - "Both are Southerners, by the way, but im my mind there is no reason in these days of broadening views and lessening prejudices why a Southerner should not be nominated and elected to the presi dential chair of the United States. In fact, there are many reasons wh it should be so."-London cable of WVilliami Randolph H-earst in the Nrew York~ American, Monday, September 25, 1911, Takes Up Underwooc1 The years since the Civil War have rolled too fast and far to permit it to be conceivable any longer that the cir cumlstanlces of Southlern birth should constitulte in Northern judgment a dis qualification in any degree whatever. liothI as to nomination and as to elec ion the Southlerner will be rated in 1912 ml his individual merits. As far as thlis pairticular Southerner, Mr. Oscar \V. Underwood, is conlcernedl, it is agreeable to nlote thle absence of geographly ini the regard in which lhe is held in all parts of thle Union-New York Sun 1911. A FALSE POSITION Rumors generally believed to have emanated froml'the camps of men who either are or have been conlsidered as Demlocratic presidential possibilities, tihat Mr. Underwvood, of Alabama, could not commnand the support of the Northl be cause of the fact thlat lhe is a South erner, are not only poppycock, pure and simple, but thley place tile men of the North in a false position in tile eyes :> the people of tile South and tend to revive sectional feeling which has been )uriedi for miany years. Tile effects of suchl rumors are nlil inl tile North be :ause the people of the North know thley ilave nlot one iota of truth, but people inl tile South are apt to take them mlore seriously, and thlere is where they may )rove harmful, not only because of thleir -ndency to cause dissatisfaction on the >art of Southern Democrats, but be :au~se of the effect tihey may have ill ~ivinlg r-ise to sectionlal prejudice through raise representations of conditions which :Jo .not exist. No Northerner would lesitate to support Mr. Underwoodl be aause he comes from the South.--The 4trgus. Albany, New York, November 23, 1911. UNDBRWOOD THlE PlAN We have been humbugged and scared ff lon~g enoughl by tile bogy of North ~rn prejudice against a Southern candi late. Underwood stands for just those hings which recent Northern majori ies hlave declared they want-a revi ion of, tile tariff downward and tihe lest ruction of special privilege. His ilalities of leadershlip hlave been tested md approved. In his personaliij he s solid, clean and sane, with tile couir ge of a igihter and the clairvoyance of trule .reformer, and if the South pre ents him as her candidate and the party -atifies her choice this fine, strong char eter of a new day in our annals will atchl both the sentiment and the 'sober udg~nmnt of tile North, sweep away the ast remaining debris of the dead old v'ar and its dead Issues and carry 'nouqh States In that section to give u~s he Presiency.-Live Oak, Fla., Demo rat, reprinted in the Montgomnerv Ad 'eriter. January 1/. 1912.' I TT FREE LIST BILL VETOED BY PRESIDENT TAF DRAWN BY CHAIRMAN UNDERWOOD OF TH WAYS AND MEANS COMMITTEE A Bill of Direct Benefit to the Farmer, Who Hopes Were Dissipated by a Repub lican President MR. UNDERWOOD THE FRIEND OF ALL CLASSES MRl. UNDERWOOD, FROM THE COMMITTEE ON WAYS AND MEANS, SOBM-JTTED THE FOLLOWING REPORT (EXTRACTS). [To accompany H.R. 4413.] The Committee on Ways and Means, to who ferred the bill (. R. 4413) to place on the free list agricultural mwn e erred ing, cotton ties, leather, boots and shoes, saddlery and harness, fence .Wreo baggis, cerals, flour, bread, timber, lumber, sewing machines, salt, and other arties,' caving had same under consideration report it back to tle house ithout aviidg. ment and recommend that the bill do pass. It was expressly stated in the Democratic platform of 1908 that the belated promises of tariff reform made at that time by the Repubica Party were a tardy recognition of the righteousness of the Democratic position oa tis ques tion, but that tile people could not safely intrust tle execution of this im portant work to a party which is so deeply obligated to the highly protected interests as is the Republican Party * * * * * * * * * * * AGRICULTURAL IMPLEMENTS. By this measure agricultural tools and implements of every kind are placed on the free list, in order to remove or to prevent any Possible discrimination against our farmers in the prices of these necessary articles, and to place them on an equal footing with their competitors elsewhere in the world. Our do mestic manufacturers of agricultural tools, implements, vehicles, and dachin ery have grown to great proportions and are largely nized into great trusts and combinations. These organizations are selling toeirproducts al over the world, meeting and overcoming all competition. They need ct protection, and, as a rule, ask for none. For a number of years they sold many of their products in foreign countries at lower prices than at home, and so recently as 1907 agricultural associations in public resolutions protested against this practice. The imports of these agricultural impleoents are in significant; the value of all such imports, free and dutiable, in 1910, amounted to $122,302. The exports of these implements have become a matter of more importance than the domestic trade, the figures indicating am increase from $3,859,184 in 1890 to $28,124,033 in 1910. This foreign business will be greatly aided by the removal of duties from lumber, as provided for in this bill. g BAGGING AND BALING MATERIALS. It is of the greatest importance to our producers of cotton and other agri cultural commodities that the materials necessary for bagging, sacking, baling, or otherwise packing these commodities be made free from duty, so that they may be available to the producers at the most favorable prices Possible, with out shelter for the exaction of unreasonable prices by trusts and combinatiohs of manufacturing interests. The bill, therefore, places all such materials and articles on the free list, including cotton bagging and cotton ties, jute and jute butts,. hemp, flax, seg, tow, burlaps, and other materials or fibers suitable for coverings, and bags or sacks made therefrom, together with all hoop or bandblef iron or hoop or band steel for baling any commodity and wire for baling agricultural products. All these coverings and materials for makinc g are essentials in the transportation of agricultural prdut o thig mcovetns The products can not receive the benefit of ayproect ito these markets, and for this and other reasons it is unfair andunus proteconmtnue dutieso coverings for agricultural produce. These duties haves anoycontmaedburend farmers and .have served principally to incraetiavoanydndbdnd and combinations. res teprois of exacting trusts 62d Congress, 1st Session. H. R. 4413. An Acttopaenthfrels4 agricultural implements, cotton bagging, cotton tiest pleahe bonothe free ss fence wire, meats, cereals, flour, bread, timber, lum:b cer, bootsn manes soes, and other articles. eswn ahns at B it oeAnced by ithe Senat easem ouse of Repreenttives of the United the passage of this Act the following articles shall be emt fro dty olwhng imported into the United States:eexmtfo duyw n Plows, tooth and disk harrowvs, headers, havsesbeprgiutrldil and planters, mowvers, horserakes, cultivatoartrs, renachns, agrcutua cotton ginls, farm wagons and farm carts andl all other a griul a impens d coton kind and description, whether specifically mentionegrin or mlmnt whether in wvhole or in parts, inlcluding repair parts.norotwhhe .Bagging for cotton, gunny cloth, and all similar fabris maeil,' rcvr ings, suitable for covering and baling cotton o oe rins wholeras or over-o ow, ale milltsvvste, cotton tares, or an othe osedemial e or essital for coverinig cotton; and burlaps and~ bags or sacks com sdwo or r sintable fo jute or burlaps or other material suitable for bagngs wl or parttra products.gggosakgarctua Hoop or band ironl, or hoop or band steel, cttoegtlpnhd rnt ptnched, or wholly or partly manufactured inito hoop to ties, punched or not coated withl paittor ty oother preparation1,io witoop wtorutc buce o r fasten strawv, anld other agricultuiral products. iieo aighy Grain, buff, split, rou~gh and sole leathler, band, bend orbligdatr ot and shoes made wholly or in chief value of leatlnler belting frmeatte hides anld cattle skinls of whatever weighlt, of cattle of tle bovie from.cattl hindng calfskins; and harness, saddles, and saddlery inst vrine specrs, menishding unfinishled, composed wholly or in chi value ofleathler; and leathe cutnishedor shoe uippers or vamps or other forms suitable for c -leso int manc-tit tured articles.rcovron tom uf Barbed fence wire, wvire rods, wide stranlds o r oe iewvno nmanufacttured for wire fencing, aind other kinds of wirersuitable fovencing including wire staples.eorenig Beef, sneol, muton <lresbe rkr'eand meats of all kinds, fresh, salted, pickled, bacon, hanms, shloulders, lard, lardl conmpoun<dsr andreslar substitutes;and sausage andl satusage meats. ea .Buckwheat flour, corn meal, wheat flour and semolina, ry florban middlings, and~ othler offals of grain, oatmeal and rojled oats, and all urparen1 cereal foods; and biscuits, bread, wafers, anld siml arile, o pepaen. .Timber, hlewn, sided, or squared, round timber use1 fricles nor sweetened ing wvharves, shlingles, laths, fencing posts, sawved hoards, panksrdealsuind othler lumber, rough or dressed, except boards, planks, (heals, and' other sum ber, of hignum-vitae, lancewood, ebonly, hox, granadilhai maognoewum satinwvood, anld all other cabinet woods. ,m oay oeod Sewing machines, and all parts thereof. Salt, whether in bulk or in bags, sacks, barrels, or other packages. Passed tile Ihouse of Representatives May 8, 1911. Attest: SOTr TRIMtLE, Clerk. UNDERWOOD A UNIFYINO FORAKER ON UNDERWOOD FORCE Mr. Joh~n Temple Graves will be in hThe Repblicans cannot agree with town soon to make us a speech. He his tariff views; tile ,country, we are was in Birmingham the other nigh an sure, will never put him io the presi- The -g--ca rne a g itrvie dency, but assuredly he must be con- g-eadpitda neve ceded .to be the ablest, tile strongest, the~ with the former Georgian, in which thlat most influential Democrat in C2ongress genltlenman discussed Mr. Underwood as to-day, anld he has shown a marvelous a presidential candidate Mr.Gae c-apacity for leadership. His party asso-- said: "Mr. Foraker used to be ry bit-e ciates stand solidlly behind hlim, and that terly opposed to the South, bu t softened could not have been said of any other a great dleal after his elevation to the mlan in~ recent years whlo led the Demo- Se'. te. I asked Mr. Foraker if incae crats in the House of Represen tatives. Mr. Underwoodl is nominated for Pres The shrewd Republican politicianis tht liewisla tSother maifncetoyo who predictwodlthat tspeltemocrat in "'Absolutely none,' said. Mr. Foraker. btherl ihsinglb splctin int aes dohan 'O orse, I cannot vote for him, as I bitthrly nowghting fa t in dleswood's a kaRepublican, hut if any Republican months are no harmaze r a nder oo ' shoul get tup and denounce him because fyinufce.s ase hamonucceedd a un- he is from the South, I would take the everybody else failed; it seems liktely at ipem Undeweloming asfense.'" that with the prestige of stuccess he will fro at reads wose anoigc as tdoes grow larger and1( more powerful as time romwa the Sohs intaotr att passes. We dletest his political princi- imat the apelation ofothe d pies, bitt it would be folly to deny his Foraker.-Montgomery (M1~ /0 strenigth and capacity-The Post Ex- iertiser, reprinted in the tl, press, Rochester, N. Y., June 21, 1911. Alra..--l&,anua1., "