University of South Carolina Libraries
THE PICKENS IE PICKENS, S. C., THURSDAY, APRIL 4, 1912. sSCAR WA MATCH.LESS LEADER 0 THE PROGRESS OF A SANE YOUNGI MAN By SAMUJt -G:.LYTHE. (Saturday' 2?vening Post, December 30, 1911.) It was hot in Washi.gton on \Vednesday, the second of August last-so hot you could fry a-egg oin the pavement at Ninth and F if so be your taste ran to frie4 g si la asphalt; and it as even hotter than oi that torrid corner i..i '(he glass-ceilinged chamber of the House of Representatives. Only a few wilted statesmen were present at noon, and the chaplain languidly besought that they should be purified from all guile and let it go at that. Ii smay have been there was a feeling that sone of those statesmen-reposing coat less and-within the zones of influence of the electric fans in the various com mittee rooms hould have their guile removed-- too; for no sooner had the chaplain concluded his thirty seconds of prayer than ti - absence of a quorum was suggested. The heated statesmen came pouring in >m all sorts of places, shoving themselves sulkily into their coats, and ansN. .ed to their names as the roll was called. Twvo hundred and thirty-three of thenm responded, each asking his neighbor: "What's up ?" It wasn't long before they all found out. After Mr. Burke, of South Dakota, had corrected the Record to show he voted in thle negative on a certain propo sition instead of answering "Present," Oscar V. Underwood, the Democratic floor-leader, and by the same token the majority floor-leader, was up. Also, Oscar . Underwood was cool. Two hundred and thirty-two statesmen were S to the point of saturation and heated to the point of liquescence; but nderwood was cool. Not a bead of perspiration gemmed his brow; not a sag was in his collar and his shirt-bosom preserved its pristine gloss. Underwood Center of a Dramatic Scene. He had a newspaper in his hand; and as hie rose the gasping patriot s oil both sides took notice and shoved up their tcmperaturcs a degree or so by clapping vigorously. "Twe gentleman from Alabama ic recognized," said the Speaker, leaning for ward eagerly as if lie knew what wvas coming. h"Mr. Speaker," began Underwood calmly, evenly, dispassionately and coolly which is most important-"Mr. Speaker, I rise to a question of personal privi lege." The Democrats applauded some more. The Republicans grinned. It was no affair of theirs, save as a show. He asked that the clerk read from the newspaper he held in his hand, and sent a page-boy scurrying up to the desk with it. The clerk read in that sing song manner in which all reading clerks read. It was a telegraphic dispatch fron Lincoln, Nebraska, and it began: "The recent activity of Representative Underwood in defeating the attempt by Champ Clark and others to reduce the steel and iron schedule has met with the disapproval of W. J. Bryan." The reading clerk paused here, as if to let the enormity of this sink into the parboiled perceptions of the perspiring patriots, and began again: "Today Bryan authorizes the following statement: 'The action of Chairman Under wood in opposing an immediate effort to reduce the iron and steel schedule reveals the real Underwood. Speaker Clark and other tariff reformers tried to secure the passage of a resolution instructing the Ways and Means Com nmittee to take up other schedules, including the iron and steel schedule; but Underwood and Fitzgerald, of New York, succeeded in defeating the resolu tion."' There was more of the statement, but that is enough to show its general tenor. It charged Underwood with being tainted with protection and havin an individual interest in the iron and steel business, and was a very pointed and personal assault on one big Democrat by another. After the clerk had finished reading the statement there was a moment of silence. Underwood stood looking directly at the Speaker, who still half leaned across the big desk up under the flag. Then Underwood began speaking slowly, dispassionately, evenly and gravely. Underwood's High Political Courage.' "The statements contained in that article are absolutely falsel" lie said. In stantly the entire Democratic side broke into a roar of applause. "If the reflections that paper contains rested only on myself I should not take the time of this House to answer them; but the statements contained in that article are a reflection on the only body of Democracy that is in control of this Government, and as the representative leader on the floor of this House, of this majority, I should be untrue to my party if I did not rise here and stamp those utterances with the brand of falsehoodl" Underwood continued. Ie asserted he had asked the committee to take up the iron and steel schedule first because he comes from an iron and steel dis tri ct, and appealed to his Democratic colleagues on the committee to support this statement, which they did. He said the committee had deemed it wiser to take up the woolen and the cotton schedules first because the iron and steel schedules had been cut in the Wilson, the Dingley and the Payne Bills-and wool and cotton had not been revised for many years. Mr. Kitchin, of North Carolina,, corroborated what Underwood claimed; and Underwood further S proved his case, explaining his connection with the iron and steel busintess h le is a stockholder ini a company that makes pig iron-and having a telegram read from Mr. Bryan, dated April twenty-third, to Ollie James, in which Mr. Bryan asked James to convey his congratulations to Underwood. ,"Mr. Speaker," said Underwood, "lur. Bryan did not say I was protection izing the Democratic party when I brought in the free-list bill. Not until I differed with him on the woolen schedule did he have one word of criticism so far as my conduct was concerned. * * * I had to write a wvoolen schedule that would protect the revenues of this Government, and because I did so and did not obey the command of the gentleman from Nebraska, Mr. Bryan, he tendeavoring to make the country believe I am not an honest Democrat in 4favor of an honest revenue tariff." There was some more of the speech, but not much. It was delivered ear nestly, bitt without heat and without an attempt at oratorical flourish. There was no frenzy of denial, no protesting of innocen~ce, no beating about the bush. A sane young man madle a sane denial-and proved his case. That was all there was to it-except one thing. Underwood a Presidential Possibility. That one thing is this: When Underwood finished that statement and sat down, amid the applause of the I-ouse, the State of Alabama had a candidate for the Democratic nomination for President. Underwvood diidn't know it; nor was it the fact that he had assailed Mr. Bryan that made him a candidate. Assaults on Mr. Bryan are as common as Mr. Bryan's assaults on other people -and about as effective. What gave the State of Alabama a presidential can didate was this: H-ere was a man with the highest type of political courage independence. Here was a man who did not attempt to palter with a situation, and a delicate one politically, but met it calmly and proved his contention. Here was a man who, as floor-leader of the House majority, was endeavoriing to (d0 what seemed best for the Democratic party and the country, and not for the benefit of any individual or the theories of any individual; and the country Cg applauded and began to ask: "I-ow about this chap Underwood? IHe seems to have stuff in him." Of course the Bryanophobes seized upon the circumstance to land Under wood, and equally of course the Bryaniacs would have seized on the circum stance to laud him had lhe praised Bryan. That isn't the point. The personal * equation of It was negligible. The mere fact that Underwood rose to a question of personal privilege and denounced Bryan meant nothing in the sober thought of the people; but the independence with which he did it, the calm and con vincing manner ii which he made his proof, the fact that the, entire majority supported hh-coming as It did after an arduous session of Congress, in which this same Underwood had displayed qualities of leadership and general ship and saneness that had caused a wakening of interest in him among the people-pushed that good opinion which had been formative to form, and naturally put Underwood In the light of being available for the Democratic nomination for President. Hence, unless conditions change very materially before the Democratic National convention Is held, Alabama, first on the rolcali, instead of yielding to some other State farther down the list when it Is time to place favorite and favored sons in nomination, will send an orator to the platform in her own right and present for thie consideration of the delegates the name of Oscar W. Underwood, of Birmingham, chairman of the Ways and Means Committee in the Si,ty-second Congress and floor-leader of the Democratic majority in the House. Underwood's Long Legislative Elxperience of Groat Value. A tcreat many men wise in public affairs have held that the Fathers who had inchided In t~bat document a provisioan that no man is eligible to the preet dency in this country unless he has served a certain !ength of .time In the iegislative branch of the Government. It was urged for Mr. Taft that he was JN-DER WOOE F A UNITED DEMOCRAC extraordinarily well qualified for the presidency because of his long experience In Governmental matters. Granting that Mr. Taft had long experience in the executiye end of the Government, he was wofully deficient in knowledge -of the legislative end; and this has been apparent all through his term. So with Mr. Roosevelt. The tragedy of the& death of Major McKinley will hold his name'hiigli among the .names of our Presidents; but, considering him critically, no historian at ,all familhar with the facts can deny he was an expert President, a capable President, ,a President who could secure results, a President who knew how to deal with the Congress which makes the laws he must execute, because of his long experience and service in the House. HON O W.UNERWOD Uneroo'sVaid ubicSevie N ow, ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ~ ... when yo.ak o.am n a..ec p i e o n g r si e ca d d t o 189, e as hitythe rod. Haredwspae nth omteso Public'evie LNds. andEendtures oan uli BidsIn the Fifty-it CongressIhe FOR PRES Y-WORTHY OF A UNITE I'," Mas. UNDERWooD. reciprocity legislation, to which the Democrats were favorable, the House was Democratic mainly because of the dissatisfaction of the people with the Payne-Aldrich tariff law, the election that made the House Democratic being the first opportunity the people had to express that dissatisfaction tangibly. The Democrats had a majority of nearly seventy. They had not had pos session of the House for sixteen years. They were politically hungry and polit ically thirsty. They needed sustenanice. They thought they had a chance to elect a president in 1912 and get full swing at all the perquisites and prerogatives of the Government; and each man of the two hundred and twenty-eight Dem ocrats was full of schemes for making this chance a certainty. They were all anxious to revise the tariff in order to keep faith with the people, but they had many plans for revision and many shades I. opinion as to how it should be revisea. They felt their power and importance. They were eager, avid, en thusiastic and none too prudent. Underwood and the Democratic Party. Underwood was made leader of these men. His task was to hold them in line, to keep thtn together, to get them at work intelligently and cohesively-to get results. He knew that the Democratic party, if it was to have any response from the people in its demand for the election of a Democratic president in 1912, must show tihe people it is trustworthy and fit for confidence, lie knew of the varying opinions as to what should be done with the tariff; knew of the enthusiasm and lack of judgment, the partisanship, and even the fanaticism of some of his .followers; .knewv they had been so long outside that the attainment of the insidle position might lead to excesses in legislation. He chose his lieutenants well and wvent at the job. His task i's not yet completed. The President vetoed the tariff bills that were formulated in the. House uinder Underwood's direction and intrinsically his, though changed in many particulars in the Senate and in conference. There will be more tariff legislation in the IHouse in this session. The Presi<Ient has dlemanded it and the Democrats are willing to go at it again in their own way. VWhat Underwood must (do again is to hold his party in line to meet as complex a situation as he had to meet in the extra session that ended last summer-and never forget for a minute that there is a presidential election. next year that uindoubtedly will be largely decided upon the tariff question. Judging the future by the past, he will do it. It is a situation charged with dlynamite. Many of his D)emocratic colleagues are anxious for radhical action in many ways. The Congress will not adjourn until just before the first national convention is held. TIhe record of the present I louse will I':ure largely, not only as to the individual fortunes of Underwood but also as to the fortunes of whomsoever shall be nominated by the D~emocrats for president and that candidate's success at the polls. * * * * * * Underwood Opposes Initiative, Referendum and Recall. lie is an advanced conservative in his views of other legislation. For example, he (does not, favor the wvide extension of the initiative, referendum and recall. H-is contention is that these measures have worked out satisfactorily in local matters where ,the people clearly understood the issues; but that in larger matters of national importance the Congress is better able to protect the interests of the people. "Thme people suffer far more from the failure to enforce eating laws than they do from the lack of proper legislation," he says. "Thec people should drive from the places of power andl responsibility the .unfaithful servants and elect those who will be faithful to the trust unposedl upon them. The masses of people are far better judges of men than they are of measures, and are far more likely to select an honest man than an honest measure." Underwood's Characteristics. Underwood w~as, born in Kentucky in 1862, was educated at the Rugby School in ,Louisville, and the University of Virginia, aind was admitted to the bar in 1804. lie went at on1ce to Birmingham, Alabama, where he has since practicedl law., lHe wvas first elected to Congress in 1894 andl has beeii returned regularly since. Hei early took a hand in p~olitics andl served on State and district comm ttees before lhe wvent to Waington. As I have shown, his expgerience in tl1' H ouse has been varied andl his advance has been steady. lHe is not a showy man, but a studious. Hie is not an eloquent orator. but a convincing speaker. Hlis greatest speech was in oppositioni to the Payne Aldrich bill when that measure was reported to the Hlouse of Representatives by the Republican Ways and Means Committee in 1909. lHe made several important speeches in advocacy of his own measures (luring the extra session 1 of the H-ouse last stimmer, but none was so important or so exhaustive as that speech against the Payne bill. lie spoke for several hours, took up the bill, section by section and analyzed it from his information andh conv'ictions. This was one of the great speeches of a season of remarkable presentments of tariff doctrine on both sides of the House. Underwood does not write his speeches. He says he cannot memorize easily, I and never attempts to make a set speech or a speech whlere lie follows copy exactly. His method is to collect all the available information bearing on his 1 subject and arrange it in skeleton form. He sets it out by (divisionis, subdiv.isions / and topics. IHe goes over these, rearranges, classifies, divides and subdivides. Then he may write portions of the speech, or he may not. At any rate, when he comes to talk he has nothing before him htut a sheet of paper with his topics on it, and he talks without reference to notes or to authorities. * * * * * * IDENT D SUPPORT PLAIN WORDS ON BIG QUESTIONS (Extracts from interview of Os car V. Underwood, reported in Staff Correspondence of the New York World, Editorial Section, December 3, 1911.) "There has been no attempt on the part of the manufacturers to give labor its share of the benefits derived from the tariff I They have kept all the profits." * * * "To. protect profits is to protect inefliciency and to strangulate rather than to develop industry." * * * "I prefer to lower the tariff wall by taking bricks off the top of the wall ratier than by dynamtiting the structure at the bottom." * * * "The people have lost faith in the Republican party because it has not kept faith with them." * * * "If it (the Sherman Act) is en forced as a criminal statute it is anl efficient istrument for pre venting and punishing monopoly and restraimt of trade.' *.-* * is WIFE A REAL HELPMEEM M~ir. Underwood has been helped and assisted by his wife. She is proud of inm and has faith in his future. She akes the utmost interest in his work mtd his ambitions. She assumes full naitrol of the domestic establishment id leaves him free from care and con 'eran. It is rumored that she even ays out his clothes for him and ties us cravat. She seeks to aid him in his tidies and work of researcL She is >riglit, well educated, vivacious and full >f life. Not beautiful, but attractive, violesome and compaiionable. No voaider is expressed that Mr. Under vood's forehead and face are free from vriaikles. All the turbulence and nerve icide connected with handling a flat tre removed from him.-New York Vorld, August 6, 1911. THE UNDERWOOD BOOM Uncle Joe Cannon is quoted as saying hat "Congressman Underwood of Ala mia has grown more in public senti nent recently than any other man in the Jnited States." Other leaders in both big parties are low taking notice of this able South raer, who distitaguishied himself dur ng the extra session of Congress as )emocratic leader in tihe House. Commenting upon tle Underwood )oom, the lBirmingham Age-Herald says: "The a ise of Oscar Utiderwood is the narvel of American politics, and we may ook for its culmination in the week of inle 25 in the good city of Baltimore." That this (istinguislied Alabamian is ,rowing im favor in all sections of the ountry is plainly evident on all sides. Vatch Uanderwood.-Columaibus, Georgia, ledlger, reprintedl in the ltiraminghamn Ala., Age-Iherald, Jaanuary, 1912. D)UTY HIGHEIR TI-AN AnlBITION Underwood Not Self-Seeking "My Frieands Must Do The Workc," says Underwood. Congressman Oscar \V. ,Underwood, w'hen asked if he wvould be a candillate for the Presidenicy, said: "? think amy frienids are going to pay mie the comphmen~at of indorsing me and hat theay will paeseant amy namea to the onveantioni. I will be very proud to ave thijr imd~orsemeneat. No muan could eel othler wise about it. "llumt I haave told thean that what they ho they nist do by thaemiselvo~s. I have I miaan's work cutl out for mer dowun ond~er," wavinig his haand ini the gen ral direct ion of Washingtona, "anad T ~a goinig to try nay best to do It.I 11m not going to neglect it to be a can idate for the P residenacy or for ally hling else. "For whlat mny frieands do0 T shall he ~rate'ful. Buit whlat is donie my friends wvill have to dlo."'-New) York .'~Aerican Det. 15, 1911. JNDERWOOD'S BOLD) PR~OGRAM Good P~olitics and P'olicy Thae Underwood parogram contemphates anie redttaonas, not revoluatioanary, but ramled so as to lighateni the burden >f thec tariff without giving too violent a shicck, to imuportsait national interests. 'Flins is a senisilhe program. ft is good political strategy and sound coomaics. Moreover, it is practical. If such a program should be passed md( vetoed by the Presidhent, Mr. Taft 11nd the Re pulican party will have to are aan anigry natioai with a third be rayal charged againist themn. if Taft should approve it, his pre touis attitudhe and previous vetoes will cave all the credit for tariff reforms o the Democratic party, and will enable aim to recover none of the advanutage ec has lost. 'e failure of the tariff commiission .deprivod the President of even a ,timate excuse for further vetoes, and ,'es the Democrats ample reason for 3ing ahead without waiting years for nore reports of the same kind.'--New~ )rleanas Item, reprinted in the Montrgomn 'ry (Alabama) Advertimr Ja. 5, 1912