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V . CHER AW GAZETTE.' xt mattfw- r.niTOR & PROPRIETOR. CHER AW, 8. C? TUESDAY, JANUARY 3, 1836. ? it? 7 1 VOL. II. NO. 8. ..E. ----- , p??i ii i?? T. A. PETTEGREW, PRINTER. Published every Tuesday. TER1 S. If paid within throe months, . . . 3. 00 If paid within three months after the close ol the year, - - - - - - - - 3. 50 If paid within twelve months after the close of the year, 4. 00 If not paid within that time, - . - 5.00 A company of ten persons taking the paper a the samo Post Office, shall l>e entitled to it at ?25 provided the names be forwarded together, {ac companied by the money. No paper to be discontinued but at the optioi of the Editor till arrearages are paid. Advertisements inserted for 75 cents per squan Iho first time, and 37$ for each subsequent inscr tion. Persons sending in advertisements are request ?d to specify the number of times they are to h inserted; otherwise they will be continued til "ordered out, and charged accordingly. CrThe Postage must be paid on all coinuiu ttications sent by mail. Ill HAL ECO.\O.TIY, HINTS TO YOUNG FARMERS. Several numbers, being " Hints to Far mers," were written by the Conductor and published, some three or four year, ago. To give them a more extendcc circulation, we intend to transfer sucli o them occasionally, into the Cultivator as may seem most worthy of the notia of our young readers. On leaving the parental roof, to seek m> fortune in the wide world, when about 1' years of age, my father gave me this par iing admonition : " Mv son, take care al ways to let ice// enough alone.'" The oc -casion served to impress the advice deeph on my mind, and amid the diversified scene: of the subsequent thirty five years, it ho; seldom been forgotten ; and I have reasoi fo believe it lias had a very salutary influ ericc upon my prosperity and happiness. I has afforded, withal, something of a stan dard by which to guage the indiscretions o others. How often has a disregard, in oth ??--- -I* .L c;-s, to this maxim, rennnuea mi; <ji im Italian epitaph : " I was well, wished to'bi better, took physic, and here I am." Tht true philosophy of happiness is to depone on one's self for the blessing?on the lively exercise of the virtues which can alone con fer it. The man who is industrious atic frugal, and who scrupulously fulfils the relative and social duties, whatever be hi: -condition or profession, stands the l>es chance of enjoying a goodly poition of tlx comforts and pleasures of life, and of per ]>c!uating in his children his habits and hi: virtues. While he who would live by tin industry of others, or who expects to fnn happiness in the frail applause which weald or osteotation may extort from those arouni him, seldom succeeds in his desires. Tom Tape was my schoolmate. Ton had rather high notions from his boyhood and persuaded his father to put him to ; merchant. In due time Tom became tin master of a shop of goods, was attentive a n< fortunate, and acquired a snug estate. I lu< he lei well enough alone, he might now hav< been the head tnan of our town, liu pride got the better of prudence, and per suaded him that he might do heller at Nev York. He went there, figured as a whole sale merchant, for which neither his capita nor his experience were adequate, for thre years, and then came the notice it? the stat paper for his creditors to show cause, (See Tjerck Wes-H's farm joined mine. II was one of our best farmers, and under stood the value of " come boys" as we]! a any one. Good luck was so constantly b; Iiis side, that he considered that any mai might get rich who had a mind to. Yet h could not h t well enough alone?ho wishei to dobettek. And therefore he removed t< the village and opened a tavern, and hai the promise of the justice courts and of tin stage custom. 44 Go hoys" did not improvi the farm, and it soon became neglected air unproductive. By and by the courts wen removed by law, the stage went to the nev hotel, and the temperance era wound up tin tavern business. Tjerck has got hack ti the farm, with habits very much altered and his fortune not a little impaired. Ye he consoles himself, that he is not halt s had off as Joe Sledge. once our master blacksmit! afterwards a merchant, and now a journey man. Joe was so famous for his edge tool; - - ? w i i that people came to him from all parts. ii had his journeymen and his apprentices, an was always present to oversee them, an to be seen by his customers, as all inaste mechanics ought to be. Joe got rich, lx cause he was adapted to his business, an his business adapted to htm. Joe thougl^ with Sam Patch that some things coul be done as well as others?and that be cause every body liked hii as a black smith, they must like him as any thin, else, forgetting that it was his trade, an not his mind nor his person, which ha brought him into notice. And as merchar, was rather more respectable than mechanii und withal a more tidy employment, he i fact, sunk the blacksmith, and became ,dealer in tapes and sugars. It fired wit Joe as it generally docs with others wh embark in new business, of which the know nothing, after they have arrived a mature manhood. Those who had bee bred to the business, proved successful ri vals, and the sheriff finally closed his met cantile conceras, bv selling the entire effect of "a merchant unfortunate in business. Joe rnsists to this day, that if lie had let wet .enough alone, he might have been as we off as the best of his neighbors. Time would fail me to narrate half th cases which have come under <ny observa tion, of men abandoning steady habits, an fair prospects of wealth, in the employment in which they had been educated, and ii which they wore best calculated to succeed f!>r t!y> v-rv hazardous chanec of domi better in business in which they had every thing to learn. The fascinating charms of fashion and show, the ostentatious pride of wealth, and the alluring smiles of office, are as-bad as were the syrens of Calypso, to beguile men from the paths of true happiness. The moderate but certain gains which are the reward of industry and frugality, are the most abiding in their nature, and most benign in their influence. It is 1 the mild early and later rains which induce ' fertility, and cover the earth with fruitfulness; while the tempest and its floods cause 1 waste and desolation. The mushroom grows up in a night, and withers in a day. The farmer should be the last to he dissatisfied with his condition. Of all classes - tie is the most independent. He produces 2 within himself more of the necessaries and 1 comforts of life than any other class. If he does not lind the elements of happiness I nn thp firm, his search for them elsewhere, . I fear, will be in vain. But he must not forget that it is the province of the mind to arrange and combine these elements; and that it becomes qualified to perform this . office, in proportion as it is enlightened and cultivated. The mind, like a garden, will 5 yield the most grateful fruits when nurtured J with care; and few have more opportunities, f or are better requited for their labors, in cul f tivating both, than him who strives by the plough.? Cultivator. From the Christian Witness. ^ AN INCIDENT IN TIIE CONVENTION WHICH FORMED THE U. S. CONSTITUTION. The following interesting incident will probably he new to many of our read. ers :? , i i s Ja May, 175JV, me ueieguies 01 mo ?u?5 cral States assembled at Philadelphia, with i the view to the formation of a constitution for the better government of the Union, t Of this illustrious body, Washington was . unanimously chosen President. During the f session the followingoccurrencestook place. . The account thereof, in its present au. thcntic form, was written in the year 1825, j j bv an intimate friend of the youngest mem. I ber of the convention. The part here givj | en is that relating to the reconsideration of the provision which had been made in the . beginning, for the representation of the j States in the Senate. It had been deter. mined, that representation should be accord5 ing to population. To this principle the ? representatives from the four smaller States ? objected. They moved a reconsideration, and expressed their purpose of withdraws ing from the convention, unless the consti. j tution was so modified, as to give each State ? I r.nnnl rpnrosfiiitatin!!. j .... .X., , There was much warmth, says the j writer referred to, " and some acrimonious feeling exhibited by a number oft lie speakj ers: a rupture appeared almost inevitable, . and the l>osom of Washington seemed to ^ labor with the most anxious solicitude for L, its issue. Happily for the United States, j the convention contained some individuals j i [assessed of talents and virtues of the highL. j est order, whose hearts were deeply intert j.fSted in the establishment of a new and efficcnt form of government, and whose penv ct rating minds had already deplored the evils which would spring up in our newlyj established republic, should the present atc tempt to consolidate it prove abortive.? e Among those personages, the most promi, ncnt was Dr. Franklin. He was esteemed p the Mentor of our body. To a mind naturally s'rong and capacious,enriched by much s reading, and the experience of many years, v, he added a manner 01 communicuuug m$ [j thoughts peculiarly his own, in which simc plicitv, and strength, were equally conspicuj ous. As soon as the a gry orators who j had preceded him had left him an opening, j the Doctor rose, evidently impressed with B the weight of the subject before them, r> and the difficultv of managing it successfulj >> " " . Q In a speech as given by the writer, the v. Doctor urged the consideration of the great Q interests involved in the issue of their dclibc0 rations, and proposed a recess of three days, 1 for cool reflection and impartial conversal( tion among the members respecting their 0 conflicting views and opinions, that they might return to the discussion of the subj ject before them with more tranquil and j amicable feelings. He then concluded in ! the following words :? S j * e j Before I sit down, Mr. President, I will d suggest another matter; and I am reallv J surprised that it has not been proposed bv - some other member at an earlier period of >. our deliberations. I wiil suggest, Mr. d i President, the propriety of nominating and it appointing, before we separate, a chaplain d to this convention, whose duty it shall be >. uniformly to assemble with us, and in'ro(luce tiie business of each day by an ad. g dress to the Creator of tiie universe, and d the Governor of all nations, beseeching d Him to preside in our council, enlighten it our minds with a portion of heavenly wis. ;, dom, influence our hearts with a love of n truth and justice, and crown our labors with a j complete and abundant success." I, ' The Doctor sat down ; and never did o I behold a countenance at once so digniy fied and delighted, as was that of Washing, it ton at the close of this address ; nor were n the members of the convention, generally, - less affected. The words of the venerable . Franklin fell upon our ears with a weight s and authority, even greater than we may " suppose an oracle to have had in a Roman 7 senate! A silent admiration superseded II for a moment the expression of that assent and approbation which was strongly mark, e ed on almost every countenance, I say al;. most?for one man was found in the conri vention. (Mr. , of .) who rose and s said, with regard to the first motion of the n honorable gentleman, for an adjournment, I. J he would yield his support; but he protested 7 ' against the Fecuid motion, for annoeV ment of a chaplain, lie then comrr a high-strained culogium on the assen of wisdom, talent, and experience the con\ention embraced ; declared th sense he entertained of the honor whi constituents conferred upon him in n him a member of that respectable I said he was confidently of opinion thr were competent to transact the bu which had been entrusted to their that they were equal to every exi which might occur ; and concluded b ing, that, therefore, he had not seen tl cessitv of foreign aid ! " Washington fixed his eyes upc speaker with a mixture of surprise ai dignation, while he uttered this impel and impious speech!?and then 1 around to see in what manner it al others. They did not leave him a mi to doubt?no one deigned to reply 01 the smallest notice of the speaker,?b motion for appointing was instantly si ed and carried; whether under the disapprobation of Mr. , or his si negative, I do not recollect. The r for an adjournment was then put, an ' ried unanimously ; and the eonvcntic journed accordingly. " The three days of recess were sf .1-? ? ./IhIlti/I Kii n.. PrnnL'lin j mi; manner uunotu ?> in. m. n......... opposite parties mixed with eacii othc a tree and frank interchange of senti took place. On the fourth day we a bled again ; and if great additional lig not been thrown on the subject, evci friendly feeling had been expelled; ' spirit of conciliation had been culti I which promised, at least, a calm nnc passionate reconsideration of the subji " As soon as the chaplain had clos prayer, and the minutes of the last were read, all eyes were turned to the I tor. He rose, and in a few words i I that during the recess he had listen' tentively to all the arguments, pro an< ' which had been urged by both sides house ; that he had himself said mucl thought more on the subject; he sav culties and objections which might be by individual States against every s( which had been proposed; and he wa i more than ever convinced that the const which they were about to form, in or be just and equah must be founded < Kocic nf rnmnmmisp and mutual COI I V. ~ 1 ; ion. With such views and feclim 1 would move a reconsideration of th last taken, on the organization of the s | I he motion was seconded, the vote c; the former vote rescinded, and by t j cessful motion and resolution, the was organized on the present plan." From the National Gazette. I OX THE MONEY AND CURRE OF THE COUNTRY. FROM ?IR. N. DIDDLE TO MR. J. Q. A Concluded. The whole pecuniary system c ; country, that to which, next to its frc it owes its prosperity, is the system ol ' ^ K/ilVl u'llll n II. i;ur UlK^WUia uaun; 11^1 mu. < ncy, but with far better things?with age and industry ; and the want of < j was supplied by their mutual confii This is the basis of our whole comn and internal industry. The Gover received its duties on credit, and s lands on credit. When the sale of 1; ] credit became inconvenient, from the plication of accounts, the lands were s I what is termed cash. Rut this was J another form of credit; for the bml lending to those who purchased i took the place of the Government as tors, and (the Government receive! notes as equivalent to specie, becai ways convertablc in specie. This u usage?this may be regarded as the j the country. By the resolution ol j gross passed on the 30:h of April, II was declared that " no duties, taxes, or sums of money accruing or b?c payable to the United States as afo ought to be collected or received i wise than in the legal currency of th j ted States, or Treasury no'cs, or nc j the Rank of the United States, or in of banks which are payable and paid j mand in the said legal currency of th | ted States." This resolution presents various a j lives?the legal currency, or Tr notes, or notes of the Rank of the States, or notes of specie-paying ban : citizen had a right to choose any < these modes of payment. I le had a? ! right to pay for land with the note of - i' - -1.. cie-paying bank as to pay n ior uu 1 the custom-house. If this be deniei tainly any one of them might be ac by the Treasury ; but to proscribe ; one?to refuse every thing but the t difficult thing?to do this without no ! the approaching change in the fundai system of our dealings?is an act of \ tous oppression. Under the operation of this rose the banks had gone on, fearing no!hi they had only to provide for the iisuu cie calls upon them?and saw the a full of specie, with no foreign dome drain it from them, when, on a sudden i out any intimation of the coining sho ' order was issued by the Secretary dec that their notes were no longer race O : and, of course, inviting all who lie ( notes, or had depositcs in these ban convert them into specie. It ii made at once the whole amount ol circulation and private depositcs a j demand upon tiiem. The first consec was, that the banks nearest the la ! fiees ceased making loans. The no J i that they strove to fortify themseh . accumulating specie. It was just ; moment ihat the warrants for trr | were put into their ban Is. The cot tion of the two men sores prole-el ? icnccd result?first, to require the banks generally nblage to increase their specie, and, next, to give which them the means of doing it, by drafts on o high the deposite banks. The commercial comch his munity were thus taken by surprise. The inking interior banks making no loans, and con % + body ; verting their Atlantic funds into specie, the it they debtors in the interior could make no resiness I mittances to the merchants in the Atlantic care ; cities, who are thus thrown for support on gence the banks of those cities at a moment when y say- they are unable to afford relief, on account he ne- of the very abstraction of their specie to the West. The creditor States not only rein the ceivc no money, but their money is'carried nd in- away to the debtor S ates, who, in turn, tincnt cannot use it, either to pay old engagements ooked or to contract new. By this unnatural rected process the specie of New York and the oment other commercial cities is piled up in the . Wnefnrn States?not circulated, not used, lCAf\V, | ? ? ? ut the but held as a defence against the Treasury, :cond- and while the west cannot use it, the East s'lcnfc is suffering for the want of it. The result ditary is, that the commercial intercourse between notion the West and the Atlantic is almost wholly d car- suspended, and the few operations which >n ad- are made are burdened with the most extravagant expense. In November, 1830, >ent in the interest of money has risen to twentyi; the four per cent.; merchants are struggling r, and to preserve their credit by ruinous sacrifiments ces; and it costs five or six times as much ssom- to transmit funds from the West and SouthA/had wes% as it did in November, 1835, or '34. ry un- or '32. Thus, while the exchanges with and a nil the world are in our favor, while Europe vated, is alarmed, and the Bank of England itself 1 (lis- uneasy at the quantity of-specie wc possess ect. we are suffering, because, from mere mtsed his management, the whole ballast of the cursitting rency is shifted from one side of the vessel : Doc- to the other. stated, In the absence of good reasons for these ed at- measures, and as a pretext for them, it is d con, said that the country has overtraded, that ' 1 1 1 ? ihftt hn ot tne tiie omiKs nave over-issucu, uiiu mat inb | i, and purchasers of public lands have beon very >' difti- extravagant. I am not struck by tbe truth urged or the propriety of these complaints. The ;hetne phrase of overtrading is very convenient, s now but not very intelligible. If it means any itution thing, it means that our dealings with other dor to countries have brought us in debt to those on the countries. In that case the exchange turns ucess- against our country, and is rectified by an *s, he exportation of specie or stocks in the first e vote instance?and then by reducing the imports enate. to the exports. Now the fact is, that at irried, this moment, the exchanges are all in favor i sue- of this country?that is, you can buy a bill senate of exchange on a foreign country cheaper than you can send specie to that country. Accordingly, mucli specie has come in? none goes out; this too, at a moment when iXC\ the exchange for the last crop is exhausted, and that of the new crop has not yet come .dams, into the market?and when we are on the point of sending to Europe the produce of >f this the country, to the amount ot eighty or one edom, hundred millions of dollars. How, then, fcred- has the country overtraded. Exchange o mo- u'hh all the world is in favor of New York, cour- How then can New York be an overiracapital d?r ? Her merchants have sold goods to dence. th? merchants of the interior, who arc willicrcial 'n? ,0 Pa.v? anth under ordinary circumnmcnt stances, able to pay ; but, by the mere fault old its the Government, as obvious as if an and on earthquake had swallowed them up, their , com. debtors arc disabled from making immediate old for payment. It is not that the Atlantic mer? only chants have sold too many goods, but that ks, by *he Government prevents their receiving lands, payment for any. Moreover, in the comcrcdi mercial cities, money can be had, though at 1 their extravagant rates, tor capitalits add to the jse al- ordinary charges tor the use of it a high ras the insurance against the loss of it. It is not law of 'hen so much that money is not to be proi? nnisvt fiS that doubt and alarm increase the t uon- 7 316, it hazards of lending it. debts, Then as to the banks. It is quite prooming bablc that many of the banks have extendresaid, ed their issues?but whose fault is it ? Who other, called these banks into existence ? The e Uni- Executive ? Who tempted and goaded )tes of them to these issues? Undoubtedly the no'es Executive. The country, five years ago,1 on de- was in possession of the most beautiful mae Uni- chinery of currency and exchanges the world ever saw. It consisted of a number Iterna- of State banks protected, and, a? the same easurv time, restrained by the Bank of the United United States. ks. A The people of the United States, through ane of their representatives, rechartered that insti; much tution. Bui the Executive, discontented a spc. with its independence, rejected the act of ties at Congress, and the favorite topic of declu1, cor- mation was, that the States would make cepfcd banks, and that these banks could create a all but better system of currency and exchanges, most The States accordingly made banks ; and - - ~ " 1 - -I . ?!,? 1 ticc of tlien lollowcu iuic puraaes auoui mu man? mental of these banks, and their enlarged dealings gratui- in exchange. And what is the consequence? The Hank of the United States has not ilution, ceased to exist more than seven months, ng, as and already the whole currency and exJ spe. changes are running into inextricable conouniry fusion, and the industry of the country is tnd to burdened with extravagant exchanges on , with- all the commercial intercourse of the Union, ck, an And now, when tijcse banks have been daring created by the Executive, and urged into ivable, these excesses, instead of gcu'le and gradId the un! remedies, a fierce crusade is raised ks, to against them, the funds are harshly and sud1 fact denly taken from them, and they arc forced f their to extraordinary means of defence against specie the very power which brought them into pieucc being. They received, and were expected .nd of- to receive in payment for the Government ;t was. the notes of each other, and the notes of cs by other banks, and the facility with which they it this did so was aground of special commendamsfers} tion by the Government; and now, that iibina*; Government has let loose upon them a do-! doubl0' unc! >: 'o -he who!* "'mo'.'T ?! these notes. I go further: There is an outcry abroad, raised by faction and echoed by folly, against the banks in the United States. Until it was disturbed by the Government the banking system of the U. States was at least as good as that of any other commercial country. What was desired for its perfection was precisely what I have so long striven to accomplish?to widen the metallic basis of the currency by a great infusion ot coin into the smaller t n channels of circulation. This was in a gradual and judicious train of accomplishment. But this miserable foolery about an exclusive metallic currency is quite as absurd as to discard the steamboats, and go back to poling up the Mississippi. Banks may often err from want of skill, and occasionally be injurious as steam is, but it is not the less true that the hanks of this country have been the great instruments of its improvement, and tha?. during all the convulsions of the last fifteen years, for every American bank which has failed, at least ten Englislrbanks have failed. So with regard to the lands. For the last few years the amount of the sales of the public lands lias been a constant theme of congratulation with the Executive. In the very Inst message, on the 7th of December, 18U5, he repeats the same strain. " Among the evidences of the increasing I prosperity of the country, not the least grati. j fying is that afforded by the receipts from i ilm i-,tinv nC i]u> rtuhiir InmLi. irhich amount I UUIUU \sJ *>|W ? /n the present year to 811,000,000. T/u's circumstance attests the rapidity with which agriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, advances, and contributes to the wealth and power of our extended territory." In the same message he declares that " iho circulating medium has been greatly improved- By the use of the State banks it is ascertained that all the wants of the community in relation to exchange and currency are supplied as well as they have ever been before." Scarcely seven months elapse when these pastoral and financial visions dissolve into air. Agriculture ceases to be *- the first and most important cccupamon " ti./^ Fitnto honks cease to be HUH ui HIMII, HIV WIUV. _ the models of exchange and currency; I but forth issues the Secretary with a declis ration tiiat, to protect the Treasury " from frauds, speculation, and monopolies in the purchase of public lands," from " excessive bank credits, from ruinous extension of bank issues," nothing shall be received for land but gold and silver. Now what an exhibition is this ! The public lands are exposed to public' auction, the prices reduced in order to en. | courage sales, and the President stands bv exulting at the amount, when suddenly he I declares that he will permit no speculations, and that he will raise the price of the lands by raising the price of what alone he will receive for them. Now, supposing it true that men have bought much land : what right has the President to dictate to the citizens of this country, whether they buy too much land or too much broadcloth ? They | might be permitted to know and to manage their own concerns quite as well as he docs, leaving the evil, if it be one, to correct itself by its own excess. If he prohibits the receipt of any thing but specie, to correct land speculations, he may make the same prohibition as to the duties on hardware or broadcloth, or wines, whenever his paternal wisdom shall see us buying too many shovels, or too many coats, or too much* champaigne, and thus brin<* the entire industry of the country underhis control. J These troubles may not, however, be wholly useless, if we extract from them two great lessons. The first is that we can have no permanent financial prosperity while the public revenue is separated from the businessof the country, end committed to rash and ignorant politicians, with no guides but their own passions and interests. 1 have little doubt that the specie order is the revenge of the President upon Congress f>?r tnssinrr the distribution law. I liaie I C" less doubt dint this dispersion of the revenue among a multitude of banks was to advanco the obscure aspirings of some Treasi urv Caesar. The other lesson is?one a tliousand i times repeated and a thousand times forgot, j ten?to distrust all demagogues of all par-. ties, who profess exclusive love for what j ! they cail the people. For the last six years the country has been nearly convulsed by efforts to break the mutual dependence of all classes of citizens?to make the laborer regard his employer as his enemy, and to array the poor against the rich. These trashy declaimers have ended by bringing j the country into a condition where its wnole industry is subject, far more than it ever was before, to the control of the large enpi. talists, and where every step tends inevitably to make the rich richer, and the poor poorer. It remains to speak of the remedy of these evils. They follow obviously the causes of them. The causes are the injudicious transfers of the public moneys, and the Treasury order about specie. The first measure of relief, therefore, should be the instant repeal of tiie Treasury order rcquiringspecie for lands ; the second the adoption of a proper system to execute the distribution law. These measures would restore confidence in twenty-four hours, and repose in at least as many days. If the Treasury will not adopt them voluntarily, Congress should immediately command it. In the moan time, all forbearance and J calmness should be maintained. There is ; great reason lor anxiety?none whatever! for alarm ; and with mutual confidence and : courage, the country may yet be able to j defend itself against the Government. In ( that struggle my own poor efforts shall not j be wanting. I go for the country, whoever j 1 j-.ipw p?1 <!? ''jo countrv. loved' -1 __i l when worst governed?and it will afford mo far more gratification to assist in repairing its wrongs, than to triumph over those who inflict them. With great respect and regard, yours, N. HI DDLB. Hon. J. Q. Adams, Washing on,D.C. TEXAS. The following message was received from the President of the United States, by the hands of Andrew Jackson, Jr., his Private Secretary: To the House of Representatives U. S During the last session information was given to Congress, bv the Executive, that measures had been taken to ascertain " the political, military, and civil condition of Texas." I now submit, for your consideration, extracts, from the report of the agent n-Ur> Knnn nnrv-kinff>/] trt PrtlhiOt it. ftlfl. n UV I1WI ?*-? ~~W * i>. tivc to the condition of that country. No steps have been taken by the Executive towards the acknowledgment of the ip. dependence of Texas; and the whole subject ^ would have been left without further remark, on the information now given to Congress, were it not that the two Houses, at their last session, acting separately, passed resolutions that the independence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the United S.ates, whenever satisfactory information should be received that it had in successful operation a civil govcrnm *nt, capable of performing the duties, and fulfilling the obligations of an independent Power." This mark of interest in the question of the independence of Texas, and indication of the views of Congress, make it proper that I should, somewhat in detail, present the considerations that have governed the Executive in continuing to occupy the ground pre. viously taken in the contest between Mexico and Texas, j The acknowledgement of a new Sha'e ns independent, and entitled to a place in the family of nations, is at all times an act of trreat delicacv and responsibility; but more O ? % especially so when such State has forcibly separated itself from ano:hert of which it had formed an inregrul part, and which still claims dominion over it. A premature recognition, under these circumstances, if not looked upon as justifiable cause of war, is always liable to be regarded as a proof of an unfriendly spirit to one of the contending parties. All questions relative to the government of foreign na'ions, whether of the old or the new world, have been treated by the United States as questions of fact only, and our predecessors have cautiously abstained from deciding upon them until the clearest evidence was in their possession, to enable them, not only to decide correctly, bat to shield their decisions from every unworthy imputation. In all the contests that have arisen out of the Revolutions of France, out of the disputes relating to the crowns of Portugal and Spain,out of the revolutionary movements in those kiugdoms,out ofthe separation of the American possessions of both from the European Governments, and out of the numerous and cons antly occurring struggles for dominion in Spanish America,, so wisely consistent with our just principles has been the action of our Government, that we have, under the most critical circumstances, avoided all censure, and encountered no other evil than that produced by a transient estrangement of good will in those against whom we have bo<-H, by force of evidence* compelled to decide. It lias thus been made known to the world that the uniform policy and practice of theUnited S.ates is. to avoid all interference in disputes which merely relate to the in'emal government ol otlier nations, and eventually to recognise the authority of the prevailing party without reference to our particular interests and views, or to the merits of the original controversy. Public opinion is so firmly established and well understood ia favor of this policy, that no serious disagreement has ever arisen among ourselves in relation to if, although brought under review in a variety of forms, and at periods when the minds of the people were greatly excited by the agitation of topics purely domestic in their character. Nor lias anvdeliberate in ; quiry ever been instituted iti Congress, or in any of our legislative bodies, as to whom belonged the power of originally recognising a new State?a power, the exercise of . i ? ?i? ?i? wnicn IS eqUiVUiODI, uuuer auiuc uiuum> s'ances, lo a declaration of war?a power nowlierc expressly delegated, and only granted in the Constitution, as it is necessarily involved in some of the great powers given to Congress; in that given to the President and Senate to form treaties with foreign powers, and to appoint ambassadors and public ministers, and in that conferred upon the President to receive ministers from foreign nations. In t'.ie preamble to the resolution of the House of Representatives, it is di&iuctly intimated that the expediency of recognising I the Independence of Texas should be left | to the decision of Congress. I?) this view, on the ground of expediency, I am disposed to concur; and do not, therefore, consider it necessary to express any opinion as to * * * / -L P the s.'rict constitutional rigm 01 ine i<jau? live, cither apart from or in conjunction with ! the Senate,over the subject. It is to be pre. sumed that on no future occasion will a dispute arise, as none lias heretofore occurred, between the Executive and legislature, in the exercise of the power of recogni.cn. It will always be considered consistent with the spirit of the Constitution, and most ante, that it should be exercised when probably leading to war, with a previous understanding with that body by whom war can alone be declared, and by whom all tin) provisions for sustaining its perils must be ftirnislied. i Its submission to Congress, which represents in one of i:s branches the States of this Union. ?nd ?n 'hp tit*-' People of Mie Un*. s