Cheraw gazette. [volume] (Cheraw, S.C.) 1835-1838, January 03, 1837, Image 1
V .
CHER AW GAZETTE.'
xt mattfw- r.niTOR & PROPRIETOR. CHER AW, 8. C? TUESDAY, JANUARY 3, 1836. ? it? 7 1 VOL. II. NO. 8.
..E. ----- ,
p??i ii i??
T. A. PETTEGREW, PRINTER.
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Ill HAL ECO.\O.TIY,
HINTS TO YOUNG FARMERS.
Several numbers, being " Hints to Far
mers," were written by the Conductor
and published, some three or four year,
ago. To give them a more extendcc
circulation, we intend to transfer sucli o
them occasionally, into the Cultivator
as may seem most worthy of the notia
of our young readers.
On leaving the parental roof, to seek m>
fortune in the wide world, when about 1'
years of age, my father gave me this par
iing admonition : " Mv son, take care al
ways to let ice// enough alone.'" The oc
-casion served to impress the advice deeph
on my mind, and amid the diversified scene:
of the subsequent thirty five years, it ho;
seldom been forgotten ; and I have reasoi
fo believe it lias had a very salutary influ
ericc upon my prosperity and happiness. I
has afforded, withal, something of a stan
dard by which to guage the indiscretions o
others. How often has a disregard, in oth
??--- -I* .L
c;-s, to this maxim, rennnuea mi; <ji im
Italian epitaph : " I was well, wished to'bi
better, took physic, and here I am." Tht
true philosophy of happiness is to depone
on one's self for the blessing?on the lively
exercise of the virtues which can alone con
fer it. The man who is industrious atic
frugal, and who scrupulously fulfils the relative
and social duties, whatever be hi:
-condition or profession, stands the l>es
chance of enjoying a goodly poition of tlx
comforts and pleasures of life, and of per
]>c!uating in his children his habits and hi:
virtues. While he who would live by tin
industry of others, or who expects to fnn
happiness in the frail applause which weald
or osteotation may extort from those arouni
him, seldom succeeds in his desires.
Tom Tape was my schoolmate. Ton
had rather high notions from his boyhood
and persuaded his father to put him to ;
merchant. In due time Tom became tin
master of a shop of goods, was attentive a n<
fortunate, and acquired a snug estate. I lu<
he lei well enough alone, he might now hav<
been the head tnan of our town, liu
pride got the better of prudence, and per
suaded him that he might do heller at Nev
York. He went there, figured as a whole
sale merchant, for which neither his capita
nor his experience were adequate, for thre
years, and then came the notice it? the stat
paper for his creditors to show cause, (See
Tjerck Wes-H's farm joined mine. II
was one of our best farmers, and under
stood the value of " come boys" as we]! a
any one. Good luck was so constantly b;
Iiis side, that he considered that any mai
might get rich who had a mind to. Yet h
could not h t well enough alone?ho wishei
to dobettek. And therefore he removed t<
the village and opened a tavern, and hai
the promise of the justice courts and of tin
stage custom. 44 Go hoys" did not improvi
the farm, and it soon became neglected air
unproductive. By and by the courts wen
removed by law, the stage went to the nev
hotel, and the temperance era wound up tin
tavern business. Tjerck has got hack ti
the farm, with habits very much altered
and his fortune not a little impaired. Ye
he consoles himself, that he is not halt s
had off as
Joe Sledge. once our master blacksmit!
afterwards a merchant, and now a journey
man. Joe was so famous for his edge tool;
- - ? w i i
that people came to him from all parts. ii
had his journeymen and his apprentices, an
was always present to oversee them, an
to be seen by his customers, as all inaste
mechanics ought to be. Joe got rich, lx
cause he was adapted to his business, an
his business adapted to htm. Joe thougl^
with Sam Patch that some things coul
be done as well as others?and that be
cause every body liked hii as a black
smith, they must like him as any thin,
else, forgetting that it was his trade, an
not his mind nor his person, which ha
brought him into notice. And as merchar,
was rather more respectable than mechanii
und withal a more tidy employment, he i
fact, sunk the blacksmith, and became
,dealer in tapes and sugars. It fired wit
Joe as it generally docs with others wh
embark in new business, of which the
know nothing, after they have arrived a
mature manhood. Those who had bee
bred to the business, proved successful ri
vals, and the sheriff finally closed his met
cantile conceras, bv selling the entire effect
of "a merchant unfortunate in business.
Joe rnsists to this day, that if lie had let wet
.enough alone, he might have been as we
off as the best of his neighbors.
Time would fail me to narrate half th
cases which have come under <ny observa
tion, of men abandoning steady habits, an
fair prospects of wealth, in the employment
in which they had been educated, and ii
which they wore best calculated to succeed
f!>r t!y> v-rv hazardous chanec of domi
better in business in which they had every
thing to learn. The fascinating charms of
fashion and show, the ostentatious pride of
wealth, and the alluring smiles of office, are
as-bad as were the syrens of Calypso, to
beguile men from the paths of true happiness.
The moderate but certain gains
which are the reward of industry and frugality,
are the most abiding in their nature,
and most benign in their influence. It is
1 the mild early and later rains which induce
' fertility, and cover the earth with fruitfulness;
while the tempest and its floods cause
1 waste and desolation. The mushroom
grows up in a night, and withers in a day.
The farmer should be the last to he dissatisfied
with his condition. Of all classes
- tie is the most independent. He produces
2 within himself more of the necessaries and
1 comforts of life than any other class. If
he does not lind the elements of happiness
I nn thp firm, his search for them elsewhere,
. I fear, will be in vain. But he must not
forget that it is the province of the mind to
arrange and combine these elements; and
that it becomes qualified to perform this
. office, in proportion as it is enlightened and
cultivated. The mind, like a garden, will
5 yield the most grateful fruits when nurtured
J with care; and few have more opportunities,
f or are better requited for their labors, in cul f
tivating both, than him who strives by the
plough.? Cultivator.
From the Christian Witness.
^ AN INCIDENT IN TIIE CONVENTION WHICH
FORMED THE U. S. CONSTITUTION.
The following interesting incident will
probably he new to many of our read.
ers :?
, i i
s Ja May, 175JV, me ueieguies 01 mo ?u?5
cral States assembled at Philadelphia, with
i the view to the formation of a constitution
for the better government of the Union,
t Of this illustrious body, Washington was
. unanimously chosen President. During the
f session the followingoccurrencestook place.
. The account thereof, in its present au.
thcntic form, was written in the year 1825,
j j bv an intimate friend of the youngest mem.
I ber of the convention. The part here givj
| en is that relating to the reconsideration of
the provision which had been made in the
. beginning, for the representation of the
j States in the Senate. It had been deter.
mined, that representation should be accord5
ing to population. To this principle the
? representatives from the four smaller States
? objected. They moved a reconsideration,
and expressed their purpose of withdraws
ing from the convention, unless the consti.
j tution was so modified, as to give each State
? I r.nnnl rpnrosfiiitatin!!.
j .... .X.,
, There was much warmth, says the
j writer referred to, " and some acrimonious
feeling exhibited by a number oft lie speakj
ers: a rupture appeared almost inevitable,
. and the l>osom of Washington seemed to
^ labor with the most anxious solicitude for
L, its issue. Happily for the United States,
j the convention contained some individuals
j i [assessed of talents and virtues of the highL.
j est order, whose hearts were deeply intert
j.fSted in the establishment of a new and efficcnt
form of government, and whose penv
ct rating minds had already deplored the
evils which would spring up in our newlyj
established republic, should the present atc
tempt to consolidate it prove abortive.?
e Among those personages, the most promi,
ncnt was Dr. Franklin. He was esteemed
p the Mentor of our body. To a mind naturally
s'rong and capacious,enriched by much
s reading, and the experience of many years,
v, he added a manner 01 communicuuug m$
[j thoughts peculiarly his own, in which simc
plicitv, and strength, were equally conspicuj
ous. As soon as the a gry orators who
j had preceded him had left him an opening,
j the Doctor rose, evidently impressed with
B the weight of the subject before them,
r> and the difficultv of managing it successfulj
>> " " .
Q In a speech as given by the writer, the
v. Doctor urged the consideration of the great
Q interests involved in the issue of their dclibc0
rations, and proposed a recess of three days,
1 for cool reflection and impartial conversal(
tion among the members respecting their
0 conflicting views and opinions, that they
might return to the discussion of the subj
ject before them with more tranquil and
j amicable feelings. He then concluded in
! the following words :?
S j * e
j Before I sit down, Mr. President, I will
d suggest another matter; and I am reallv
J surprised that it has not been proposed bv
- some other member at an earlier period of
>. our deliberations. I wiil suggest, Mr.
d i President, the propriety of nominating and
it appointing, before we separate, a chaplain
d to this convention, whose duty it shall be
>. uniformly to assemble with us, and in'ro(luce
tiie business of each day by an ad.
g dress to the Creator of tiie universe, and
d the Governor of all nations, beseeching
d Him to preside in our council, enlighten
it our minds with a portion of heavenly wis.
;, dom, influence our hearts with a love of
n truth and justice, and crown our labors with
a j complete and abundant success."
I, ' The Doctor sat down ; and never did
o I behold a countenance at once so digniy
fied and delighted, as was that of Washing,
it ton at the close of this address ; nor were
n the members of the convention, generally,
- less affected. The words of the venerable
. Franklin fell upon our ears with a weight
s and authority, even greater than we may
" suppose an oracle to have had in a Roman
7 senate! A silent admiration superseded
II for a moment the expression of that assent
and approbation which was strongly mark,
e ed on almost every countenance, I say al;.
most?for one man was found in the conri
vention. (Mr. , of .) who rose and
s said, with regard to the first motion of the
n honorable gentleman, for an adjournment,
I. J he would yield his support; but he protested
7 ' against the Fecuid motion, for annoeV
ment of a chaplain, lie then comrr
a high-strained culogium on the assen
of wisdom, talent, and experience
the con\ention embraced ; declared th
sense he entertained of the honor whi
constituents conferred upon him in n
him a member of that respectable I
said he was confidently of opinion thr
were competent to transact the bu
which had been entrusted to their
that they were equal to every exi
which might occur ; and concluded b
ing, that, therefore, he had not seen tl
cessitv of foreign aid !
" Washington fixed his eyes upc
speaker with a mixture of surprise ai
dignation, while he uttered this impel
and impious speech!?and then 1
around to see in what manner it al
others. They did not leave him a mi
to doubt?no one deigned to reply 01
the smallest notice of the speaker,?b
motion for appointing was instantly si
ed and carried; whether under the
disapprobation of Mr. , or his si
negative, I do not recollect. The r
for an adjournment was then put, an
' ried unanimously ; and the eonvcntic
journed accordingly.
" The three days of recess were sf
.1-? ? ./IhIlti/I Kii n.. PrnnL'lin
j mi; manner uunotu ?> in. m. n.........
opposite parties mixed with eacii othc
a tree and frank interchange of senti
took place. On the fourth day we a
bled again ; and if great additional lig
not been thrown on the subject, evci
friendly feeling had been expelled;
' spirit of conciliation had been culti
I which promised, at least, a calm nnc
passionate reconsideration of the subji
" As soon as the chaplain had clos
prayer, and the minutes of the last
were read, all eyes were turned to the
I tor. He rose, and in a few words i
I that during the recess he had listen'
tentively to all the arguments, pro an<
' which had been urged by both sides
house ; that he had himself said mucl
thought more on the subject; he sav
culties and objections which might be
by individual States against every s(
which had been proposed; and he wa
i more than ever convinced that the const
which they were about to form, in or
be just and equah must be founded <
Kocic nf rnmnmmisp and mutual COI
I V. ~ 1
; ion. With such views and feclim
1 would move a reconsideration of th
last taken, on the organization of the s
| I he motion was seconded, the vote c;
the former vote rescinded, and by t
j cessful motion and resolution, the
was organized on the present plan."
From the National Gazette.
I OX THE MONEY AND CURRE
OF THE COUNTRY.
FROM ?IR. N. DIDDLE TO MR. J. Q. A
Concluded.
The whole pecuniary system c
; country, that to which, next to its frc
it owes its prosperity, is the system ol
' ^ K/ilVl u'llll n
II. i;ur UlK^WUia uaun; 11^1 mu. <
ncy, but with far better things?with
age and industry ; and the want of <
j was supplied by their mutual confii
This is the basis of our whole comn
and internal industry. The Gover
received its duties on credit, and s
lands on credit. When the sale of 1;
] credit became inconvenient, from the
plication of accounts, the lands were s
I what is termed cash. Rut this was
J another form of credit; for the bml
lending to those who purchased
i took the place of the Government as
tors, and (the Government receive!
notes as equivalent to specie, becai
ways convertablc in specie. This u
usage?this may be regarded as the
j the country. By the resolution ol
j gross passed on the 30:h of April, II
was declared that " no duties, taxes,
or sums of money accruing or b?c
payable to the United States as afo
ought to be collected or received
i wise than in the legal currency of th
j ted States, or Treasury no'cs, or nc
j the Rank of the United States, or in
of banks which are payable and paid
j mand in the said legal currency of th
| ted States."
This resolution presents various a
j lives?the legal currency, or Tr
notes, or notes of the Rank of the
States, or notes of specie-paying ban
: citizen had a right to choose any <
these modes of payment. I le had a?
! right to pay for land with the note of
- i' - -1..
cie-paying bank as to pay n ior uu
1 the custom-house. If this be deniei
tainly any one of them might be ac
by the Treasury ; but to proscribe ;
one?to refuse every thing but the
t difficult thing?to do this without no
!
the approaching change in the fundai
system of our dealings?is an act of \
tous oppression.
Under the operation of this rose
the banks had gone on, fearing no!hi
they had only to provide for the iisuu
cie calls upon them?and saw the a
full of specie, with no foreign dome
drain it from them, when, on a sudden
i out any intimation of the coining sho
' order was issued by the Secretary dec
that their notes were no longer race
O
: and, of course, inviting all who lie
( notes, or had depositcs in these ban
convert them into specie. It ii
made at once the whole amount ol
circulation and private depositcs a
j demand upon tiiem. The first consec
was, that the banks nearest the la
! fiees ceased making loans. The no J
i that they strove to fortify themseh
. accumulating specie. It was just ;
moment ihat the warrants for trr
| were put into their ban Is. The cot
tion of the two men sores prole-el ?
icnccd result?first, to require the banks generally
nblage to increase their specie, and, next, to give
which them the means of doing it, by drafts on
o high the deposite banks. The commercial comch
his munity were thus taken by surprise. The
inking interior banks making no loans, and con
% +
body ; verting their Atlantic funds into specie, the
it they debtors in the interior could make no resiness
I mittances to the merchants in the Atlantic
care ; cities, who are thus thrown for support on
gence the banks of those cities at a moment when
y say- they are unable to afford relief, on account
he ne- of the very abstraction of their specie to the
West. The creditor States not only rein
the ceivc no money, but their money is'carried
nd in- away to the debtor S ates, who, in turn,
tincnt cannot use it, either to pay old engagements
ooked or to contract new. By this unnatural
rected process the specie of New York and the
oment other commercial cities is piled up in the
. Wnefnrn States?not circulated, not used,
lCAf\V, | ? ? ?
ut the but held as a defence against the Treasury,
:cond- and while the west cannot use it, the East
s'lcnfc is suffering for the want of it. The result
ditary is, that the commercial intercourse between
notion the West and the Atlantic is almost wholly
d car- suspended, and the few operations which
>n ad- are made are burdened with the most extravagant
expense. In November, 1830,
>ent in the interest of money has risen to twentyi;
the four per cent.; merchants are struggling
r, and to preserve their credit by ruinous sacrifiments
ces; and it costs five or six times as much
ssom- to transmit funds from the West and SouthA/had
wes% as it did in November, 1835, or '34.
ry un- or '32. Thus, while the exchanges with
and a nil the world are in our favor, while Europe
vated, is alarmed, and the Bank of England itself
1 (lis- uneasy at the quantity of-specie wc possess
ect. we are suffering, because, from mere mtsed
his management, the whole ballast of the cursitting
rency is shifted from one side of the vessel
: Doc- to the other.
stated, In the absence of good reasons for these
ed at- measures, and as a pretext for them, it is
d con, said that the country has overtraded, that
' 1 1 1 ? ihftt hn
ot tne tiie omiKs nave over-issucu, uiiu mat inb |
i, and purchasers of public lands have beon very
>' difti- extravagant. I am not struck by tbe truth
urged or the propriety of these complaints. The
;hetne phrase of overtrading is very convenient,
s now but not very intelligible. If it means any
itution thing, it means that our dealings with other
dor to countries have brought us in debt to those
on the countries. In that case the exchange turns
ucess- against our country, and is rectified by an
*s, he exportation of specie or stocks in the first
e vote instance?and then by reducing the imports
enate. to the exports. Now the fact is, that at
irried, this moment, the exchanges are all in favor
i sue- of this country?that is, you can buy a bill
senate of exchange on a foreign country cheaper
than you can send specie to that country.
Accordingly, mucli specie has come in?
none goes out; this too, at a moment when
iXC\ the exchange for the last crop is exhausted,
and that of the new crop has not yet come
.dams, into the market?and when we are on the
point of sending to Europe the produce of
>f this the country, to the amount ot eighty or one
edom, hundred millions of dollars. How, then,
fcred- has the country overtraded. Exchange
o mo- u'hh all the world is in favor of New York,
cour- How then can New York be an overiracapital
d?r ? Her merchants have sold goods to
dence. th? merchants of the interior, who arc willicrcial
'n? ,0 Pa.v? anth under ordinary circumnmcnt
stances, able to pay ; but, by the mere fault
old its the Government, as obvious as if an
and on earthquake had swallowed them up, their
, com. debtors arc disabled from making immediate
old for payment. It is not that the Atlantic mer?
only chants have sold too many goods, but that
ks, by *he Government prevents their receiving
lands, payment for any. Moreover, in the comcrcdi
mercial cities, money can be had, though at
1 their extravagant rates, tor capitalits add to the
jse al- ordinary charges tor the use of it a high
ras the insurance against the loss of it. It is not
law of 'hen so much that money is not to be proi?
nnisvt fiS that doubt and alarm increase the
t uon- 7
316, it hazards of lending it.
debts, Then as to the banks. It is quite prooming
bablc that many of the banks have extendresaid,
ed their issues?but whose fault is it ? Who
other, called these banks into existence ? The
e Uni- Executive ? Who tempted and goaded
)tes of them to these issues? Undoubtedly the
no'es Executive. The country, five years ago,1
on de- was in possession of the most beautiful mae
Uni- chinery of currency and exchanges the
world ever saw. It consisted of a number
Iterna- of State banks protected, and, a? the same
easurv time, restrained by the Bank of the United
United States.
ks. A The people of the United States, through
ane of their representatives, rechartered that insti;
much tution. Bui the Executive, discontented
a spc. with its independence, rejected the act of
ties at Congress, and the favorite topic of declu1,
cor- mation was, that the States would make
cepfcd banks, and that these banks could create a
all but better system of currency and exchanges,
most The States accordingly made banks ; and
- - ~ " 1 - -I . ?!,? 1
ticc of tlien lollowcu iuic puraaes auoui mu man?
mental of these banks, and their enlarged dealings
gratui- in exchange. And what is the consequence?
The Hank of the United States has not
ilution, ceased to exist more than seven months,
ng, as and already the whole currency and exJ
spe. changes are running into inextricable conouniry
fusion, and the industry of the country is
tnd to burdened with extravagant exchanges on
, with- all the commercial intercourse of the Union,
ck, an And now, when tijcse banks have been
daring created by the Executive, and urged into
ivable, these excesses, instead of gcu'le and gradId
the un! remedies, a fierce crusade is raised
ks, to against them, the funds are harshly and sud1
fact denly taken from them, and they arc forced
f their to extraordinary means of defence against
specie the very power which brought them into
pieucc being. They received, and were expected
.nd of- to receive in payment for the Government
;t was. the notes of each other, and the notes of
cs by other banks, and the facility with which they
it this did so was aground of special commendamsfers}
tion by the Government; and now, that
iibina*; Government has let loose upon them a do-!
doubl0' unc! >: 'o -he who!* "'mo'.'T ?!
these notes. I go further: There is an
outcry abroad, raised by faction and echoed
by folly, against the banks in the United
States. Until it was disturbed by the
Government the banking system of the U.
States was at least as good as that of any
other commercial country. What was desired
for its perfection was precisely what I
have so long striven to accomplish?to
widen the metallic basis of the currency by
a great infusion ot coin into the smaller
t n
channels of circulation. This was in a
gradual and judicious train of accomplishment.
But this miserable foolery about an
exclusive metallic currency is quite as absurd
as to discard the steamboats, and go
back to poling up the Mississippi. Banks
may often err from want of skill, and occasionally
be injurious as steam is, but it is
not the less true that the hanks of this country
have been the great instruments of its
improvement, and tha?. during all the convulsions
of the last fifteen years, for every
American bank which has failed, at least
ten Englislrbanks have failed.
So with regard to the lands. For the
last few years the amount of the sales of
the public lands lias been a constant theme
of congratulation with the Executive. In
the very Inst message, on the 7th of December,
18U5, he repeats the same strain.
" Among the evidences of the increasing I
prosperity of the country, not the least grati. j
fying is that afforded by the receipts from i
ilm i-,tinv nC i]u> rtuhiir InmLi. irhich amount I
UUIUU \sJ *>|W ?
/n the present year to 811,000,000. T/u's
circumstance attests the rapidity with which
agriculture, the first and most important occupation
of man, advances, and contributes
to the wealth and power of our extended territory."
In the same message he declares
that " iho circulating medium has been
greatly improved- By the use of the State
banks it is ascertained that all the wants of
the community in relation to exchange and
currency are supplied as well as they have
ever been before." Scarcely seven months
elapse when these pastoral and financial
visions dissolve into air. Agriculture ceases
to be *- the first and most important cccupamon
" ti./^ Fitnto honks cease to be
HUH ui HIMII, HIV WIUV. _
the models of exchange and currency;
I but forth issues the Secretary with a declis
ration tiiat, to protect the Treasury " from
frauds, speculation, and monopolies in the
purchase of public lands," from " excessive
bank credits, from ruinous extension of
bank issues," nothing shall be received for
land but gold and silver.
Now what an exhibition is this !
The public lands are exposed to public'
auction, the prices reduced in order to en. |
courage sales, and the President stands bv
exulting at the amount, when suddenly he I
declares that he will permit no speculations,
and that he will raise the price of the lands
by raising the price of what alone he will
receive for them. Now, supposing it true
that men have bought much land : what
right has the President to dictate to the citizens
of this country, whether they buy too
much land or too much broadcloth ? They |
might be permitted to know and to manage
their own concerns quite as well as he docs,
leaving the evil, if it be one, to correct itself
by its own excess. If he prohibits the receipt
of any thing but specie, to correct
land speculations, he may make the same
prohibition as to the duties on hardware or
broadcloth, or wines, whenever his paternal
wisdom shall see us buying too many
shovels, or too many coats, or too much*
champaigne, and thus brin<* the entire industry
of the country underhis control.
J
These troubles may not, however, be
wholly useless, if we extract from them two
great lessons. The first is that we can
have no permanent financial prosperity
while the public revenue is separated from
the businessof the country, end committed
to rash and ignorant politicians, with no
guides but their own passions and interests.
1 have little doubt that the specie order is
the revenge of the President upon Congress
f>?r tnssinrr the distribution law. I liaie
I C"
less doubt dint this dispersion of the revenue
among a multitude of banks was to advanco
the obscure aspirings of some Treasi
urv Caesar.
The other lesson is?one a tliousand
i times repeated and a thousand times forgot,
j ten?to distrust all demagogues of all par-.
ties, who profess exclusive love for what j
! they cail the people. For the last six years
the country has been nearly convulsed by
efforts to break the mutual dependence of
all classes of citizens?to make the laborer
regard his employer as his enemy, and to
array the poor against the rich. These
trashy declaimers have ended by bringing
j the country into a condition where its wnole
industry is subject, far more than it ever
was before, to the control of the large enpi.
talists, and where every step tends inevitably
to make the rich richer, and the poor
poorer.
It remains to speak of the remedy of these
evils. They follow obviously the causes
of them. The causes are the injudicious
transfers of the public moneys, and the
Treasury order about specie.
The first measure of relief, therefore,
should be the instant repeal of tiie Treasury
order rcquiringspecie for lands ; the second
the adoption of a proper system to execute
the distribution law.
These measures would restore confidence
in twenty-four hours, and repose in
at least as many days. If the Treasury
will not adopt them voluntarily, Congress
should immediately command it.
In the moan time, all forbearance and J
calmness should be maintained. There is ;
great reason lor anxiety?none whatever!
for alarm ; and with mutual confidence and :
courage, the country may yet be able to j
defend itself against the Government. In (
that struggle my own poor efforts shall not j
be wanting. I go for the country, whoever j
1 j-.ipw p?1 <!? ''jo countrv. loved'
-1 __i l
when worst governed?and it will afford mo
far more gratification to assist in repairing
its wrongs, than to triumph over those who
inflict them.
With great respect and regard, yours,
N. HI DDLB.
Hon. J. Q. Adams, Washing on,D.C.
TEXAS.
The following message was received
from the President of the United States, by
the hands of Andrew Jackson, Jr., his Private
Secretary:
To the House of Representatives U. S
During the last session information was
given to Congress, bv the Executive, that
measures had been taken to ascertain " the
political, military, and civil condition of
Texas." I now submit, for your consideration,
extracts, from the report of the agent
n-Ur> Knnn nnrv-kinff>/] trt PrtlhiOt it. ftlfl.
n UV I1WI ?*-? ~~W * i>.
tivc to the condition of that country. No
steps have been taken by the Executive
towards the acknowledgment of the ip.
dependence of Texas; and the whole subject ^
would have been left without further remark,
on the information now given to Congress,
were it not that the two Houses, at their
last session, acting separately, passed resolutions
that the independence of Texas
ought to be acknowledged by the United
S.ates, whenever satisfactory information
should be received that it had in successful
operation a civil govcrnm *nt, capable of performing
the duties, and fulfilling the obligations
of an independent Power." This
mark of interest in the question of the independence
of Texas, and indication of the
views of Congress, make it proper that I
should, somewhat in detail, present the considerations
that have governed the Executive
in continuing to occupy the ground pre.
viously taken in the contest between Mexico
and Texas, j
The acknowledgement of a new Sha'e ns
independent, and entitled to a place in the
family of nations, is at all times an act of
trreat delicacv and responsibility; but more
O ? %
especially so when such State has forcibly
separated itself from ano:hert of which it
had formed an inregrul part, and which still
claims dominion over it. A premature recognition,
under these circumstances, if
not looked upon as justifiable cause of war,
is always liable to be regarded as a proof of
an unfriendly spirit to one of the contending
parties. All questions relative to the government
of foreign na'ions, whether of the
old or the new world, have been treated by
the United States as questions of fact only,
and our predecessors have cautiously abstained
from deciding upon them until the
clearest evidence was in their possession, to
enable them, not only to decide correctly,
bat to shield their decisions from every unworthy
imputation. In all the contests that
have arisen out of the Revolutions of France,
out of the disputes relating to the crowns of
Portugal and Spain,out of the revolutionary
movements in those kiugdoms,out ofthe separation
of the American possessions of both
from the European Governments, and out
of the numerous and cons antly occurring
struggles for dominion in Spanish America,,
so wisely consistent with our just principles
has been the action of our Government, that
we have, under the most critical circumstances,
avoided all censure, and encountered no
other evil than that produced by a transient
estrangement of good will in those against
whom we have bo<-H, by force of evidence*
compelled to decide.
It lias thus been made known to the world
that the uniform policy and practice of theUnited
S.ates is. to avoid all interference in
disputes which merely relate to the in'emal
government ol otlier nations, and eventually
to recognise the authority of the prevailing
party without reference to our particular interests
and views, or to the merits of the original
controversy. Public opinion is so
firmly established and well understood ia
favor of this policy, that no serious disagreement
has ever arisen among ourselves in
relation to if, although brought under review
in a variety of forms, and at periods when
the minds of the people were greatly excited
by the agitation of topics purely domestic in
their character. Nor lias anvdeliberate in
; quiry ever been instituted iti Congress, or
in any of our legislative bodies, as to whom
belonged the power of originally recognising
a new State?a power, the exercise of
. i ? ?i? ?i?
wnicn IS eqUiVUiODI, uuuer auiuc uiuum>
s'ances, lo a declaration of war?a power
nowlierc expressly delegated, and only
granted in the Constitution, as it is necessarily
involved in some of the great powers
given to Congress; in that given to the President
and Senate to form treaties with foreign
powers, and to appoint ambassadors and
public ministers, and in that conferred upon
the President to receive ministers from foreign
nations.
In t'.ie preamble to the resolution of the
House of Representatives, it is di&iuctly intimated
that the expediency of recognising
I the Independence of Texas should be left
| to the decision of Congress. I?) this view,
on the ground of expediency, I am disposed
to concur; and do not, therefore, consider
it necessary to express any opinion as to
* * * / -L P
the s.'rict constitutional rigm 01 ine i<jau?
live, cither apart from or in conjunction with
! the Senate,over the subject. It is to be pre.
sumed that on no future occasion will a dispute
arise, as none lias heretofore occurred,
between the Executive and legislature, in
the exercise of the power of recogni.cn.
It will always be considered consistent with
the spirit of the Constitution, and most ante,
that it should be exercised when probably
leading to war, with a previous understanding
with that body by whom war can alone
be declared, and by whom all tin) provisions
for sustaining its perils must be ftirnislied.
i Its submission to Congress, which represents
in one of i:s branches the States of this Union.
?nd ?n 'hp tit*-' People of Mie Un*.
s