University of South Carolina Libraries
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER, *>, I ' , "kRRATAT^W pieco signed ** Peter#," la our r,U line IT from the button, reod " " *4 fcohnbe*t"-m lino 18, i Cur ?H?llU.hut?-ln lino tt,r*ftdDikkalec, for " l>tkk?oe"?In line 48, becche*. for " bu?hce"~-in lineW, .tftod convolvQli, for " convuluuli." ^ Wand*/ Us* LL Col. JAMBS ??s cU-ctod Colonel of the 33d of South Unulinn MUltb. jg. <&"&*OT8 0lpL iuncn O'HMtei, 813 . G**?? POLITICS. ? tthe<owing reply of the ?? Carolitihn," A MpliM, <? oar mHito, i week or two nfo, in dsfcnee of Dr. fcooper, we pah* lfcfcwith (ho utmost cheerftilnes*,?es well ftom ft oordi?I d i s posit i on to do a m pie Vnto tte vtry respectable Editors of (he tihioKnlan, as for tkepurpoes of appending a few remark* of our own, which, seem to be invited bj that sentence, particularly, Which we have taken the liberty to italiciss. We mne those Editors that the foelinp courtesy which they hare always oris ctd towards as, we hare erer reciprocated. We think they are talented and judicious Editors, although we think it very proba ble that we differ much in some of our political opinions, both as to saen and mea sures, which ft* think important. We subjoin their article, and will endeavor to ^xpltunouieelres: We are much averse to any controversy with the Columbia Telescope, for we have met respect for the general soundness of the Editor's principle*, end hit ability in maintaining then-, but, meagre hit taunt et our jsatbj we ere old enonn to form ear -own opinions, end to defend them, accord In* to our own notions of ?courtesy and llbe ?rsTity,' when attacked from e respectable quarter. We shall, hewrver, coofinc our selves to the defensive for the present, and k shall not be our faolt, if we are ever com pelled to exread this limit. The Telescope suppose* os to heve ebandoned our main panose of suppporting Sooth era rights to join In the hue end cry raised by oar adver saries against Dr. Coopen Before the 3d 4tor tittered thU oncer agalntt us, of deoert 4ng the great toyfAern cau* e to gratify pri vate fiijue, he thpvld hove sitell examined virtue If, to tee thai there mat no dbfioeition on hl? /tart to tacrifice thegreatett Intemto for the aggrandizement of any panic* tar "/tarty in the State. We here no personal fiel ingssgsinst Dr. C. to gratify, ant! have nev er before mentioned uls name in our col umns, although, more than six weeks ago, while apolngiking for his famous sentiment, 'that it was time far the aouth to calculate the advantages of the Union,' we did say, In allusion to him, w ithout, however, any rancor of expression, or insidious design, that the sentiment was uttered et an im proper time, and hy an improper person.? We still think that the circumstances un 4Jer which this sentiment was uttered, pro tiuccd injury to the cause of tbe South, tt certainly enabled those enlisted against our .rights to appeal with great success to the prejudices of the people In favor of Union, Before they had been suBciently enlighten ed as to the outrageous oppremioo practised ^penlfcoa. It was argued ?rith great adroit ness aad effect, that the opposition to the tariff asm a taara scheme ia some of the Anthem politicians to gratify their ambition 3a obtaining that power which would be in accessible white we maintained oar political relations with the ether portions of the rjr. We are as well satisfied as we ? of any Uetfron observation, that the a of spirited resistance to the Tariff 1 to encounter no obstacle mere em than the revulsion of feeling the indbereet Violence of Pr. I some of his confederates.? 1 far the Unloa If too deeply seated in the Amerieen bosom to be lightly shaken by any reason log en He pecuniar* advanta ge* It b with the netive as much a matter of instinct as reflection. He is attachsd to the government of his country, not more on fte&ouatof its excellencies, than because he free bern under it, end haa been trained op Co leva to./We desire to make ho im idions distinctions between the rights of oar netive and adopted citreen*, but as a mere matter *f propriety, we cannot perceive a clearer aeoposkien than that it is unseemly id a for eigner to be foremost ia railing against the matltutlocss of a country that affords him protection. As a friend remarked to us %llh much ftlleity of illustration, the for tripe* in tnch a ease b like e boarder, who RMS little right te interfere ia the family ttttertelfc ana who generally by sueh ofl clousness acquires tbe ill will of ail parties. Thb eery distinction of propriety, as we feevoboen Informed, was urged with much eloquence at one of the public meetings in < Columbia by a distinguished gentleman who fields to no.te there in talenta, patriotism, or firmness in maintaining Southern right*. With all possible respect far the patriotic ffRorts of Colombia against the protecting stem, we canoot concur in tbe vsuut of ie Telescope so disparaging to the rest of Ahe State, that Columbia has been the cen system, the Tel (roof tbe rays of information on the Tariff*. Other portions of tbe State hark done well ten. But we have no disposition to mtikc Jhvldlous comparisons in this matter, and without farther comtactit, submit to th* public whether they will reeognUe thisclalm ?of Sbpremscy by the metropolis. Our remark that l>r. C. had not been etebls ia his opl.ilons on the Tariff has been dearsely denied by the Telescope. Wo have not room at present for such eatracts from the Onperiuns of Arte and K icncoa as sup port our assert loo. There are two very distinct partite in fMe fttatf-well characterized?which the fOfle need not bo at any loss to dbtin The omc, is kvptsUt to a National Go vernment one and indivbible; in which all minor authorities, nil State Righto am a Govern n retentions ah< Imposing, powerfal, an well This party treats ito oppo bneke eft tbe greet pinna of power aad Improvement te whieh tbe National Oo Pirsmintoftbe United Statee ought to rie TWe party era ihe advocate* of? wqU otganucwl wny, of ?large and well appointed Nary, and of Ml umuu of bringing out the resources of the country by tfce lerenue and under the authority and mpwuiikio of one great National Administration. They consider tlie dootriuce of State Righto,and Constitu tional restrictions, aa impediments to Na tional grandeur and prosperity?as the] dreams of men of p*?t times?as supported only by those who cannot ries to the level of modem, political knowledge-* as < aeteristic, Anally, of the short-sighted i terrora iuoioau. lb this party belong many men, truly reepectable lor atandiog, information and pnrity of motfve/aUtbooM adharenteof fed- ral:sra ; nil tho lriend?, bold or timid open or secret, oTGbxmhal, Whvabb, Internal Imprcefcmfttt, Modified TarUfc, and a strong, efficient, and powerAil gov ernment. To thi? party betgng all tha Crienda of the teat administratis, and very many of the wealthy, the well-bom, and the arfafocracy of our country. * Many, who with hooeet boldness declare their who are con ten t impradenoe, the violence, and the eeditiouo tendeneice of every nan, who hinta at dtcunfcm. To thie patty belong the preachers of modera tion, forbearance, calmneee, patience under one1e?uffttringet and who prophecy, Anally, a happy ierae,out of all our diffieultice. The oraii party are of opinion, that the General Government ia quite atrong and powerful enough already ; that the tendency of that government ia too plainly a gradual, |>er*evering encroachment on the rights of the State Government* and of opinions, and many more' ed to inveigh against the the people; that a Urge army, end even ? large navy areuselees, unless under strong apprehension of approaching war. That the Constitution ftimiahcs a salutary re straint on the encroachingtendencies ol the General Government; which last ought to be confined to raising a revenue, and the business of foreign, external connexions; and has not, and ought to have no right to interfere in the domestic concerns of the several States. That each State constitutes a Sovreignty in itaelf; distinct from, and independent of, not only every other State, but the General Government also. That our federation does not include, and never was meant to include a power of regulating within a State, what the State was mani festly competent to rcgulato for itself.? That no powers belong to the General Government, but such as are plainly, ex pressly, and unambiguously ceded; that all other powers, claimed by construcrion of dubious phraseology, and ingenious im plication, aro in fact usurped. That noth ing can 1x3 taken but what is mamtfirtrly given. , That tho general welfaro can be pursued, only in tho manner, and by the acts and powers plainly ordained and de signated in the Constitution. That this is not a government wherein the National Legislature is the paramount authority,for tho proceedings of that Lefpslature must keep within the bounds prescribed by the Constitution; if not, the power exercised by the Legislature is usurped and tyranoi eal. That the construction of the Consti tution adopted and acted upon by the Jefientonian School of Politicians, is the only wise and salutary construction that the people ought to support. That tho modern doctrines of General WeUkre, In ternal Improvements, and the American System, are neither more or leas than abominable frauds upon the American Re public. To this Party belong the Politicians, usually called RamcAis. To tiiis School of politicians nv bolong, bona fide, not by profession only. If an honest, decided, consistent devotion to theee doctrines is evidence of a disposition to sscriftee the beet interests of the State to a party* we are falty guilty of the charge, and will promoto tho sacrifice as far as we oan. Is this the M party" to which the Carolinian iiwinuates we would make such transcendent sacrifices t Havo we mis stated the doctrines of thie party, which are hooored in their lives snd practice I? Are the best interests of the State identified with the opposite doctrines, which we have irst described sbove 1 Is there any man who is prepared to say so, and to prove it ^ If so, we invite him to do it. We do not admire an ambiguous and over-cautious reserve, assuming too much of tho charac ter of deceptive concealment. Upon the broad principlee of constitutional opinions, and leading points of policy, we prefer a known, an open, And a decided course, pro or eon ; and so ought tho people. Wo will not charge upon tho " Caroli nian" a determinstion to sacrifice the State to a party ; we have too good an' opinion of the patriotism and intelligence of its Editors. Tliatsamegoodopinion, however, induces us to think, that they undoubtedly nre attached to the one or the other of the partien wehavedeecrihed. TheRaninaL* have not horcU?>re been *-n very good odour about Rdgefield : we know not how they stand at present. We recommend to both parties the fol lowing test, to be invariably applied to avery one who solicits political trust: " Sir?Do you promiss thorough I/ to support, or ss thoroughly to oppose, the doctrines of General Welfere, Internal Im provement*, and tU America* System f upon your honor, what eonduet do] you mean to pursue, and what opinions do yon hold on them subjects 1 Ws eaMupon yon distinctly to profess snd support them, or* hi svery stage, and on every occasion, .Do yon intend, with your might and ?, to support State Rights, and a lim - Al ? n# ^ - - I ti ^ ? M , Am ii0u roniimflxvn u.f cudhi ! owcn>, Of to oppoM thorn 1 SpMk your MmtiHMoU ou the#? point*, plainly, uuoquivocally, an ' without mblflrity t aye or no. ?? We ask the attention ofthoee of our read era, who are interested in such subject*, to a very intelligent, careftil ami satisfactory Report of a ConuniUee of the " Fairfield Agricultural and Economical Society" up on the Nevmed Mills of M freight It Bon. It is tho Ant article on our first page, and without pretending tn know any thing ouraehree about the sutyoet of the Commit tee^ report, we in enabled to eay that much reliance may be placed upon the intelligence and character of tlio Commit tee who hare rendered that Report to the public. We witness, with great pleaauro, any program which may be made towards Economical Improvements in the mode of maintaining a family, and conducting Ag ricultural pursuits. It b a period in the Mstory of South Carolina which invites the utmoet developcincnt of all our resour ces, mechanical and scientificat, physical and intellectual. The increase of National or of individual wealth, and thoy are inse parably Identified, results from tbo same principle? Me economical aav ing ofincome, to be added to productive capital' The nation is alpays the gainer in whatever improves tin condition of individual*- We are pleasdLfo remark, that tncracuicd atten tion, oh thVfho part of Societies and public spirited individuals, is devoted to all the pqjposes of Economy, and tho dovelope nratof our natural resources. Tho Mineral Kingdom is about to bo thoroughly explored, aud its treasure* ap propriated (o the comfort and happiuoss of Society : our two great staples, Cotton and Rice, are urged, with great plausibility, upon tlio General Government, as objects worthy of moru national eneouragement, in a manner perfectly constitutional and unobjectionable; and wo trust that the time is not far distant when the Sugar Caae is destined to bo added to tho rich and valuable productions of South Caroli na. Tho Vine and the Silk worm may contribute thoir treasures to tho wealth of the State. May success attend us in all our onterpriees! In the ovidencc given l>cfuro (ho Parlia- j mentary Committee on Emigration, 1826, j (pi?. 110, 237,) it appear* that no raso of measles, small-pox, or hooping-cough, has over yet been known in New Smith Wales. Of how much importanco then, ia it, that, if either of these dtaoaao < shall be imjiorted, immediate ami effectual mean* should bo taken for preventing its extension 1 It is affirmed in tho Report, that no in stance of Typhus Fever luis ever appeared in Utat country ; and that no inflammatory j or febrile diseases have hitherto been ob served there. This is said to bo a woll a*cert.iined &ct; but lait credible 1 What ever may liavo been the origin of small pox and measles, it is certain that those diseases are never in-bred ; a country, therefore, is safe from thorn, as long as the contagion is kept out. But inflammatory diseases are naturally incident to tho hu man frame, which is as liable to tliem as it is to any derangement of the animal Ainc tions.?Southey's Colloquies, vol. 1st, 318 notes. In Bisop Berkley's Querioto, his opinion as to tho advantages of employing slavery as a punishment, is thus indicated : He asks, 881, " whether other nations have not found great benefit from the uso of slaves, in repairing high roads, making ri vers navigable, draining hogs, erecting publio buildings, and manufactures 1 882, whether temporary servitude will not be the best curu for idleness and beggary 1 883, whether all sturdy beggars should not be seined and made slaves to the publio for a certain term of yean I 884, whether he who is chained in a jail or dungeon, hath not, for the time, lost his liberty 1 and if so, whether temporary slavery bo not already COMMUNICATIONS. MM. 1)U Ml LIEU. This gentleman has again returned to Mir town, and is delighting his visitors with interesting and instructive performance's.? He h*s connected himself with Messis. Crelgkion nnd ff <?//?, of the Ycamnn Cir cus, whose performances are certainly very attractive. We have known Mr. D. for some years back, and have seen his per formsnces before ; hut we csn always look upon them with pleasure, as on every ?*ecn alon he introduces something new. ? It I must be agreeable to his feelings, that he has often hewn complimented by Kditor*, j in the many places which be has visited, | for his gentlemanly deportment and une qualled skill in his profession. jl Fritnd lo Afcrtf. TO CONDY KACitJKT, F,*q. Sir,?The authnt et the psptr* sigi ?d /Kgis, at the Virginia University, is pleased to rank me as a defender of "protecting dutieV* in consequence of the eigi t reasons 1 assigned tor a moderate protection to ma nufactures^ the time I wrote, In the pre fsoe to the Emporium ; in the con mencement of the year 111), w*en we were engaged in n war with Great BrUaln That war was a war* like most of the European wars, un dertaken for the protection of our foreign commerce ; an atytct of protection. In my opinion, never worth the cost in a pecuniary point of view. Ike mercantile system and the NMtMtaetmrfag system, are the great wr-lrredtn modem tlmea i they ha? e been tke occasion and th?- source ?f n m**f of human iniquity, poverty, tin ?. t.,d misery, which no m?fi cm tppiwiate wK has not studied history wKh enlightened no ko?ofpaUlttAleconomy, nndwiUinvlew the rfkcto oI thene tyrtuwy tybtppl ? v? ul iMaklod They hnvecnrried blood ?hctl ami dovnautkm Into every known part ?i the globe. I re)olcv, with sincere nnd nrm-ItU oxuluUoo, that nutwlthaUnding! '?? ifaor*nct and the miaukcanf the pre sent generation, 1 ua kc their en? np t?r. uchin*. v3?: ? r Tut writer signed /Bgis* ? #e*^We man, and 1 hope icclaimab'.c s notwith standing to U?e warmth <4 argument he hu attacked a?c with the old achool toTacy | ol a dKtu secundum quid, -d dictum ?hu? plitiur. My reasona for rccptoh?pl?dlfltf| u> Oder Ale protecting duties *?*? founded I on ilic |K*tni?i?r state o f the country n the time 1 wititt { and notwithstanding my a6* horrencc ij them us e sysnm, I |?r?Uiwl those eight reasons as loltuwk, I w:t? apeak- | lit); ol lite unjukt, and impohtu eianuiage uient given' in ihis country to the mercan tile system* waicl' was w urged bcJoic the public, and in mi m;my ways obtruded on ilic government, us to discourage ull at tempts mi home manufacture. Thai ?yk* lent, lo which exclusively we owed the ex isting war, 1 reler lo p?ge 4 of tbt prcluee i.. my hMfuutuM i tue eight reason*. question, lomuicuctng iiuuiidutciy utter, ^ mi again in page tt. * II txuhtr it be worth xvhil: lo encour age niu/iujuaurc* tn thhu country, or to turu astut a /tart of the capital ftom the tmrmdkite employment oj agriculture, u u question oj gnat moment. Ml bvuitlHS and protecting duties arc taxes upon the rest oj the community, in ?u/ifiort of that employment of ca/iltul whUh Without them would bt injudicious and unproductive ? l\htle ti much land re maim untulhvaled, there can be no vtar.t of opportunities of em ploying cupilul in America. Generally speaking also, the Interference of govern ment is sadly misplaced, when it attempt? to direct the capitalist what he shall do with his money. Latssex nou* faire, Is the pro per reply. After enumerating the various mani'f u - tures that I consider as convenient or indit penslble among us, 1 goon to My, *' ought I thl? variety of occupation, and above all, thr man of real knowledge it implies to Ik renounced and neglected fur the take of Ionian commerce??that wc may n?t ii ? lerfcrc with tue proAts and connexions of the merchants whomity reside among us 1 And that wc mny be taxed, and tolerated, and lit diked to receive from abroad, what. with moderate exertion, we ?:att supply hi home 1 Ami yet this in the doctrine not merely advocated and recommended amon^ jus bni likely to become the fakhionubU ! creed cf political economy whenever mcr Lkniiic interisis and connections prevail, I It appears to me of national importance to ' counteract 'hese notions. *4s a source of I NATIONAL WKALTU, / WOUld HO more en \coueagr manufacture than 1 would encour age commerce. / would encourage or dis courage n> ither. tor /am persuadtd, that the aggregate of INDIVIDUAL, constitutes national wealth ; and that a Government is conceited and presumptuous when it at tempts to instruct an individual how he can ernptoy hit industry and his capital, most beneficially fsr his own Interest. Every treatise on political economy, ought to have Its first page occupied with the answer ( of the merchants J foCoLtxsT.LAMsEZ nous rAiaa." Such was my langunge in that prcfacc.? Such wls tnc theory of political economy, which 1 held many year* before I published these opinions in May 1813?n theory, not to be lound, 1 believe, in the writings of any American author sinee the time of Frank lin. Will the anthor of ASgis, have the gcodntn to point out to me, how It differs from my book on political economy pub lished two year* ago f I beg that gentle man to point out to mc, who prior to myself, ever recommended or delivered lectures on political economy In the United States And I up peal to all my students, whether the principle* thns recommended by me in 1^13, in the very address eo misconstrued* are not the very same that constitute the basis of my present lectures ? But 1 know of no general rule, to which there may not be occasional exceptions.? Circumstances extraordinary and unfore seen, not comprehended in a brief view, not dctnilrd as exceptions to general reasoning, may excuse or justify tcmpornry deviations. I thought ?o then : I think so now. Wh en wc arc ut war with a country, me??ircs mny be expedient thnt would belnexcusea-' | blr In a ktute of penre.* When I and my neighbour are at variance, and he is trying ' to d*> me all the mischief he ean, I should 11, k i to be entirely independent of him:? when we arc in perfect friendship, and our interest is mutual, I can have no objeitlon to depend upon him to the same degree thnt our mutual interest makes him dependent on me. Surely these nre the plain dictates of common sense, which few people would deny, except for the sake ofdlsputation We were then at war with Oreat Britain; a war brought on by tbe merchants, >n de fence of a trade of which they well knew the tlsk before they undertook H. The doctrine generally held, w?s, that no ex pence, no war was to be complained of, that was neceasnry to defend r.nr rftmmerre. I'lie war in question eost us twenty ihillions of dollars a yr?r? uml the profits of our ?ommeiee did not amount, at anytime pre -Art ?p. oftssnt Hew, of WIIHamsbatffii, who h?? v n ?islM aiost eosaprehendve Mnd am.<i ?ty ?I*W of <h?Mhi Hdrt'veSytieiwr *hleMii.i ?r n iMliildl the e*ee|>tlaa< i f Retni ? ilfwi 1M war; retucaaily ami h?*Ha!inilv ? o tid. r. for eten the?a ese?|?*i n* f* of s .? . .,t rhirar.ier, in tbe prMaat stats of hn..?* ledf?. timu to it,to wore that* Uo, ut iu omt protperou* period. I' -Jom doc amount fiftcn at the prevent moireot, ukI if tin \mricM Bvktom pmtwK it ?Ulvt be worth Ave. [I ihuaxbt it atcrwiry, their furr, m iVtkl, to CQUtUetfft these cktra SiiiWiiiBWfci > ? ' ? The merchant* wcrr many of them Bri ti?h Agent* ; the whotcu e denier* in the great jpitie*, became their debtor* to * gre t ?roodnt j the retailer*, the country ttore keeper*, and the people who dealt with them, all became in debt. A DritWh influ ence wm created among u*, purtt ularly to the north and e*t|, ?o extensive u* to he roine danger* >u? to out independence. I? not this true f H??e you a reader, who know* those tlmrs, that will not agre ? with inc to the full extent of ipy ushmti??i? f 1 considered, that a system of h?me-manu f?ituie, daring the war, nt least, would counteract tbc*o anti-American influent e<, by creating a counter Interest t was I wron^f Moreover, from want <if that |imdent fore* sight at the commencement of the war, which I hope in future will render those counteraction* neediest, we had ncgloctcd *?? provide ourselves mil pi y, ns wc migni have done, with the mntrrlri of war, and with articles of first ui'rmitv. Home ma nufsrturers, ^rv fait ly and justifiably, ta king "dvantUge of thin our temporary ne cessity set up manufactures ; a* useful to the nation, its to themselves. Aftvi the ??r wui ended, thc> nppltcd f<>r reasonable protection against foreign co-upctitinn ; I thought them at the time entitled to it?I tuink so now But not to a permanent tax on u? Mi?d our posterity, in remuneration of >? temporary ton for a few year* after peace. 1 wished, therefore, to encourage their un dertaking* during the unknown continuance ?>f the war. 1 knew I had the knowledge necessary to smooth the path ia very man) instances of manufacture. 1 had good rea son to believe at the tine, that I could col lect and communicate more accurate know ledge on the Miliject of manufactures than most men in the Union ; and I collected and applied that knowledge at well a* I c>m:d, in dd of them, and not without effect. The more knowledge afloat among us, the lest need of protecting duties. I knew that ; ? id I did my duty to my country, in th it respect* fairly and honestly, to render them unnecessary. But, cessante ratinne, eessat Lex : when the temporary circumstances tbut induced mc to make this deviation Irom my long cherished system ol political econ omy ceased, was I to continue the advocate of exceptions to a general rule, which had no obstacles to combat when peace was made ? The circumstances of exception having disappeared, the general tule was '?ii force. Soon after the first act in favnui # ^ ? iff of protection was paused with genera* concur-ence, and under a general under standing that the protection was a tempora rV one, a plan was proposed and adopted among the manufacturers, particularly at Philadelphia, to urge gradually the abso lute necessity of a total prohibition ol British good a. This plant*at firo/io*ed to me, as a measure to be brought before the public, and pressed upon them. I refused, of course, all concurrence } and seeing the ex-j travagnnce of the manufacturing prcten-j sions. And the extent of the monopoly, I became alarmed. In the year 1818, in the newspapers, and in 1819, in the Analytical Review, I pub lished what I always Considered as*hc well founded objections to a system of protecting duties: again, in the National Intelligencer, u"dcr the signature of Terra.* About a year before I had any notion of coming to South Carolina, I dined in Philadelphia, at Mr. H. Calhoun's, with Gen. Wade Hampton, and I there told him of the danger that threatened the planting interest of the Sog^h, from the extensive plans of prohibi tory taxation, meditated by the manufac turers. Again in the fall of 18J3, 1 pub lished and distributed at my own expense, a pamphlet on the Tariff, addressed to the South Carolina Delegation, urging the in justice and impolicy of the restrictive *>* tem. Under all these circumstances, when have I varied from the orthodox doctrines of Adam Smith, which 1 preach at tins day? Who has taken more pains to sen e the in terests of the manufacturers ttian myself? Hut is that a reason why I should Im> forci bly enlisted as the advocate of pit-tensioos on theirpart, equally unjust, dl-ftat ul< I and impolitic ? < >r nre my proposals m it|c der the stimulus of n war i aging at the timr, to l?c considered as the permanent rtilrs of my conduct during peace ? Or is a moderate piotetting duty lor articles of the first necessity, to be converted into * total prohibition of all foreign commetce, ami a home monopoly, including every pos sible commodity that can be manufacture I elsewhere ? I his is indeed stretching my opinions on the bed of\frccurHei, without reason and without mercy ? I have been much abided for ?*y?ig it is high time to calculate the value of the Union to the South. Hut at I have not met with anv semblance of argument In the midst of all this abuse, I \h% to be consider ed as now repeating ami urging that ob noxious sentiment. Why la It not disc ussed instead of being abused f Who among my objectors, hat given ?a in detail the value ol tho Uuion to the South'? And why Ho the) shun the challenge ao repeatedly offered t la It Indeed a task of too much difficult y ?? It would seem ao. The Federal Union, construed ns the 'rawer* of it manifestly ?ne..nt?*s ?? , unlfojml> construed ty the Jefferson! , V|rKu,ian school of politician*?| ntoil ? d' pendr n* St .le* for special, expr#- %r and limited purpoaea | honestly conducted, with * Que regard lo tiuwe i der*l nutltority ~ba wise, al obiigat'?ry compact i * i .f (?r dearest - right*. So ?it titer which section of the Unkoy it Kiviivit Kinicr. U H tht North t I uy, t?>r my |Mrt, U\v North is welcome to all toe Iwnviitt the can derive from it. No ia? friugement of that contract will dver be advocated by me. . % Uut the Federal Union, tuch ai the fra meit of it in inifettiy did not mean It should become--an Union of a very different cha racter, manufactured without our content* to buy over ulbereitts and serve the party purposes of ). Q. Adauis and H. Clay?an Union ouilt up-m? fur-fetched construction and quiMil^ng implication?an Union that bo* n? othet guide, or measure* or limita tion. but general welfare?an Union where in thin general welfare may serve any in terest, iiowovpr fruudulent, any purpote, however i>a?t, and which may be used to mean any thing that an interested majority in CongrtM may declare It tc mean?an Union, where the liberies and properties of the minority art considered as fair obiecta oi .Itlack and plunder by tlic majority?an Union wherein the Constitution which de? fines it, U actus";* l-oghed to scorn?an Union, unclcr which, Mr.Clay's Amkmcan Systkm of fraud, falsehood, und plunder, is piimounced to be the permanent policy of me federal government?a system * here I in the South W deliberately sacrificed to the I North ; wherein the planter is considered but as a sponge, to be squtcaed by the opu lent manufacturer?a s> *tein which make* tne rich i icher, and the pour poorer ; under whose banelul influence an aristocracy i? springing top and fondly chcrishcd, that will cout>out nil elections prostrate the rights* destroy the independence, degrade the cha racter, and annihilate the comforts of the opfi.itive ; under which, taxes arc delibe rately devised and imposed to foil heaviest on the poor, and lightest on the rich?an Union, wherein the majorities are obtained by uprrupt bargaining and sale o| sectional rights to serve sectional interests?an Union in whicti state rights arc regarded as non entities, and state sovereignties converted into petty municaplitics, unworthy the no tice of a grand, magnificent and imposing empire?an Union whose direct object and manifest tendency is to a consolidated, ex pensive and patronising monarchy, in fact, if nut in name , to a government one and in divisible?sue it sii Union, actually in ope ration, is not the Union to which I have svom allcgiatue. Through good report and evil report, 1 will bear hostility to it. If oui Federal Union canno*. tie brought u?ck to its original meaning and its honest construction, the sooner it is ended the bet ter } peaceably if wo may, forcibly if we IOf such an Union, it is high time the SuUw. -isouldcalculate the bene fits. It is probnoiftoption* m?y not be well received sand the puW ,Uffep frum me. Be it so i they have a right to differ. But I hold it no crime to submit to t^rfr cmiMderttlon, my own opinions whatever they may be. Th?i public can claim no more than the right tcdeclde for themselves when they have heart all sides. I know of no source of truth buifrce diicutsion. With the highest respe* for ) our pu'b,ia character Mid services, 1 am,gjr Yoorob't THO Vi AS COOPEh D Columbia, Bo. Ca. Dl In Abbe villa dUtrlct,ou Tburvdny I be 4lh Imt the Her JAMKS cMrSlSgST'? S& year of life a**. The i]?r?-Mrii emigrated fiom Engtaad dorhfe the revolutionary war and ael|t?U io AM>evllfe H. brto?fdl? ilm Bapli? church of which lo had rNNin * Mrmbrr upward* of 3S rrnr? In th" death of (tila truly good man, the wmL community in whir.h h? lived, f?el deeply T^.*n of r*llf|o?? dohomlnVlUn ?*iSJXz """r""~u "?"j mtioS oBSBHHP"?1 ttacoii, Bilr llopr, Brandy, t.'ognac. Pneh( Apple, Cotton, new, good ?o fine, Tnttn i llerap, Tow, ..ffre, Corn, Hoar. Coualrv, Columbia Mill j, (iin, Holland, M K On.powder, Hay, Northern, ? tun*, Northern, Iron, 8>*? rrf?, Country, lod'/o, l.< ad, l.ard; No. t, Mailt, Oat*, Hum, \V I N E Sail, In Mr.lt*, in ? ntk, flteel. firrman, Rliittr, <htH, "?"C'er, Ixmf, Brown, White Havana, tobacco, Whldirf, *Vlue, Murfoini, Malata, to. ffil 6 * 7 . ? ? "A lift ? 200 60 ? AO ? ? a CO ?| ? 0 a 80 a 23 in a 2| 10 a 20 44 a CO M" n (Vio 000 n 7m? ?a* a IftO 41 a no ,22 ? 126 a I Ao 12 a irv 6 a 7 n 60 a 74 0 a 1' 7 a v 40 a U 600 a 70/ 600 a 60< 400 a 60* 6 n If. ,JJ4 ? <*? ?86 a ?7 40 a 4,% 260 a 3ri(k 70 a 7. 14 a 1 ' 10 a |" 1 ? n 20 ? go I# ? IP. ?? ? lt> >?? ? IM ' ? * m a IW ? ?t 70 a ion l'l? F?. fcht Imm Charleston (n Wa*nn? 7? rtr. ?" I ' c? per inn iha. RBMAHKB ? (I'lTON.-.ThcW Kaa been conaMera r. T. ?*?'? ?Mh whirh ha* ?" I faddy at *ir q?o? .flona. Oar H?cr f'f Bn??t? of light draught, freight 1 ao per bale. lb. *M|?li hbt ral lb bun lb. ?a| bbl lb ?ai*h *?1 lb. *al IW Ml