Columbia telescope. (Columbia, S.C.) 1819-1821, November 20, 1829, Image 2
FRIDAY, NOVEMBER, *>,
I ' , "kRRATAT^W
pieco signed ** Peter#," la our
r,U line IT from the button, reod
" " *4 fcohnbe*t"-m lino 18,
i Cur ?H?llU.hut?-ln lino
tt,r*ftdDikkalec, for " l>tkk?oe"?In line
48, becche*. for " bu?hce"~-in lineW,
.tftod convolvQli, for " convuluuli."
^ Wand*/ Us* LL Col. JAMBS
??s cU-ctod Colonel of the 33d
of South Unulinn MUltb.
jg. <&"&*OT8
0lpL iuncn O'HMtei, 813 .
G**??
POLITICS.
? tthe<owing reply of the ?? Carolitihn,"
A MpliM, <? oar mHito, i week or
two nfo, in dsfcnee of Dr. fcooper, we pah*
lfcfcwith (ho utmost cheerftilnes*,?es well
ftom ft oordi?I d i s posit i on to do a m pie
Vnto tte vtry respectable Editors of (he
tihioKnlan, as for tkepurpoes of appending
a few remark* of our own, which, seem to
be invited bj that sentence, particularly,
Which we have taken the liberty to italiciss.
We mne those Editors that the foelinp
courtesy which they hare always oris
ctd towards as, we hare erer reciprocated.
We think they are talented and judicious
Editors, although we think it very proba
ble that we differ much in some of our
political opinions, both as to saen and mea
sures, which ft* think important. We
subjoin their article, and will endeavor to
^xpltunouieelres:
We are much averse to any controversy
with the Columbia Telescope, for we have
met respect for the general soundness of
the Editor's principle*, end hit ability in
maintaining then-, but, meagre hit taunt et
our jsatbj we ere old enonn to form ear
-own opinions, end to defend them, accord
In* to our own notions of ?courtesy and llbe
?rsTity,' when attacked from e respectable
quarter. We shall, hewrver, coofinc our
selves to the defensive for the present, and
k shall not be our faolt, if we are ever com
pelled to exread this limit. The Telescope
suppose* os to heve ebandoned our main
panose of suppporting Sooth era rights to
join In the hue end cry raised by oar adver
saries against Dr. Coopen Before the 3d
4tor tittered thU oncer agalntt us, of deoert
4ng the great toyfAern cau* e to gratify pri
vate fiijue, he thpvld hove sitell examined
virtue If, to tee thai there mat no dbfioeition
on hl? /tart to tacrifice thegreatett Intemto
for the aggrandizement of any panic* tar
"/tarty in the State. We here no personal fiel
ingssgsinst Dr. C. to gratify, ant! have nev
er before mentioned uls name in our col
umns, although, more than six weeks ago,
while apolngiking for his famous sentiment,
'that it was time far the aouth to calculate
the advantages of the Union,' we did say,
In allusion to him, w ithout, however, any
rancor of expression, or insidious design,
that the sentiment was uttered et an im
proper time, and hy an improper person.?
We still think that the circumstances un
4Jer which this sentiment was uttered, pro
tiuccd injury to the cause of tbe South, tt
certainly enabled those enlisted against our
.rights to appeal with great success to the
prejudices of the people In favor of Union,
Before they had been suBciently enlighten
ed as to the outrageous oppremioo practised
^penlfcoa. It was argued ?rith great adroit
ness aad effect, that the opposition to the
tariff asm a taara scheme ia some of the
Anthem politicians to gratify their ambition
3a obtaining that power which would be in
accessible white we maintained oar political
relations with the ether portions of the
rjr. We are as well satisfied as we
? of any Uetfron observation, that the
a of spirited resistance to the Tariff
1 to encounter no obstacle mere em
than the revulsion of feeling
the indbereet Violence of Pr.
I some of his confederates.?
1 far the Unloa If too deeply seated in
the Amerieen bosom to be lightly shaken
by any reason log en He pecuniar* advanta
ge* It b with the netive as much a matter
of instinct as reflection. He is attachsd to
the government of his country, not more on
fte&ouatof its excellencies, than because he
free bern under it, end haa been trained op
Co leva to./We desire to make ho im idions
distinctions between the rights of oar netive
and adopted citreen*, but as a mere matter
*f propriety, we cannot perceive a clearer
aeoposkien than that it is unseemly id a for
eigner to be foremost ia railing against the
matltutlocss of a country that affords him
protection. As a friend remarked to us
%llh much ftlleity of illustration, the for
tripe* in tnch a ease b like e boarder, who
RMS little right te interfere ia the family
ttttertelfc ana who generally by sueh ofl
clousness acquires tbe ill will of ail parties.
Thb eery distinction of propriety, as we
feevoboen Informed, was urged with much
eloquence at one of the public meetings in
< Columbia by a distinguished gentleman who
fields to no.te there in talenta, patriotism,
or firmness in maintaining Southern right*.
With all possible respect far the patriotic
ffRorts of Colombia against the protecting
stem, we canoot concur in tbe vsuut of
ie Telescope so disparaging to the rest of
Ahe State, that Columbia has been the cen
system,
the Tel
(roof tbe rays of information on the Tariff*.
Other portions of tbe State hark done well
ten. But we have no disposition to mtikc
Jhvldlous comparisons in this matter, and
without farther comtactit, submit to th*
public whether they will reeognUe thisclalm
?of Sbpremscy by the metropolis.
Our remark that l>r. C. had not been
etebls ia his opl.ilons on the Tariff has been
dearsely denied by the Telescope. Wo have
not room at present for such eatracts from
the Onperiuns of Arte and K icncoa as sup
port our assert loo.
There are two very distinct partite in
fMe fttatf-well characterized?which the
fOfle need not bo at any loss to dbtin
The omc, is kvptsUt to a National Go
vernment one and indivbible; in which all
minor authorities, nil State Righto am
a Govern
n retentions ah<
Imposing, powerfal, an well
This party treats ito oppo
bneke eft tbe greet pinna of power aad
Improvement te whieh tbe National Oo
Pirsmintoftbe United Statee ought to rie
TWe party era
ihe advocate* of? wqU otganucwl wny, of
?large and well appointed Nary, and of
Ml umuu of bringing out the resources of
the country by tfce lerenue and under the
authority and mpwuiikio of one great
National Administration. They consider
tlie dootriuce of State Righto,and Constitu
tional restrictions, aa impediments to Na
tional grandeur and prosperity?as the]
dreams of men of p*?t times?as supported
only by those who cannot ries to the level
of modem, political knowledge-* as <
aeteristic, Anally, of the short-sighted i
terrora iuoioau.
lb this party belong many men, truly
reepectable lor atandiog, information and
pnrity of motfve/aUtbooM adharenteof
fed- ral:sra ; nil tho lriend?, bold or timid
open or secret, oTGbxmhal, Whvabb,
Internal Imprcefcmfttt, Modified TarUfc,
and a strong, efficient, and powerAil gov
ernment. To thi? party betgng all tha
Crienda of the teat administratis, and very
many of the wealthy, the well-bom, and
the arfafocracy of our country. * Many,
who with hooeet boldness declare their
who are con ten t
impradenoe, the
violence, and the eeditiouo tendeneice of
every nan, who hinta at dtcunfcm. To
thie patty belong the preachers of modera
tion, forbearance, calmneee, patience under
one1e?uffttringet and who prophecy, Anally,
a happy ierae,out of all our diffieultice.
The oraii party are of opinion, that
the General Government ia quite atrong
and powerful enough already ; that the
tendency of that government ia too plainly
a gradual, |>er*evering encroachment on
the rights of the State Government* and of
opinions, and many more'
ed to inveigh against the
the people; that a Urge army, end even ?
large navy areuselees, unless under strong
apprehension of approaching war. That
the Constitution ftimiahcs a salutary re
straint on the encroachingtendencies ol the
General Government; which last ought to
be confined to raising a revenue, and the
business of foreign, external connexions;
and has not, and ought to have no right to
interfere in the domestic concerns of the
several States. That each State constitutes
a Sovreignty in itaelf; distinct from, and
independent of, not only every other State,
but the General Government also. That
our federation does not include, and never
was meant to include a power of regulating
within a State, what the State was mani
festly competent to rcgulato for itself.?
That no powers belong to the General
Government, but such as are plainly, ex
pressly, and unambiguously ceded; that
all other powers, claimed by construcrion
of dubious phraseology, and ingenious im
plication, aro in fact usurped. That noth
ing can 1x3 taken but what is mamtfirtrly
given. , That tho general welfaro can be
pursued, only in tho manner, and by the
acts and powers plainly ordained and de
signated in the Constitution. That this is
not a government wherein the National
Legislature is the paramount authority,for
tho proceedings of that Lefpslature must
keep within the bounds prescribed by the
Constitution; if not, the power exercised
by the Legislature is usurped and tyranoi
eal. That the construction of the Consti
tution adopted and acted upon by the
Jefientonian School of Politicians, is the
only wise and salutary construction that
the people ought to support. That tho
modern doctrines of General WeUkre, In
ternal Improvements, and the American
System, are neither more or leas than
abominable frauds upon the American Re
public.
To this Party belong the Politicians,
usually called RamcAis.
To tiiis School of politicians nv bolong,
bona fide, not by profession only. If an
honest, decided, consistent devotion to
theee doctrines is evidence of a disposition
to sscriftee the beet interests of the State to
a party* we are falty guilty of the charge,
and will promoto tho sacrifice as far as we
oan. Is this the M party" to which the
Carolinian iiwinuates we would make such
transcendent sacrifices t Havo we mis
stated the doctrines of thie party, which
are hooored in their lives snd practice I?
Are the best interests of the State identified
with the opposite doctrines, which we have
irst described sbove 1 Is there any man
who is prepared to say so, and to prove it ^
If so, we invite him to do it. We do not
admire an ambiguous and over-cautious
reserve, assuming too much of tho charac
ter of deceptive concealment. Upon the
broad principlee of constitutional opinions,
and leading points of policy, we prefer a
known, an open, And a decided course,
pro or eon ; and so ought tho people.
Wo will not charge upon tho " Caroli
nian" a determinstion to sacrifice the State
to a party ; we have too good an' opinion
of the patriotism and intelligence of its
Editors. Tliatsamegoodopinion, however,
induces us to think, that they undoubtedly
nre attached to the one or the other of the
partien wehavedeecrihed. TheRaninaL*
have not horcU?>re been *-n very good
odour about Rdgefield : we know not how
they stand at present.
We recommend to both parties the fol
lowing test, to be invariably applied to
avery one who solicits political trust:
" Sir?Do you promiss thorough I/ to
support, or ss thoroughly to oppose, the
doctrines of General Welfere, Internal Im
provement*, and tU America* System f
upon your honor, what eonduet do]
you mean to pursue, and what opinions do
yon hold on them subjects 1 Ws eaMupon
yon distinctly to profess snd support them,
or* hi svery stage, and on every occasion,
.Do yon intend, with your might and
?, to support State Rights, and a lim
- Al ? n# ^ - - I ti ^ ? M , Am
ii0u roniimflxvn u.f cudhi ! owcn>, Of to
oppoM thorn 1 SpMk your MmtiHMoU ou
the#? point*, plainly, uuoquivocally, an '
without mblflrity t aye or no.
??
We ask the attention ofthoee of our read
era, who are interested in such subject*, to
a very intelligent, careftil ami satisfactory
Report of a ConuniUee of the " Fairfield
Agricultural and Economical Society" up
on the Nevmed Mills of M freight It Bon.
It is tho Ant article on our first page, and
without pretending tn know any thing
ouraehree about the sutyoet of the Commit
tee^ report, we in enabled to eay that
much reliance may be placed upon the
intelligence and character of tlio Commit
tee who hare rendered that Report to the
public. We witness, with great pleaauro,
any program which may be made towards
Economical Improvements in the mode of
maintaining a family, and conducting Ag
ricultural pursuits. It b a period in the
Mstory of South Carolina which invites
the utmoet developcincnt of all our resour
ces, mechanical and scientificat, physical
and intellectual. The increase of National
or of individual wealth, and thoy are inse
parably Identified, results from tbo same
principle? Me economical aav ing ofincome,
to be added to productive capital' The
nation is alpays the gainer in whatever
improves tin condition of individual*- We
are pleasdLfo remark, that tncracuicd atten
tion, oh thVfho part of Societies and public
spirited individuals, is devoted to all the
pqjposes of Economy, and tho dovelope
nratof our natural resources.
Tho Mineral Kingdom is about to bo
thoroughly explored, aud its treasure* ap
propriated (o the comfort and happiuoss of
Society : our two great staples, Cotton and
Rice, are urged, with great plausibility,
upon tlio General Government, as objects
worthy of moru national eneouragement,
in a manner perfectly constitutional and
unobjectionable; and wo trust that the
time is not far distant when the Sugar
Caae is destined to bo added to tho rich
and valuable productions of South Caroli
na. Tho Vine and the Silk worm may
contribute thoir treasures to tho wealth of
the State. May success attend us in all
our onterpriees!
In the ovidencc given l>cfuro (ho Parlia- j
mentary Committee on Emigration, 1826, j
(pi?. 110, 237,) it appear* that no raso of
measles, small-pox, or hooping-cough, has
over yet been known in New Smith Wales.
Of how much importanco then, ia it, that,
if either of these dtaoaao < shall be imjiorted,
immediate ami effectual mean* should bo
taken for preventing its extension 1
It is affirmed in tho Report, that no in
stance of Typhus Fever luis ever appeared
in Utat country ; and that no inflammatory j
or febrile diseases have hitherto been ob
served there. This is said to bo a woll
a*cert.iined &ct; but lait credible 1 What
ever may liavo been the origin of small
pox and measles, it is certain that those
diseases are never in-bred ; a country,
therefore, is safe from thorn, as long as the
contagion is kept out. But inflammatory
diseases are naturally incident to tho hu
man frame, which is as liable to tliem as it
is to any derangement of the animal Ainc
tions.?Southey's Colloquies, vol. 1st, 318
notes.
In Bisop Berkley's Querioto, his opinion
as to tho advantages of employing slavery
as a punishment, is thus indicated : He
asks, 881, " whether other nations have
not found great benefit from the uso of
slaves, in repairing high roads, making ri
vers navigable, draining hogs, erecting
publio buildings, and manufactures 1 882,
whether temporary servitude will not be
the best curu for idleness and beggary 1
883, whether all sturdy beggars should not
be seined and made slaves to the publio for
a certain term of yean I 884, whether he
who is chained in a jail or dungeon, hath
not, for the time, lost his liberty 1 and if so,
whether temporary slavery bo not already
COMMUNICATIONS.
MM. 1)U Ml LIEU.
This gentleman has again returned to Mir
town, and is delighting his visitors with
interesting and instructive performance's.?
He h*s connected himself with Messis.
Crelgkion nnd ff <?//?, of the Ycamnn Cir
cus, whose performances are certainly very
attractive. We have known Mr. D. for
some years back, and have seen his per
formsnces before ; hut we csn always look
upon them with pleasure, as on every ?*ecn
alon he introduces something new. ? It
I must be agreeable to his feelings, that he
has often hewn complimented by Kditor*,
j in the many places which be has visited,
| for his gentlemanly deportment and une
qualled skill in his profession.
jl Fritnd lo Afcrtf.
TO CONDY KACitJKT, F,*q.
Sir,?The authnt et the psptr* sigi ?d
/Kgis, at the Virginia University, is pleased
to rank me as a defender of "protecting
dutieV* in consequence of the eigi t reasons
1 assigned tor a moderate protection to ma
nufactures^ the time I wrote, In the pre fsoe
to the Emporium ; in the con mencement
of the year 111), w*en we were engaged in
n war with Great BrUaln That war was
a war* like most of the European wars, un
dertaken for the protection of our foreign
commerce ; an atytct of protection. In my
opinion, never worth the cost in a pecuniary
point of view. Ike mercantile system and
the NMtMtaetmrfag system, are the great
wr-lrredtn modem tlmea i they ha? e
been tke occasion and th?- source ?f n m**f
of human iniquity, poverty, tin ?. t.,d
misery, which no m?fi cm tppiwiate wK
has not studied history wKh enlightened no
ko?ofpaUlttAleconomy, nndwiUinvlew
the rfkcto oI thene tyrtuwy tybtppl
? v? ul iMaklod They hnvecnrried blood
?hctl ami dovnautkm Into every known part
?i the globe. I re)olcv, with sincere nnd
nrm-ItU oxuluUoo, that nutwlthaUnding!
'?? ifaor*nct and the miaukcanf the pre
sent generation, 1 ua kc their en? np
t?r. uchin*. v3?: ? r
Tut writer signed /Bgis* ? #e*^We
man, and 1 hope icclaimab'.c s notwith
standing to U?e warmth <4 argument he
hu attacked a?c with the old achool toTacy |
ol a dKtu secundum quid, -d dictum ?hu?
plitiur. My reasona for rccptoh?pl?dlfltf|
u> Oder Ale protecting duties *?*? founded I
on ilic |K*tni?i?r state o f the country n the
time 1 wititt { and notwithstanding my a6*
horrencc ij them us e sysnm, I |?r?Uiwl
those eight reasons as loltuwk, I w:t? apeak- |
lit); ol lite unjukt, and impohtu eianuiage
uient given' in ihis country to the mercan
tile system* waicl' was w urged bcJoic the
public, and in mi m;my ways obtruded on
ilic government, us to discourage ull at
tempts mi home manufacture. Thai ?yk*
lent, lo which exclusively we owed the ex
isting war, 1 reler lo p?ge 4 of tbt prcluee
i.. my hMfuutuM i tue eight reason*.
question, lomuicuctng iiuuiidutciy utter,
^ mi again in page tt. *
II txuhtr it be worth xvhil: lo encour
age niu/iujuaurc* tn thhu country, or to
turu astut a /tart of the capital ftom the
tmrmdkite employment oj agriculture, u u
question oj gnat moment. Ml bvuitlHS
and protecting duties arc taxes upon the
rest oj the community, in ?u/ifiort of that
employment of ca/iltul whUh Without them
would bt injudicious and unproductive ?
l\htle ti much land re maim untulhvaled,
there can be no vtar.t of opportunities of em
ploying cupilul in America. Generally
speaking also, the Interference of govern
ment is sadly misplaced, when it attempt?
to direct the capitalist what he shall do with
his money. Latssex nou* faire, Is the pro
per reply.
After enumerating the various mani'f u -
tures that I consider as convenient or indit
penslble among us, 1 goon to My, *' ought
I thl? variety of occupation, and above all,
thr man of real knowledge it implies to Ik
renounced and neglected fur the take of
Ionian commerce??that wc may n?t ii ?
lerfcrc with tue proAts and connexions of
the merchants whomity reside among us 1
And that wc mny be taxed, and tolerated,
and lit diked to receive from abroad, what.
with moderate exertion, we ?:att supply hi
home 1 Ami yet this in the doctrine not
merely advocated and recommended amon^
jus bni likely to become the fakhionubU
! creed cf political economy whenever mcr
Lkniiic interisis and connections prevail,
I It appears to me of national importance to
' counteract 'hese notions. *4s a source of
I NATIONAL WKALTU, / WOUld HO more en
\coueagr manufacture than 1 would encour
age commerce. / would encourage or dis
courage n> ither. tor /am persuadtd, that
the aggregate of INDIVIDUAL, constitutes
national wealth ; and that a Government
is conceited and presumptuous when it at
tempts to instruct an individual how he can
ernptoy hit industry and his capital, most
beneficially fsr his own Interest. Every
treatise on political economy, ought to have
Its first page occupied with the answer ( of
the merchants J foCoLtxsT.LAMsEZ nous
rAiaa."
Such was my langunge in that prcfacc.?
Such wls tnc theory of political economy,
which 1 held many year* before I published
these opinions in May 1813?n theory, not
to be lound, 1 believe, in the writings of any
American author sinee the time of Frank
lin. Will the anthor of ASgis, have the
gcodntn to point out to me, how It differs
from my book on political economy pub
lished two year* ago f I beg that gentle
man to point out to mc, who prior to myself,
ever recommended or delivered lectures on
political economy In the United States
And I up peal to all my students, whether
the principle* thns recommended by me in
1^13, in the very address eo misconstrued*
are not the very same that constitute the
basis of my present lectures ?
But 1 know of no general rule, to which
there may not be occasional exceptions.?
Circumstances extraordinary and unfore
seen, not comprehended in a brief view, not
dctnilrd as exceptions to general reasoning,
may excuse or justify tcmpornry deviations.
I thought ?o then : I think so now. Wh en
wc arc ut war with a country, me??ircs
mny be expedient thnt would belnexcusea-'
| blr In a ktute of penre.* When I and my
neighbour are at variance, and he is trying
' to d*> me all the mischief he ean, I should
11, k i to be entirely independent of him:?
when we arc in perfect friendship, and our
interest is mutual, I can have no objeitlon
to depend upon him to the same degree thnt
our mutual interest makes him dependent
on me. Surely these nre the plain dictates
of common sense, which few people would
deny, except for the sake ofdlsputation
We were then at war with Oreat Britain;
a war brought on by tbe merchants, >n de
fence of a trade of which they well knew
the tlsk before they undertook H. The
doctrine generally held, w?s, that no ex
pence, no war was to be complained of, that
was neceasnry to defend r.nr rftmmerre.
I'lie war in question eost us twenty ihillions
of dollars a yr?r? uml the profits of our
?ommeiee did not amount, at anytime pre
-Art
?p. oftssnt Hew, of WIIHamsbatffii, who h??
v n ?islM aiost eosaprehendve Mnd am.<i ?ty
?I*W of <h?Mhi Hdrt'veSytieiwr *hleMii.i ?r
n iMliildl the e*ee|>tlaa< i f Retni
? ilfwi 1M war; retucaaily ami h?*Ha!inilv ? o
tid. r. for eten the?a ese?|?*i n* f* of s
.? . .,t rhirar.ier, in tbe prMaat stats of hn..?*
ledf?.
timu to it,to wore that* Uo, ut iu omt
protperou* period. I' -Jom doc amount
fiftcn at the prevent moireot, ukI if tin
\mricM Bvktom pmtwK it ?Ulvt be
worth Ave. [I ihuaxbt it atcrwiry, their
furr, m iVtkl, to CQUtUetfft these cktra
SiiiWiiiBWfci > ? ' ?
The merchant* wcrr many of them Bri
ti?h Agent* ; the whotcu e denier* in the
great jpitie*, became their debtor* to * gre t
?roodnt j the retailer*, the country ttore
keeper*, and the people who dealt with
them, all became in debt. A DritWh influ
ence wm created among u*, purtt ularly to
the north and e*t|, ?o extensive u* to he
roine danger* >u? to out independence. I?
not this true f H??e you a reader, who
know* those tlmrs, that will not agre ? with
inc to the full extent of ipy ushmti??i? f 1
considered, that a system of h?me-manu
f?ituie, daring the war, nt least, would
counteract tbc*o anti-American influent e<,
by creating a counter Interest t was I wron^f
Moreover, from want <if that |imdent fore*
sight at the commencement of the war,
which I hope in future will render those
counteraction* neediest, we had ncgloctcd
*?? provide ourselves mil pi y, ns wc migni
have done, with the mntrrlri of war, and
with articles of first ui'rmitv. Home ma
nufsrturers, ^rv fait ly and justifiably, ta
king "dvantUge of thin our temporary ne
cessity set up manufactures ; a* useful to
the nation, its to themselves. Aftvi the
??r wui ended, thc> nppltcd f<>r reasonable
protection against foreign co-upctitinn ; I
thought them at the time entitled to it?I
tuink so now But not to a permanent tax on
u? Mi?d our posterity, in remuneration of >?
temporary ton for a few year* after peace.
1 wished, therefore, to encourage their un
dertaking* during the unknown continuance
?>f the war. 1 knew I had the knowledge
necessary to smooth the path ia very man)
instances of manufacture. 1 had good rea
son to believe at the tine, that I could col
lect and communicate more accurate know
ledge on the Miliject of manufactures than
most men in the Union ; and I collected and
applied that knowledge at well a* I c>m:d,
in dd of them, and not without effect. The
more knowledge afloat among us, the lest
need of protecting duties. I knew that ;
? id I did my duty to my country, in th it
respect* fairly and honestly, to render them
unnecessary. But, cessante ratinne, eessat
Lex : when the temporary circumstances
tbut induced mc to make this deviation Irom
my long cherished system ol political econ
omy ceased, was I to continue the advocate
of exceptions to a general rule, which had
no obstacles to combat when peace was
made ? The circumstances of exception
having disappeared, the general tule was
'?ii force.
Soon after the first act in favnui # ^
? iff of protection was paused with genera*
concur-ence, and under a general under
standing that the protection was a tempora
rV one, a plan was proposed and adopted
among the manufacturers, particularly at
Philadelphia, to urge gradually the abso
lute necessity of a total prohibition ol British
good a. This plant*at firo/io*ed to me, as a
measure to be brought before the public,
and pressed upon them. I refused, of
course, all concurrence } and seeing the ex-j
travagnnce of the manufacturing prcten-j
sions. And the extent of the monopoly, I
became alarmed.
In the year 1818, in the newspapers, and
in 1819, in the Analytical Review, I pub
lished what I always Considered as*hc well
founded objections to a system of protecting
duties: again, in the National Intelligencer,
u"dcr the signature of Terra.* About a year
before I had any notion of coming to South
Carolina, I dined in Philadelphia, at Mr.
H. Calhoun's, with Gen. Wade Hampton,
and I there told him of the danger that
threatened the planting interest of the
Sog^h, from the extensive plans of prohibi
tory taxation, meditated by the manufac
turers. Again in the fall of 18J3, 1 pub
lished and distributed at my own expense, a
pamphlet on the Tariff, addressed to the
South Carolina Delegation, urging the in
justice and impolicy of the restrictive *>*
tem. Under all these circumstances, when
have I varied from the orthodox doctrines
of Adam Smith, which 1 preach at tins day?
Who has taken more pains to sen e the in
terests of the manufacturers ttian myself?
Hut is that a reason why I should Im> forci
bly enlisted as the advocate of pit-tensioos
on theirpart, equally unjust, dl-ftat ul< I and
impolitic ? < >r nre my proposals m it|c
der the stimulus of n war i aging at the
timr, to l?c considered as the permanent
rtilrs of my conduct during peace ? Or is
a moderate piotetting duty lor articles of
the first necessity, to be converted into *
total prohibition of all foreign commetce,
ami a home monopoly, including every pos
sible commodity that can be manufacture I
elsewhere ? I his is indeed stretching my
opinions on the bed of\frccurHei, without
reason and without mercy ?
I have been much abided for ?*y?ig it is
high time to calculate the value of the
Union to the South. Hut at I have not met
with anv semblance of argument In the
midst of all this abuse, I \h% to be consider
ed as now repeating ami urging that ob
noxious sentiment. Why la It not disc ussed
instead of being abused f Who among my
objectors, hat given ?a in detail the value ol
tho Uuion to the South'? And why Ho the)
shun the challenge ao repeatedly offered t
la It Indeed a task of too much difficult y ??
It would seem ao.
The Federal Union, construed ns the
'rawer* of it manifestly ?ne..nt?*s ?? ,
unlfojml> construed ty the Jefferson! ,
V|rKu,ian school of politician*?| ntoil
? d' pendr n* St .le* for special, expr#- %r
and limited purpoaea | honestly conducted,
with * Que regard lo tiuwe i
der*l nutltority ~ba wise, al
obiigat'?ry compact i * i
.f (?r dearest - right*. So
?it titer which section of the Unkoy it
Kiviivit Kinicr. U H tht North t I uy,
t?>r my |Mrt, U\v North is welcome to all
toe Iwnviitt the can derive from it. No ia?
friugement of that contract will dver be
advocated by me. . %
Uut the Federal Union, tuch ai the fra
meit of it in inifettiy did not mean It should
become--an Union of a very different cha
racter, manufactured without our content*
to buy over ulbereitts and serve the party
purposes of ). Q. Adauis and H. Clay?an
Union ouilt up-m? fur-fetched construction
and quiMil^ng implication?an Union that
bo* n? othet guide, or measure* or limita
tion. but general welfare?an Union where
in thin general welfare may serve any in
terest, iiowovpr fruudulent, any purpote,
however i>a?t, and which may be used to
mean any thing that an interested majority
in CongrtM may declare It tc mean?an
Union, where the liberies and properties
of the minority art considered as fair obiecta
oi .Itlack and plunder by tlic majority?an
Union wherein the Constitution which de?
fines it, U actus";* l-oghed to scorn?an
Union, unclcr which, Mr.Clay's Amkmcan
Systkm of fraud, falsehood, und plunder,
is piimounced to be the permanent policy
of me federal government?a system * here
I in the South W deliberately sacrificed to the
I North ; wherein the planter is considered
but as a sponge, to be squtcaed by the opu
lent manufacturer?a s> *tein which make*
tne rich i icher, and the pour poorer ; under
whose banelul influence an aristocracy i?
springing top and fondly chcrishcd, that will
cout>out nil elections prostrate the rights*
destroy the independence, degrade the cha
racter, and annihilate the comforts of the
opfi.itive ; under which, taxes arc delibe
rately devised and imposed to foil heaviest
on the poor, and lightest on the rich?an
Union, wherein the majorities are obtained
by uprrupt bargaining and sale o| sectional
rights to serve sectional interests?an Union
in whicti state rights arc regarded as non
entities, and state sovereignties converted
into petty municaplitics, unworthy the no
tice of a grand, magnificent and imposing
empire?an Union whose direct object and
manifest tendency is to a consolidated, ex
pensive and patronising monarchy, in fact,
if nut in name , to a government one and in
divisible?sue it sii Union, actually in ope
ration, is not the Union to which I have
svom allcgiatue. Through good report
and evil report, 1 will bear hostility to it.
If oui Federal Union canno*. tie brought
u?ck to its original meaning and its honest
construction, the sooner it is ended the bet
ter } peaceably if wo may, forcibly if we
IOf such an Union, it is high time
the SuUw. -isouldcalculate the bene fits.
It is probnoiftoption* m?y not be
well received sand the puW ,Uffep frum
me. Be it so i they have a right to differ.
But I hold it no crime to submit to t^rfr
cmiMderttlon, my own opinions whatever
they may be. Th?i public can claim no
more than the right tcdeclde for themselves
when they have heart all sides. I know
of no source of truth buifrce diicutsion.
With the highest respe* for ) our pu'b,ia
character Mid services, 1 am,gjr
Yoorob't
THO Vi AS COOPEh D
Columbia, Bo. Ca.
Dl
In Abbe villa dUtrlct,ou Tburvdny I be 4lh Imt
the Her JAMKS cMrSlSgST'? S&
year of life a**.
The i]?r?-Mrii emigrated fiom Engtaad dorhfe
the revolutionary war and ael|t?U io AM>evllfe
H. brto?fdl? ilm Bapli? church of which lo
had rNNin * Mrmbrr upward* of 3S rrnr? In
th" death of (tila truly good man, the wmL
community in whir.h h? lived, f?el deeply
T^.*n of r*llf|o?? dohomlnVlUn
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Pneh(
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good ?o fine,
Tnttn i llerap,
Tow,
..ffre,
Corn,
Hoar. Coualrv,
Columbia Mill j,
(iin, Holland,
M K
On.powder,
Hay, Northern,
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Iron, 8>*? rrf?,
Country,
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<htH,
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