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?house < ? !en+i * ?*? i this subjevt, to be - -^ next month.? from Mr. Wardlaw, Mr. Nc!>te,and ???^|. Ball, und tho ehairman ? ^:si D l. Wuro Vte^Wack, Patrick Noble, A. Bowie, ?A'-rf!/ ?me? Calhoun, \V, tj. Camp k)'1 " ? Starke ,l"j Edmund Ware, (no ttpou special motion. The meeting inns iM'rtec. until the fihrt Monda> of ftcptcm aVl K?" ' i -? Mohday. 3d September, 1837, the ?* ?fpl'SJI W ckiiwii wan one of the lanrcst *T ?* W place. The court room, which is very Urge, ?ucrowded to oppres sion; and many woo could not find ruoin to oCittui within, thtonged around thu doors antl vtadtfw* Mi'. Wardlaw, from the commit, tit^ppolnted at the lut meeting, after some prefatory.remarks, introduced Uic mcinori :u and resolutions o^iied below. These w?t? suaUined hy Mr. Campbell, col. No ble, muj. BulL Mr. Burke, Mr. Ulack, John b;l?ivvjlcy, Ekj. and col. Bowk, und were u^jwoi^-udopu-rt. ()? mono,, ,,f coL i ;5ilw,w ?roered, nem. con. that thev should be entered, as the u/ianLnoti.t act of fhf citizen* auemblcd. ,v'-' EDMUND WARE, C/iairmu.L ??. W. o r ahk, Secretary. MKMORI AT* I'v the honorable the Senate and llomc of JRefirrwutativf of the United State*, in attempted. We the citlscns of Abbeville District, respectfully approach your bonnrublc body u* memorialists, to remonstrate against the }>an*agc of the It oil/en* Bill, or any other i bil^for imposing protecting duiu-x, mid to IMTuy the repeal of all Jnws ir>*v in forec of th.K character, and an abandonment oi the i principle. 'We will not occupy vour time by rcitcntinr a -gumcmstoshow that the whole protecting k>sy*m n> contrary to the well established r*!'lnc> political economy, e\ ery whew appMeaolet and thnt hi this eomrtry cxpcciaU - IV, ?t is inexpedient, as it leads nccess irilv U^tire prouibltien, ami even now subtract, tq*u ihu whole sum of national wealth, di rruuwhesthe demand and value ofnorexpor tinons, seriously effects our trade, is injuri -ousto the onlv revenue system the country fuur well abide, and is well (nlculated to destroy oarrorefgn commerce, shipping in ter?t,. commercial mar'ui'.* and navv, to ar ?jMi? ietUemcnt of our public iuudi, to render the yeomanry of onr country sub servient to dangerous Hcrumulati'ms of tApH.d, and to tlevart ail the correct police j of tpm Country: nor will we attempt to cx 1>?>c the peculiarly offensive provision* of I tlu? woollens bill, r.nd the inapplirabilitv i f I the reasons urged in its support; but we will proceed to the representation of grievances ' felt by uu, immediately connected with the I firinci/iUt of th:s system. *When the oppressive tn 'fif bill of :"M was.bafare your honorable b?*lv, its p issj.lt SffKreat degree efllc te.t :,v its fi icn.ls renting it as a fin d ?dju tnivit of the Cttand although wc then be lie vpd md now believe that it whs an adjustment wholly St the sacrifice of the gre it interests ??ogagcil in cultivating the principle tuples tor ey (?ortatioh, und in carrying on the foreign commcrceof the country: yet such war. our attachment to the union, peace and iiarniom of.the country, that we felt disj?oscd to ac quicsce in the unequal terms of compromise. The consequcnce was such uh experience ought to have taught would follow. Avarice in never satiated. Two years had not ulups od fcefore the great monopolists of the eas tern states, to whose advantage the tariff of 1824 almost exclusively operated, began to uemand additional bounties by urging the Massage of the woollens bill; and we now bc uold them reporting to new and dutigcrous measures to cfffct their schemes at the next session. To concentrate their forcc, a met- . ting has been held in the imposing form of a 1 convention of thirteen states. The pi Cju dic4%, interests und feelings of various hcc tigh have been artfully invoked; and ex ellfenges of monopolies arranged. Iron, cot ton gaods. hemp, whiskey, vuol sad copper offer the hopes of gain to those who have no share In the woollens; to others interested in none of these, the profits of internal inprovc Menu and bounties of public lands,promise rich rewards. Combining the whole under the misapplied name of the " American system;*' bold speculators in politic* and manufactures, hope through the congress of the United Sutes to achieve their purposes of self aggrandizement at the expense of the great mas* off the people, who have taken no share In their intrigues, or nre deluded by party fecliAgs, and the vain expectation of advantage fio doubt now cxests, tint to tal prohibition of all foreign fabrics, which by the most extravagant encouragement can be produced in this country, i? contempla ted. It may not be effected or proposed at oncej but if not at once arrested by the intel ligeiKu and jastice of congress, the scheme will be persevered in, while ever the other sections off the union will bear burdens suf ficient to compensate the increased burdens, which the favors granted to obtain friends will Impose upon the various clusscsof mau dfacturers in common with others. If once fairly established, the system will grow adventitious aids now called to > and will create in its progress, -1 influences strong enough to H# long after general consent shall prMotiDced it rubi ous and intolerable. uyuries forcibly to our minds, and caused us tolook with apprehension to the future. We anfature Impositions ? ?that our burdens are to he ImifeuitM, we now gpivictfcm. jSjKtyuLd Anally to the exaction olthe MM*?*' SSS^CttWiS&js o?r notion of civil liberty i and we deem all Interferences of government, whWh are not u'.uinly usefel to ?K comr.*i\v, ?? l*'?* liou.jlf will folly persevered In, tyrnimkal. Our eetujtlutian maybe at***dno les* In H* oxerclse than In It* violation. 1 he power* iwrthd to the puMk- gooclmnV Ml? without UiUmvretiing the Itwlu boKntn j cd to Inexpedient nniust ami ?\ mimical uso; underthe eolourof the terms in which Rcreiul of them ore grunted, may !mj performed acts v holly beyond the l'?trtv? tJoii with which they ? cn; conferred. Marls nccckMrily wan I ell to thcwunu dnceetlott of the agents c.onsclcnciou*ly to he 'exerol* ed. Kach branch of jjmrernniciil is bound to preioiHic the purity <n its ctMmNtintc mem tiers, and to attribute every act to roch mo tive us it essential to it* validity. The sov oreign power of the people enforcing the rc*j?oo?lbllity of the ruler*, in necessarily the only check to most inexpedient excrcl ?cs and duugerous perversion* of the powers granted In the constitution. From .these premises, we Infer, that many nets which the supreme court would rightfully pronounce constitu tioxal, the perplc free from nil the trammels of presumptions which the court must make, may well pronounce to be unconstitu tional s that many nets which arc constitu tional, the people may well resist as tyranni cal ujhI unjust: ami that against a determined mtyorhv, thr oppmtcd lire often without remedy in the constitutional check* of pow r?. We are not bound to presume a mea 1 sure, totally uncalled for by the state of our foreign relations, whkh Is avowedly Intended and plainlv lends to the destruction of eom J merer, to he u regulation of commerce. We arc not bound to presume n measure which ' will diminish, if not destroy the revenue from . imports, and which, throughout Its discus ? sion and every* where Iwt on its face, np i pears to lie a uieasure fur the protection of i one branch industry w the pi intention of j others, to be a measure f?>r increasing the I rcvcuuc from imports. As pan of the peo pie who made the constitution, and whose I convent inaint. i is K, who ktm v its objects and can Inquire into the motives rtf th*ie that net under it, we refer ourselves nnd others t.> a lusher itandnrd ?.f cnn?* i uctiou, t'inii i the tec'niealund necessarily t wtmined de ? cisi?m? i?t a judicial tri.mual. \\ c el.iin tlic 1 benefit i>( the constitution in its ?pirit us id j good sense, and not .ucureliug to its terms j extended to the farthest liin.t, which she j HitcoiMcientimiH c.*icn isr nf out* IjimiicIi cw i government might go, without coining with in the reach of a co-ordinate branth. >\ e 1 have searched in vain for the power given to congress to lay duties for the protection of domestic inmufattui es. Hut ?>n this sub jj.fi uc disdain to cavil about terms. As 1 Americans, wc know that equality of rights is the pel vaeling principle of our constitution, and we feel tU.u so law by Waicli ore clas* of cHitens is oppressed /or the brnebt of an other,can be reconciled with the right* of n?.?n, as they have been established by rca von, astliey were maintained in our revolu- , tion, or they ur?* secured in the grvitl. ..h n tor of our Idiertie*. Without entering fuitiicr into the const d<*r*l'Ktn of the gveat |??iitieal question* con netted with this suhj-ut, wepronose-to con sider it simply as it really is. unda* it w sta ted t*y the manufacturers themselves. The tariff of protection is intendtd t?? relieve them from existing difficult'!?*. so as to e:ia i blc them to carrv on profitably, what thc\ represent to b?- without it, a losing Ixisiness. Kvcry tariff f>u* protecting, any branch of indnntri, is neither more nor kss than u tax on the im|?oi-ted article, laid with the view of raising its price in order to give the home manufacturer a better market. Its very es senco Vi a bounty founded ori aionnpoly in favor of the producer nnd against those who simply consume. The measure of the boun ty to the former i&the: increased price of tho article nnd the quantity consnmed, nnd the measure ol ihc tax on tile latter it the same, so that the gain nnd loss to ihc part:-" are strictly reciprocal. In representing the tariff *s-n tax intend ed to increase the price of the article for the benefit of the mnntifacturcr, wc do not In tend to assert that tire advantace of the in creased price accrues solely to him. Others, such :is the laborers in the factories, the ar tinns employed in making the machinery, utui the farmers employed in raising sup plies, more or less participate. If liowt ver, the operation of the monopoly secured by the tariff, could be limited to the mnnufac 1 turer himself anil those participating in its profit with bin., it is manliest they would ( stand in the d<?ible character ol producers , nnd consumers, nnd would lose in the one j character what they gained in the other;, which result could not full by proving the j mooniMily useless or pernicious, to render it , odious. Very different is the ease, when the monopoly extends to others who nre mere consumers of the articles, without partici pating directly or Indirectly in the advanta ges of the inc'i eased price. To them it i< a pure loss, and thnt Iom being added to the profit side of the manufacturer and those participating with him, constitutes their i eul gains; and it Is clear that as tlieir profit will increase with the increase la number of the consumer*, on who.nthc monopoly msy ope rate, If this number be large, the gaius may be so great us to create a |n?we.rful Inures* In favor of preserving and enciessing the mo noitoly. The result In this case must be, that opposite Interests will be crested In the community: the one demanding Incessantly additional monopoly by additional tariffs, and the. other resisting the injustice and oppres sion, and if it should happen that the coun try be extensive, and the manufacturer* oc cupy ?m.c portion and the consumers the other, these opposing Interests will assume A geographical character. Sneh, your me morUulsis, conceive to be the case in our country. The United State* consist of more than 13,000,000 of people, spread over near ly 9,S0(MMM square miles, with great diver sity ?f*l ?nation end pursuit Home portions con* I two portion* ,pf the com* it "for the truut port sqiarutrd by linrfL li lilfh hrtii, ever wc wlir m* uWertNke the liivMlotu ttok of drawing. Sufficient it isto idi|vthat tliei* art; upwRrd* of fve millions or people grouped together, on whom every tariff i*?Usenet us afax on consumption, nnd ?du* Mcqucutly from i!tc lyuure of things, it must fiivi' to tly?e rcsklhfg In another suction a fcrtillty.ofihcir Mill, the favorable liaturi ot their climate to produce the great staple* of the country, and ultove all thctxMht of the existing tariff, ^t will be seen, thnt * more! profitable monopoly never existed thin (tie1 latter nnw enjoy: nor it it in the least sar* pH?i?l& that it* mighty profit* diflWd directly or indirectly over nearly the whole of their tcctioa of the country, ahould create there, as we now behold, an almost univer sal interest tn-fciaintain and increase it. in tlidr seal for the tariff, it U clear that the manufacturers ami those participating with them do not aim merely lit securing them aelvea against foreign competition, or nt the benefit of what may be truly called the home market, that of their own states; but i Uicir aim h tfic great ami profitable market of the consuming state* where the gain* arc Sure gains to tfceei, unaccompanied by bar*, en or loss. For it is as much in the power of the legislature* of the manufacturing st ites, to secure tlielr own home market to their manufacturer*, and thereby cflfcetuiQly protect them ngainst foreign competition, within their limit*, as It is in the power ofl Congress to secure to them .the market of the union?and that by the same means under a different name. The difference between a tariff which may be laid by your I honourable body in favor of the manufactu rer, and a bounty paid to him -out of the treasury, is merely nominal. Hoth must be paid by n tax on the community; with this simple difference, that in one case it is paid directly to the manufacturer by the consumer in the shape of increased price, and in the other it mfuht paid into the trea sury Ik:fore it pas* s to bun. A tax in hi* fuvor in the latter shape is in the power of I state legislation, and to the extent of the tt.itc may lie made effctual to exclude all competition. How happen* it then, that the manutin turets do u?i apply to their state legislature-, Im- j>*-? -ti .lion, and that none of] the ui uiufactuniig staU s h:?vc adopted the protect ing-}l.4lcy l?? granting bounties. Tiie answer is clear. A bounty thu* granted | would be a una <?? ?*?ly oil the monopolist* themselves.' the pi ?.n*? ai.d Iw* vvouid f^)} together uii?: wouid ncuttalire -e tih other. It is not ? lien simple protection against foreign com|?ctUion, ? hich can be vfledtu* ally grunted by the staves through bounties, that the manufacturer define*, mm he pre tends; but a niouopoU agamct the five mil-) linns of consumers inhmlming the section of] country engaged in raising the great agri cultural staple* of the country. Such n i monopoly can be created only, through your honorable body by the tariff imposed for the purpose, which your memorialists doaolemn iy believe cannot be done without extend ing your power beyond the asoigned limit* of tlie constitution, without interfering with the rights tarrcdly reserved to the states, and without the grossest iiijuuiee and op pression. The reason why application for protec tion is made to y our luu'uumMc body instead of thu state legislatures, fully cxphiitt* why the svHtem of protection In Oongieas i* so popular in the ihamifactaring portions of the country. Not that we wonltl lie understood a* Insinuating thi?t our fellow citixen* in there states urge the system with a view of profiting at our expense. Jf such- were the iact, it would prove that all political ties and sympathies hud terminated, and wou'.i not constitute a care lor rimo;.-.trance. On the contrary we believe that the great hotly of] the people in these states, (always except ing the designing politician mid the aristo cratic monopolist,) hi* seriously hi favor of the system, on wnnt they esteem honest grounds. They see and feel the benefit* as to themselves ami their portion of the couii *?*)'? They see \ ill \jes, towns and cities springing no as by it gle, improv ement cji-! tending and capital growing with unexain* j pled rupidlty: and tocy trace then- wonder- ' iul effect* to (Ik; t.irilTj but without mwjm ct- ! Ing that nil their great pr<ifit and Inamdle** prosperity, are wrung through its agency from a large class of their fellow rrttxens, with whom it is accompanied by poverty nnd misery, equalling their own gains and prosperity. It Is not unnatural to judge by 1 what i* seen and felt; anil if it is expected ' that wc should give implicit faith to the tes-J timoiiy <fthose in favor of the system who profit li u, surely it iw not asking too much | that we, ?? a?, on the contrary, aie ground to i tlu*t by it, should claim equal faith in our [ adverse testimony. We see and feel embar* l rawsment, distress, and decay, which wc no. less truly trace to the tariff. Great as may i be the unanimity in favor of this system iif| monopoly throughout the manivfieturing section, no less great against It, i* thcunam* mlty among the million* who iuhabit the other section. There can then |?e no ra tional doubt thst the effect*of the system are directly opposite in the two portions of the country* so much so, that the prosperity of j the one may he measutcd bv the adversity of the other, so far us it* operation is con cerned. if such Im* the fact, a* cannot be questioned, it is manifest that the only point whlc.li can be presented for the consid eration of your honourable body on the pas sage of a tariff bill of protection, it whether, representing as you do these United States, confederated for mutual protection and I benefit, you can justly ami constitutionally promote the liapplnes*of one part, by saeri-' ficlnsr that of another not less numerous, and equally Intelligent and patriotic. That the interest* of a country of great extent may on aparticular point become thus j opposed, and that the major interest, through t>crvrrtfr>ti of the powers conferred en Con-' der ^^wcAKwUwlividuml is not *c *1ittttlio violence of the stronger." Al?*a rid erHamW tour Mw<fcoio who respect hb memory <?Ught ie< iou^y to reflect whether thcreiic nuy case g|rherc wlveric interests ore mere likely to g up than the one under consideration. J cott2?*?^wMck m*y sfottssS8?tZir*nm. At h sacrificing substance to form, to ?ay laws are equal, because their terms ?re fltnerid* when circumstances beyond Oie reach of the laws control their operation. Every proj>ositlon to protect any branch of manufactures in this courtly, trim the na ture <4things we have shewn must be sec from .this those who pray its passage, tiro misftiAoiliemieieea their Rain. Would the wooIImi manufacturers desire the passajte of the \\ oollens Bill* If the wliolt tiulon was equally prepared to embrace its advanta ge*, and domestic manufactures suflnlent to ^"PPly ?he demand, were likely <? *rhe |n every tountpr, or even in every stated No! It wtiuld theb be a common benefit or com mon burden. At present the benefit is to be enjoyed by others: the burden alone in ex tended to us. "What would our northern brethren think of an net of Congreas, grant in* a bounty to every grower In the United iuL , O""*-*"* iwivrni*, uic mwe of**rteouragement would be no less legiti "wgwy ?y duties on imports, and the na tural obstacle to their profiting by It, woold I be no more uisurmonntable thau the obsta cles which preclude ua from taking benefit of the monojvoly created for the protection t*f manufacture'*. Vet, if k were sufficiently jrtrong to e jmpensate un by one half for the taxes we pay to their nianafnoturet; cvdi a measure would produoc amongst them a sensation, very different from the compla cency with wiicli they now regard the duty upon the importation of raw cotton into this country, which was iiu|x>sed unnecessarily ?n the beginning, where there was no dan R'T foreign competition and has never yielded either revenue or protection, from which the cotton growing country lias never derived the least benefit; which is but the name of consideration for the grievous exac tions taken hi exchange, and which we pray may be first included in the repeal of all tariffs of protection, that we no longer may be taunted with the pretence of favor to us. i O the suggestion that in time all the sec t?or.? i.l th?* union will be in a situation to en gage Ja Manufactures, each of the articles most suitable to its situation, and that the benefits and burden* of restriction will then be equal, we reply that justice forbids that ftftcr other* have cujiitcd tribute from u$ for 30 ycars, we should then only be admitted into equal rights with them, and be obliged upon equal terms to contend with their su periority over ns, greater than the superiori ty of foreign manufacturers over them, of which they now complain. When any sec tion is ripe for manutactures, no encourage ment is necessary: before then, it is inexpe dient, and given through Congress, is unjust and unconstitutional. W e are aware that the monopolists endea vor to reconcile the consumer to their pro fits, by attempting to prove that protection f.ocsnot enhance the price; but can there lie an absurdity greater, than to suppo?c that the home manufacturer who now cannot per sist in his trade, as he say*, with an existing duty of about f 0 per cent ou Woollen*, would be enabled to manufacture as chcup as the foreign manufacturer, provided all competi tion :rt?m abroad were inhibited, which would lie substantially the fact if the Wool lens Hill were passed? Jt is enough toopmess us, but to urge such arguments is to add in sult to injur)-. Nor can the instance of rears? cottons support the sophistry of the monopolist. Jt Is known tlwit our country lias now an advan tage in the raw material of cotton overall others: notwithstanding which, we learn from good authority, that coarse cottou goods arc now so mucbchcnper in Manches ter than in this country, that were it not for the high duty <r.i them, they would still be imported. It In not e-n<aigU to prove that coarse cotton good* are cheaper now, than when the tariff of 1m IC was laid. The price of the raw material and labor have great I v fallen sinie, while the machinery has great ly improved. If the aitlele be cheaper still abroad, as we believe, the difference of price is the bounty continued to be paid to the mo nopolist. It is n great mistake to conclude that there is no loss, if an article dues not rmc, on the imposition of a protecting tariff". Suppose there to be neither rise nt?r fall in price, the country at least lovs the old duty, which goes into the pocket of the monn|>olut an a bounty, infttead of going into the public trea sury ir. the shape ot duty. To indemnify the country, thewrice not only ought not to rite, but ought to full the whole of the duty laid by the tarifT: that i?, if the Woollen* Bill, whicn would almost entirely prohibit the foreign article, should puss, the price of woollens ought to fall about 50 pur ccn. which i* about the present djitv, under which they are im ported; and Mirely lie must be a madman who con Id expect mii h a reduction in price, or who believed that if the tn.?nufa< turcrs theninelvcH expcctcd it, they would urge thi thill. Every measure which diminishes importation, also necessarily lew us thr de mand and ttrice of our staple* of exportation in the foreign market, us well by the natural operations %A trade, as by retaliatory duties likely to he incurred; and although a new : market it afford**) at home, vet it purchases only what else would ha\e been better sold [ abroad; and. not only are we burdened in it by the monopoly price of article* we take in exchange, hut the quantity it purchases is necessarily limited tv the Mippiy of this coon try* wjiliin which only the manufacture* ?usuMm by our bounty ran awM fr>re4fo ttkno1 Tl*n law. forded, and hope ever to nfferd, aMTAMtf. tance when inquired by our cooalfljj^H ^ maintain that no act of me* havo^n jy Vy .1 private-property, and without apmpfUMtkm >* to us convert it to their own use. The In justice of Mich a proccedi more galling, ***" *? very manufacturcra who nr umrousfor higher gain* atv~? ???7 ccive a profit from their capita)* aa thaflE* act % independent of their state* ' K^ater than our moat thriving I t prosperous or adverae, are tha same. We insist up< _ profits of our own labor, except what exigencies of oar country i claim liberty, restrained J ml good, and equality of public benefits. If our m * ron will eell to us as cheap as We can chase abroad, we,will give them the pt I enco?further wo would nit ask them todo a towards as. ? A v Wl (; >\c ??*. But wu would present to your honorable body, a feeble picture of our we were to limit our repree evils, grant a* they are, measures adopted profet branch of industry ut the It is with pain that a sense'of duty ooropeU?. us to probe th* ulcer to the hMtm.holfrnt 4 tbc consequences on thoae who,by ifufiperiiur, * safe4 to f&m-i A great change -hna taken plnoe since tho . eommeaoement of onr government, which* : has reoderedthe whole of our .fiscal system * f unequal and oppressive to the great intefeat , in behalf of which we have attempted to raise our voice. Under the existlug state of * tilings the burdens and benefits of the- sys tem are unequal as can be imaghpd. The grca: interest, to which we hav* *> aftcn referrrd, while it almost exclusively bcarxv tbc burden i?f wip]>ortlng the government, participates but slightly in its ? advantage*. . , Our i ev enue with the exception in reality of not more than about n half a million (pria** ? c (pally from the sales of public lands) is d6? rived Cram a tax on imports, amounting to ; sl>out ?90,000,000 annually. Of this im mense, sum the greater part is derived from" . duties ou articles of which the manufacturing scetiou U perpetually demanding an increase*/ of the import, to prevent,competition in the home market < of dnorseh must be clear that ,, they do not consider the duties as a tax them. We do not ^Hh to be understood to - sav, that none of the Imported ertfcJeato' which we refer are consumed in theThoalr? factoring section, and consequently Untie of the duties letted on fca inhabitants: bnt srtr* do boldly assert that they aro mora: than indemnified for Whatever may thas be paid' by them into the treasury, by the mon^njr* in the home market of the consuming atmev, ' which these very duties secure; and sorely' higher proof cannot be given of the truth of^ thin assertion, than the scslooaaftpport- f which they give to every proposition to in* * crcase these duties. Hocn being the fact, it cannot hrdoubted that the whole burden of the government, almost to the full extent 6f thf revenue, fall* substantially on the very Otates, - ' which aim bear the burden of the tariff for the protection of manufacturing-monopolist* Very different was the fact when our revenue system was first adopted and for n long time afterwards. No part of the coun try was then manufacturing, and, wkli the exception of food, almost every artkfo con-; stinted in the country was hnportrd. la that state of things, Hie system fell with. I | nearly equal pressure on itH the part it bnt the great change, which has shioe taken plnce in tlic industry of many of the lt?Wf from the introdnetion ot manufactures,-has j substantially relieved the weahhy nndnour ishing pint of the country from the burden of contributing to the public treasury, and* thrown its weight upon the poor nnd much. r cxhanstcd section. - v' * we present these facts not with the hope of alleviating this great and unequal burden by a change in the system of revenue. W6 kuow lull well the almost Insuperable objec tion)! to a change* and we must make up our minds to bear the londt bttt rcrtainiy these > considerations offer a moid powerful reason why burdens even now ??> unequal, should not he made still more so, by the odious addition of tariffs to take from the light and put to the heavy. But unequal as the burden of taxntion may fall, no less Unequal are the disbursements from the treasury. It is well, known that equality of disbursements is not much leas important than equality of taxa tion, which the framers of the constitution were so solicited to secure. A portion of fc country may be rendered rich by an over flowing dWutrscment.or be Impoverished bjr an incessant payment of taxM without u correspondent return through disbursements.. The inequality of disbuiscraents, of Itself so oppressive, exists to a remarkable degree: and to render it* operation more distressing the grievance falls continually on the samo section, and that, the very section from which in rcalhv the contributions to the treasury are mainly drawnt thus producing an Inequality heretofore unknown hi any free c< wintry: whieh cannot be increased nor even continued without exposing the coun try to the most dangerous consequences. For it la not posnible that men knowing their riglttn, and fueling conscious that they' M*e entitled to patticipate equally iuthe benefits of the government, can long sustain sounequal a load, imposed against the united romon ?tran* ? of themselves and their representa tive*, without a fearful diminution In their attachment to the institutions under which they live. Hut admitting that the nppriitdl have not Miffielent intelligence to see their wrong* or to trace them to their true close, or seeing them, have not sufficient spirit or onion to resist with effect, still to ever/ patriotic and intelligent mind the * must appear great ami alarming. _ i wily and corrupt politician, ft Is thfl favorable state that can he conceived. If M permitted byth?s ffltfle. of l*^Wt?t|on tn a evtW