Columbia telescope. (Columbia, S.C.) 1819-1821, September 21, 1827, Image 2
?house <
? !en+i
* ?*?
i this subjevt, to be
- -^ next month.?
from Mr. Wardlaw, Mr.
Nc!>te,and ???^|. Ball,
und tho ehairman
? ^:si D l. Wuro
Vte^Wack, Patrick Noble, A. Bowie,
?A'-rf!/ ?me? Calhoun, \V, tj. Camp
k)'1 " ? Starke ,l"j Edmund Ware, (no
ttpou special motion. The meeting inns
iM'rtec. until the fihrt Monda> of ftcptcm
aVl K?" ' i -?
Mohday. 3d September, 1837, the ?*
?fpl'SJI W ckiiwii wan one of the lanrcst
*T ?* W place. The court room,
which is very Urge, ?ucrowded to oppres
sion; and many woo could not find ruoin to
oCittui within, thtonged around thu doors antl
vtadtfw* Mi'. Wardlaw, from the commit,
tit^ppolnted at the lut meeting, after some
prefatory.remarks, introduced Uic mcinori
:u and resolutions o^iied below. These
w?t? suaUined hy Mr. Campbell, col. No
ble, muj. BulL Mr. Burke, Mr. Ulack, John
b;l?ivvjlcy, Ekj. and col. Bowk, und were
u^jwoi^-udopu-rt. ()? mono,, ,,f coL
i ;5ilw,w ?roered, nem. con. that thev
should be entered, as the u/ianLnoti.t act of
fhf citizen* auemblcd.
,v'-' EDMUND WARE,
C/iairmu.L
??. W. o r ahk, Secretary.
MKMORI AT*
I'v the honorable the Senate and llomc of
JRefirrwutativf of the United State*, in
attempted.
We the citlscns of Abbeville District,
respectfully approach your bonnrublc body
u* memorialists, to remonstrate against the
}>an*agc of the It oil/en* Bill, or any other i
bil^for imposing protecting duiu-x, mid to
IMTuy the repeal of all Jnws ir>*v in forec of
th.K character, and an abandonment oi the i
principle.
'We will not occupy vour time by rcitcntinr
a -gumcmstoshow that the whole protecting
k>sy*m n> contrary to the well established
r*!'lnc> political economy, e\ ery whew
appMeaolet and thnt hi this eomrtry cxpcciaU -
IV, ?t is inexpedient, as it leads nccess irilv
U^tire prouibltien, ami even now subtract,
tq*u ihu whole sum of national wealth, di
rruuwhesthe demand and value ofnorexpor
tinons, seriously effects our trade, is injuri
-ousto the onlv revenue system the country
fuur well abide, and is well (nlculated to
destroy oarrorefgn commerce, shipping in
ter?t,. commercial mar'ui'.* and navv, to ar
?jMi? ietUemcnt of our public iuudi, to
render the yeomanry of onr country sub
servient to dangerous Hcrumulati'ms of
tApH.d, and to tlevart ail the correct police j
of tpm Country: nor will we attempt to cx
1>?>c the peculiarly offensive provision* of I
tlu? woollens bill, r.nd the inapplirabilitv i f I
the reasons urged in its support; but we will
proceed to the representation of grievances '
felt by uu, immediately connected with the I
firinci/iUt of th:s system.
*When the oppressive tn 'fif bill of :"M
was.bafare your honorable b?*lv, its p issj.lt
SffKreat degree efllc te.t :,v its fi icn.ls
renting it as a fin d ?dju tnivit of the
Cttand although wc then be lie vpd md
now believe that it whs an adjustment wholly
St the sacrifice of the gre it interests ??ogagcil
in cultivating the principle tuples tor ey
(?ortatioh, und in carrying on the foreign
commcrceof the country: yet such war. our
attachment to the union, peace and iiarniom
of.the country, that we felt disj?oscd to ac
quicsce in the unequal terms of compromise.
The consequcnce was such uh experience
ought to have taught would follow. Avarice
in never satiated. Two years had not ulups
od fcefore the great monopolists of the eas
tern states, to whose advantage the tariff of
1824 almost exclusively operated, began to
uemand additional bounties by urging the
Massage of the woollens bill; and we now bc
uold them reporting to new and dutigcrous
measures to cfffct their schemes at the next
session. To concentrate their forcc, a met- .
ting has been held in the imposing form of a 1
convention of thirteen states. The pi Cju
dic4%, interests und feelings of various hcc
tigh have been artfully invoked; and ex
ellfenges of monopolies arranged. Iron, cot
ton gaods. hemp, whiskey, vuol sad copper
offer the hopes of gain to those who have no
share In the woollens; to others interested in
none of these, the profits of internal inprovc
Menu and bounties of public lands,promise
rich rewards. Combining the whole under
the misapplied name of the " American
system;*' bold speculators in politic* and
manufactures, hope through the congress of
the United Sutes to achieve their purposes
of self aggrandizement at the expense of the
great mas* off the people, who have taken
no share In their intrigues, or nre deluded
by party fecliAgs, and the vain expectation
of advantage fio doubt now cxests, tint to
tal prohibition of all foreign fabrics, which
by the most extravagant encouragement can
be produced in this country, i? contempla
ted. It may not be effected or proposed at
oncej but if not at once arrested by the intel
ligeiKu and jastice of congress, the scheme
will be persevered in, while ever the other
sections off the union will bear burdens suf
ficient to compensate the increased burdens,
which the favors granted to obtain friends
will Impose upon the various clusscsof mau
dfacturers in common with others. If once
fairly established, the system will grow
adventitious aids now called to
> and will create in its progress,
-1 influences strong enough to
H# long after general consent shall
prMotiDced it rubi ous and intolerable.
uyuries forcibly to our minds, and caused us
tolook with apprehension to the future. We
anfature Impositions ?
?that our burdens are to he ImifeuitM,
we now
gpivictfcm.
jSjKtyuLd Anally to the exaction olthe
MM*?*'
SSS^CttWiS&js
o?r notion of civil liberty i and we deem all
Interferences of government, whWh are not
u'.uinly usefel to ?K comr.*i\v, ?? l*'?*
liou.jlf will folly persevered In, tyrnimkal.
Our eetujtlutian maybe at***dno les* In H*
oxerclse than In It* violation. 1 he power*
iwrthd to the puMk- gooclmnV Ml? without
UiUmvretiing the Itwlu boKntn j
cd to Inexpedient nniust ami
?\ mimical uso; underthe eolourof the terms
in which Rcreiul of them ore grunted, may
!mj performed acts v holly beyond the l'?trtv?
tJoii with which they ? cn; conferred. Marls
nccckMrily wan I ell to thcwunu dnceetlott
of the agents c.onsclcnciou*ly to he 'exerol*
ed. Kach branch of jjmrernniciil is bound to
preioiHic the purity <n its ctMmNtintc mem
tiers, and to attribute every act to roch mo
tive us it essential to it* validity. The sov
oreign power of the people enforcing the
rc*j?oo?lbllity of the ruler*, in necessarily the
only check to most inexpedient excrcl ?cs and
duugerous perversion* of the powers granted
In the constitution. From .these premises,
we Infer, that many nets which the supreme
court would rightfully pronounce constitu
tioxal, the perplc free from nil the trammels
of presumptions which the court must
make, may well pronounce to be unconstitu
tional s that many nets which arc constitu
tional, the people may well resist as tyranni
cal ujhI unjust: ami that against a determined
mtyorhv, thr oppmtcd lire often without
remedy in the constitutional check* of pow
r?. We are not bound to presume a mea
1 sure, totally uncalled for by the state of our
foreign relations, whkh Is avowedly Intended
and plainlv lends to the destruction of eom
J merer, to he u regulation of commerce. We
arc not bound to presume n measure which
' will diminish, if not destroy the revenue from
. imports, and which, throughout Its discus
? sion and every* where Iwt on its face, np
i pears to lie a uieasure fur the protection of
i one branch industry w the pi intention of
j others, to be a measure f?>r increasing the
I rcvcuuc from imports. As pan of the peo
pie who made the constitution, and whose
I convent inaint. i is K, who ktm v its objects
and can Inquire into the motives rtf th*ie that
net under it, we refer ourselves nnd others
t.> a lusher itandnrd ?.f cnn?* i uctiou, t'inii
i the tec'niealund necessarily t wtmined de
? cisi?m? i?t a judicial tri.mual. \\ c el.iin tlic
1 benefit i>( the constitution in its ?pirit us id
j good sense, and not .ucureliug to its terms
j extended to the farthest liin.t, which she
j HitcoiMcientimiH c.*icn isr nf out* IjimiicIi cw
i government might go, without coining with
in the reach of a co-ordinate branth. >\ e
1 have searched in vain for the power given
to congress to lay duties for the protection
of domestic inmufattui es. Hut ?>n this sub
jj.fi uc disdain to cavil about terms. As
1 Americans, wc know that equality of rights
is the pel vaeling principle of our constitution,
and we feel tU.u so law by Waicli ore clas*
of cHitens is oppressed /or the brnebt of an
other,can be reconciled with the right* of
n?.?n, as they have been established by rca
von, astliey were maintained in our revolu- ,
tion, or they ur?* secured in the grvitl.
..h n tor of our Idiertie*.
Without entering fuitiicr into the const
d<*r*l'Ktn of the gveat |??iitieal question* con
netted with this suhj-ut, wepronose-to con
sider it simply as it really is. unda* it w sta
ted t*y the manufacturers themselves. The
tariff of protection is intendtd t?? relieve
them from existing difficult'!?*. so as to e:ia
i blc them to carrv on profitably, what thc\
represent to b?- without it, a losing Ixisiness.
Kvcry tariff f>u* protecting, any branch of
indnntri, is neither more nor kss than u tax
on the im|?oi-ted article, laid with the view
of raising its price in order to give the home
manufacturer a better market. Its very es
senco Vi a bounty founded ori aionnpoly in
favor of the producer nnd against those who
simply consume. The measure of the boun
ty to the former i&the: increased price of tho
article nnd the quantity consnmed, nnd the
measure ol ihc tax on tile latter it the same,
so that the gain nnd loss to ihc part:-" are
strictly reciprocal.
In representing the tariff *s-n tax intend
ed to increase the price of the article for the
benefit of the mnntifacturcr, wc do not In
tend to assert that tire advantace of the in
creased price accrues solely to him. Others,
such :is the laborers in the factories, the ar
tinns employed in making the machinery,
utui the farmers employed in raising sup
plies, more or less participate. If liowt ver,
the operation of the monopoly secured by
the tariff, could be limited to the mnnufac
1 turer himself anil those participating in its
profit with bin., it is manliest they would (
stand in the d<?ible character ol producers ,
nnd consumers, nnd would lose in the one j
character what they gained in the other;,
which result could not full by proving the j
mooniMily useless or pernicious, to render it ,
odious. Very different is the ease, when the
monopoly extends to others who nre mere
consumers of the articles, without partici
pating directly or Indirectly in the advanta
ges of the inc'i eased price. To them it i< a
pure loss, and thnt Iom being added to the
profit side of the manufacturer and those
participating with him, constitutes their i eul
gains; and it Is clear that as tlieir profit will
increase with the increase la number of the
consumer*, on who.nthc monopoly msy ope
rate, If this number be large, the gaius may
be so great us to create a |n?we.rful Inures* In
favor of preserving and enciessing the mo
noitoly. The result In this case must be, that
opposite Interests will be crested In the
community: the one demanding Incessantly
additional monopoly by additional tariffs, and
the. other resisting the injustice and oppres
sion, and if it should happen that the coun
try be extensive, and the manufacturer* oc
cupy ?m.c portion and the consumers the
other, these opposing Interests will assume
A geographical character. Sneh, your me
morUulsis, conceive to be the case in our
country. The United State* consist of more
than 13,000,000 of people, spread over near
ly 9,S0(MMM square miles, with great diver
sity ?f*l ?nation end pursuit Home portions
con*
I two portion* ,pf the com*
it "for the truut port sqiarutrd by
linrfL li lilfh hrtii,
ever wc wlir m* uWertNke the liivMlotu
ttok of drawing. Sufficient it isto idi|vthat
tliei* art; upwRrd* of fve millions or people
grouped together, on whom every tariff
i*?Usenet us afax on consumption, nnd ?du*
Mcqucutly from i!tc lyuure of things, it must
fiivi' to tly?e rcsklhfg In another suction a
fcrtillty.ofihcir Mill, the favorable liaturi ot
their climate to produce the great staple* of
the country, and ultove all thctxMht of the
existing tariff, ^t will be seen, thnt * more!
profitable monopoly never existed thin (tie1
latter nnw enjoy: nor it it in the least sar*
pH?i?l& that it* mighty profit* diflWd
directly or indirectly over nearly the whole
of their tcctioa of the country, ahould create
there, as we now behold, an almost univer
sal interest tn-fciaintain and increase it. in
tlidr seal for the tariff, it U clear that the
manufacturers ami those participating with
them do not aim merely lit securing them
aelvea against foreign competition, or nt the
benefit of what may be truly called the
home market, that of their own states; but i
Uicir aim h tfic great ami profitable market
of the consuming state* where the gain* arc
Sure gains to tfceei, unaccompanied by bar*,
en or loss. For it is as much in the power
of the legislature* of the manufacturing
st ites, to secure tlielr own home market to
their manufacturer*, and thereby cflfcetuiQly
protect them ngainst foreign competition,
within their limit*, as It is in the power ofl
Congress to secure to them .the market of
the union?and that by the same means
under a different name. The difference
between a tariff which may be laid by your I
honourable body in favor of the manufactu
rer, and a bounty paid to him -out of the
treasury, is merely nominal. Hoth must
be paid by n tax on the community; with
this simple difference, that in one case it is
paid directly to the manufacturer by the
consumer in the shape of increased price,
and in the other it mfuht paid into the trea
sury Ik:fore it pas* s to bun. A tax in hi*
fuvor in the latter shape is in the power of I
state legislation, and to the extent of the
tt.itc may lie made effctual to exclude all
competition. How happen* it then, that the
manutin turets do u?i apply to their state
legislature-, Im- j>*-? -ti .lion, and that none of]
the ui uiufactuniig staU s h:?vc adopted the
protect ing-}l.4lcy l?? granting bounties. Tiie
answer is clear. A bounty thu* granted |
would be a una <?? ?*?ly oil the monopolist*
themselves.' the pi ?.n*? ai.d Iw* vvouid f^)}
together uii?: wouid ncuttalire -e tih other.
It is not ? lien simple protection against
foreign com|?ctUion, ? hich can be vfledtu*
ally grunted by the staves through bounties,
that the manufacturer define*, mm he pre
tends; but a niouopoU agamct the five mil-)
linns of consumers inhmlming the section of]
country engaged in raising the great agri
cultural staple* of the country. Such n i
monopoly can be created only, through your
honorable body by the tariff imposed for the
purpose, which your memorialists doaolemn
iy believe cannot be done without extend
ing your power beyond the asoigned limit*
of tlie constitution, without interfering with
the rights tarrcdly reserved to the states,
and without the grossest iiijuuiee and op
pression.
The reason why application for protec
tion is made to y our luu'uumMc body instead
of thu state legislatures, fully cxphiitt* why
the svHtem of protection In Oongieas i* so
popular in the ihamifactaring portions of the
country. Not that we wonltl lie understood
a* Insinuating thi?t our fellow citixen* in
there states urge the system with a view of
profiting at our expense. Jf such- were the
iact, it would prove that all political ties and
sympathies hud terminated, and wou'.i not
constitute a care lor rimo;.-.trance. On the
contrary we believe that the great hotly of]
the people in these states, (always except
ing the designing politician mid the aristo
cratic monopolist,) hi* seriously hi favor of
the system, on wnnt they esteem honest
grounds. They see and feel the benefit* as
to themselves ami their portion of the couii
*?*)'? They see \ ill \jes, towns and cities
springing no as by it gle, improv ement cji-!
tending and capital growing with unexain* j
pled rupidlty: and tocy trace then- wonder- '
iul effect* to (Ik; t.irilTj but without mwjm ct- !
Ing that nil their great pr<ifit and Inamdle**
prosperity, are wrung through its agency
from a large class of their fellow rrttxens,
with whom it is accompanied by poverty
nnd misery, equalling their own gains and
prosperity. It Is not unnatural to judge by 1
what i* seen and felt; anil if it is expected '
that wc should give implicit faith to the tes-J
timoiiy <fthose in favor of the system who
profit li u, surely it iw not asking too much |
that we, ?? a?, on the contrary, aie ground to i
tlu*t by it, should claim equal faith in our [
adverse testimony. We see and feel embar* l
rawsment, distress, and decay, which wc no.
less truly trace to the tariff. Great as may i
be the unanimity in favor of this system iif|
monopoly throughout the manivfieturing
section, no less great against It, i* thcunam*
mlty among the million* who iuhabit the
other section. There can then |?e no ra
tional doubt thst the effect*of the system are
directly opposite in the two portions of the
country* so much so, that the prosperity of j
the one may he measutcd bv the adversity
of the other, so far us it* operation is con
cerned. if such Im* the fact, a* cannot be
questioned, it is manifest that the only
point whlc.li can be presented for the consid
eration of your honourable body on the pas
sage of a tariff bill of protection, it whether,
representing as you do these United States,
confederated for mutual protection and I
benefit, you can justly ami constitutionally
promote the liapplnes*of one part, by saeri-'
ficlnsr that of another not less numerous, and
equally Intelligent and patriotic.
That the interest* of a country of great
extent may on aparticular point become thus j
opposed, and that the major interest, through
t>crvrrtfr>ti of the powers conferred en Con-'
der
^^wcAKwUwlividuml is not *c
*1ittttlio violence of the stronger."
Al?*a rid erHamW tour
Mw<fcoio who respect hb memory <?Ught ie<
iou^y to reflect whether thcreiic nuy case
g|rherc wlveric interests ore mere likely to
g up than the one under consideration.
J cott2?*?^wMck m*y
sfottssS8?tZir*nm.
At h sacrificing substance to form, to
?ay laws are equal, because their terms
?re fltnerid* when circumstances beyond
Oie reach of the laws control their operation.
Every proj>ositlon to protect any branch of
manufactures in this courtly, trim the na
ture <4things we have shewn must be sec
from .this those who pray its passage, tiro
misftiAoiliemieieea their Rain. Would the
wooIImi manufacturers desire the passajte
of the \\ oollens Bill* If the wliolt tiulon was
equally prepared to embrace its advanta
ge*, and domestic manufactures suflnlent to
^"PPly ?he demand, were likely <? *rhe |n
every tountpr, or even in every stated No!
It wtiuld theb be a common benefit or com
mon burden. At present the benefit is to be
enjoyed by others: the burden alone in ex
tended to us. "What would our northern
brethren think of an net of Congreas, grant
in* a bounty to every grower In the United
iuL , O""*-*"* iwivrni*, uic mwe
of**rteouragement would be no less legiti
"wgwy ?y duties on imports, and the na
tural obstacle to their profiting by It, woold
I be no more uisurmonntable thau the obsta
cles which preclude ua from taking benefit
of the monojvoly created for the protection t*f
manufacture'*. Vet, if k were sufficiently
jrtrong to e jmpensate un by one half for the
taxes we pay to their nianafnoturet; cvdi a
measure would produoc amongst them a
sensation, very different from the compla
cency with wiicli they now regard the duty
upon the importation of raw cotton into this
country, which was iiu|x>sed unnecessarily
?n the beginning, where there was no dan
R'T foreign competition and has never
yielded either revenue or protection, from
which the cotton growing country lias never
derived the least benefit; which is but the
name of consideration for the grievous exac
tions taken hi exchange, and which we pray
may be first included in the repeal of all
tariffs of protection, that we no longer may
be taunted with the pretence of favor to us.
i O the suggestion that in time all the sec
t?or.? i.l th?* union will be in a situation to en
gage Ja Manufactures, each of the articles
most suitable to its situation, and that the
benefits and burden* of restriction will then
be equal, we reply that justice forbids that
ftftcr other* have cujiitcd tribute from u$ for
30 ycars, we should then only be admitted
into equal rights with them, and be obliged
upon equal terms to contend with their su
periority over ns, greater than the superiori
ty of foreign manufacturers over them, of
which they now complain. When any sec
tion is ripe for manutactures, no encourage
ment is necessary: before then, it is inexpe
dient, and given through Congress, is unjust
and unconstitutional.
W e are aware that the monopolists endea
vor to reconcile the consumer to their pro
fits, by attempting to prove that protection
f.ocsnot enhance the price; but can there lie
an absurdity greater, than to suppo?c that
the home manufacturer who now cannot per
sist in his trade, as he say*, with an existing
duty of about f 0 per cent ou Woollen*, would
be enabled to manufacture as chcup as the
foreign manufacturer, provided all competi
tion :rt?m abroad were inhibited, which
would lie substantially the fact if the Wool
lens Hill were passed? Jt is enough toopmess
us, but to urge such arguments is to add in
sult to injur)-.
Nor can the instance of rears? cottons
support the sophistry of the monopolist. Jt
Is known tlwit our country lias now an advan
tage in the raw material of cotton overall
others: notwithstanding which, we learn
from good authority, that coarse cottou
goods arc now so mucbchcnper in Manches
ter than in this country, that were it not for
the high duty <r.i them, they would still be
imported. It In not e-n<aigU to prove that
coarse cotton good* are cheaper now, than
when the tariff of 1m IC was laid. The price
of the raw material and labor have great I v
fallen sinie, while the machinery has great
ly improved. If the aitlele be cheaper still
abroad, as we believe, the difference of price
is the bounty continued to be paid to the mo
nopolist.
It is n great mistake to conclude that there
is no loss, if an article dues not rmc, on the
imposition of a protecting tariff". Suppose
there to be neither rise nt?r fall in price, the
country at least lovs the old duty, which
goes into the pocket of the monn|>olut an a
bounty, infttead of going into the public trea
sury ir. the shape ot duty. To indemnify the
country, thewrice not only ought not to rite,
but ought to full the whole of the duty laid by
the tarifT: that i?, if the Woollen* Bill, whicn
would almost entirely prohibit the foreign
article, should puss, the price of woollens
ought to fall about 50 pur ccn. which i* about
the present djitv, under which they are im
ported; and Mirely lie must be a madman
who con Id expect mii h a reduction in price,
or who believed that if the tn.?nufa< turcrs
theninelvcH expcctcd it, they would urge
thi thill. Every measure which diminishes
importation, also necessarily lew us thr de
mand and ttrice of our staple* of exportation
in the foreign market, us well by the natural
operations %A trade, as by retaliatory duties
likely to he incurred; and although a new
: market it afford**) at home, vet it purchases
only what else would ha\e been better sold
[ abroad; and. not only are we burdened in it
by the monopoly price of article* we take in
exchange, hut the quantity it purchases is
necessarily limited tv the Mippiy of this coon
try* wjiliin which only the manufacture*
?usuMm by our bounty ran awM fr>re4fo
ttkno1
Tl*n law.
forded, and hope ever to nfferd, aMTAMtf.
tance when inquired by our cooalfljj^H ^
maintain that no act of me* havo^n jy Vy .1
private-property, and without apmpfUMtkm >*
to us convert it to their own use. The In
justice of Mich a proccedi
more galling, ***" *?
very manufacturcra who nr
umrousfor higher gain* atv~? ???7
ccive a profit from their capita)* aa thaflE*
act % independent of their state* '
K^ater than our moat thriving I
t prosperous or adverae,
are tha same. We insist up< _
profits of our own labor, except what
exigencies of oar country i
claim liberty, restrained J
ml good, and equality of
public benefits. If our m
*
ron will eell to us as cheap as We can
chase abroad, we,will give them the pt
I enco?further wo would nit ask them todo a
towards as. ? A v Wl (; >\c ??*.
But wu would present to your honorable
body, a feeble picture of our
we were to limit our repree
evils, grant a* they are,
measures adopted profet
branch of industry ut the
It is with pain that a sense'of duty ooropeU?.
us to probe th* ulcer to the hMtm.holfrnt 4
tbc consequences on thoae who,by ifufiperiiur, *
safe4 to f&m-i
A great change -hna taken plnoe since tho .
eommeaoement of onr government, which* :
has reoderedthe whole of our .fiscal system * f
unequal and oppressive to the great intefeat ,
in behalf of which we have attempted to
raise our voice. Under the existlug state of *
tilings the burdens and benefits of the- sys
tem are unequal as can be imaghpd. The
grca: interest, to which we hav* *> aftcn
referrrd, while it almost exclusively bcarxv
tbc burden i?f wip]>ortlng the government,
participates but slightly in its ? advantage*. . ,
Our i ev enue with the exception in reality
of not more than about n half a million (pria** ?
c (pally from the sales of public lands) is d6?
rived Cram a tax on imports, amounting to ;
sl>out ?90,000,000 annually. Of this im
mense, sum the greater part is derived from" .
duties ou articles of which the manufacturing
scetiou U perpetually demanding an increase*/
of the import, to prevent,competition in the
home market < of dnorseh must be clear that ,,
they do not consider the duties as a tax
them. We do not ^Hh to be understood to -
sav, that none of the Imported ertfcJeato'
which we refer are consumed in theThoalr?
factoring section, and consequently Untie of
the duties letted on fca inhabitants: bnt srtr*
do boldly assert that they aro mora: than
indemnified for Whatever may thas be paid'
by them into the treasury, by the mon^njr*
in the home market of the consuming atmev, '
which these very duties secure; and sorely'
higher proof cannot be given of the truth of^
thin assertion, than the scslooaaftpport- f
which they give to every proposition to in* *
crcase these duties. Hocn being the fact, it
cannot hrdoubted that the whole burden of the
government, almost to the full extent 6f thf
revenue, fall* substantially on the very Otates, - '
which aim bear the burden of the tariff for
the protection of manufacturing-monopolist*
Very different was the fact when our
revenue system was first adopted and for n
long time afterwards. No part of the coun
try was then manufacturing, and, wkli the
exception of food, almost every artkfo con-;
stinted in the country was hnportrd. la
that state of things, Hie system fell with.
I | nearly equal pressure on itH the part it bnt
the great change, which has shioe taken
plnce in tlic industry of many of the lt?Wf
from the introdnetion ot manufactures,-has
j substantially relieved the weahhy nndnour
ishing pint of the country from the burden
of contributing to the public treasury, and*
thrown its weight upon the poor nnd much. r
cxhanstcd section. - v' *
we present these facts not with the hope
of alleviating this great and unequal burden
by a change in the system of revenue. W6
kuow lull well the almost Insuperable objec
tion)! to a change* and we must make up our
minds to bear the londt bttt rcrtainiy these >
considerations offer a moid powerful reason
why burdens even now ??> unequal, should
not he made still more so, by the odious
addition of tariffs to take from the light and
put to the heavy. But unequal as the burden
of taxntion may fall, no less Unequal are the
disbursements from the treasury. It is well,
known that equality of disbursements is not
much leas important than equality of taxa
tion, which the framers of the constitution
were so solicited to secure. A portion of fc
country may be rendered rich by an over
flowing dWutrscment.or be Impoverished bjr
an incessant payment of taxM without u
correspondent return through disbursements..
The inequality of disbuiscraents, of Itself so
oppressive, exists to a remarkable degree:
and to render it* operation more distressing
the grievance falls continually on the samo
section, and that, the very section from
which in rcalhv the contributions to the
treasury are mainly drawnt thus producing
an Inequality heretofore unknown hi any
free c< wintry: whieh cannot be increased nor
even continued without exposing the coun
try to the most dangerous consequences.
For it la not posnible that men knowing their
riglttn, and fueling conscious that they' M*e
entitled to patticipate equally iuthe benefits
of the government, can long sustain sounequal
a load, imposed against the united romon
?tran* ? of themselves and their representa
tive*, without a fearful diminution In their
attachment to the institutions under which
they live. Hut admitting that the nppriitdl
have not Miffielent intelligence to see their
wrong* or to trace them to their true close,
or seeing them, have not sufficient spirit or
onion to resist with effect, still to ever/
patriotic and intelligent mind the *
must appear great ami alarming. _
i wily and corrupt politician, ft Is thfl
favorable state that can he conceived. If
M permitted byth?s ffltfle. of l*^Wt?t|on tn
a evtW