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SUPPLEMENT TO BAMBERG HERALD. BAMBERG, S. C. The Platform in F J- Williams is IV Congress in the 5 District of South : r.\ : % * : <> :-y: \ * M* * ' : 'WMjBIW To My Fellow Citizens:? It is my intention to appear before you on the stump and to meet as many of you personally as I possibly can, but since the limited space of time at my disposal makes it impossible to discuss 1 oil tViA imnnrtant nolitieal <Xk H.U51H an ui Uiv r issues, I take this method of acquainting you with the opinions that I entertain upon some of the most important of them. You well know that the tendency of nearly all national lagislation is towards the interests of the trusts, promoted by Corporation lawyers. I am a farmer whose interests are identical with those of the masses of the Second Congressional District, and I solicit your support in the primary election to be held on the thirteenth of August. L. J. Williams. TARIFF AND TRUSTS. It may be said that the tariff is not a live issue in this campaign for the reasson that the U. S. Senate must remain Republican for four years. I hold that it is, for the reason, first, that if the start is not made to change the complexion of the Senate, it will always be Republican, and second, that since the trusts are made possible by the Tariff, the two must be studied together in order to arrive at a clear understanding of their affects upon the welfare of the country. The Republican doctrine in regard to the Tariff is, that the Capital and Labor of this country engaged in the manufacture of articles necessary to the comforts -? ??.intrv una ot tne masses ui mid muuu;, ble to compete with the Capital and Labor of foreign countries engaged in similar manufacturing enterprises, and that it is a desirable policy of government that the masses of this country engaged in farming and other pursuits, and who are doing a paying business without government aid, be taxed by the tariff for the benefit of the manufacturer in order to enable him to do a losing business in competition with foreigners. In other words, that it pays a few of the people so well to engage m manufacturing that it is desirable co tax all of the rest of the people in order to pay their losses. Now, as a matter of fact, the government is not a producer of wealth, and has none of its own except that which it takes from the pockets of productive enterprise through its power to tax. XKo rvmnrratic oartv holds that it is proper that the government should tax its subjects in order to raise the necessary revenue to pay legitimate expenses of the government itself, but that every dollar taken from one citizen or enterprise for the benefit of another citizen or enterprise is robbery. So that the essential difference between the Democrats and Republicans on the Tariff question is, that the Republican idea of prosperity is the amassing of great fortunes in the hands of the few, while the Democratic idea is that it must be general among the masses. The Republicans believe that to legislate money out of the pockets of the classes is great financiering. The Democrats believe that it is a great scheme Df plunder. The Republicans believe that the way to bring prosperity and happiness to the people of the country is to legislate the earnings of the people into the coffers of the financiers through the treasury route, and the Democrats believe that there can be no permanent prosperity but that based upon honest toil. 'art Upon which L laking His Race for iecond Congressional i Carolina* - To illustrate. The Republicans profess that it is right that the United States Steel Corporation charge the domestic consumer ten dollars per ton, or 33 per r -i 1 _ cent more lor raiiroau ana oiner suut_tural steel than they charge the Canadian or Mexican consumer for the same product. The Democrats believe that the American consumer should not be plundered by the Tariff to the extent of ten dollars per ton for the benefit of the steel trust The Republicans believe or profess to believe that it is right, through the operations of the beneficent Tariff, that the American manufacturer charge the good ladies of this country twenty-five dol- ' lars ($25.) for a sewing machine that ^ they sell in England for thirteen dol- 1 lars ($13.00) besides paying the freight. The Democrats believe that our noble 1 women should not be robbed of the 1 extra twelve dollars ($12.00). The Republican Tariff enables the j home manufacturer to charge the home ' consumer one hundred dollars ($100) 1 for the same typewriter that he sells in 1 England for fifty-five dollars ($55.00). j I hold with the Democrats that the I home consumer has been robbed in ] this transaction to the extent of torty- 1 five dollars (45.00). But it is useless to enumerate further, as nearly every com- ? modity manufactured in this country is ^ protected by the Tariff to the extent of 1 from 20 per cent to 200 per cent, and 1 even more. 1 But since the Federal courts have de- 1 cided that the income tax or any ( other direct form of taxation by the J Federal government is unconstitutional, < the Democratic party is compelled to f agree to a "Tariff for revenue only," in j order to raise funds to pay the legitimate * expenses of the government. But herein 1 lies our danger. The Tariff being an I indirect tax, the subtle, blasting influences of which are so hard to be seen < by the average man, makes its operation < a standing nightmare and curse to all ( honest producers and consumers. J If it were possible for every citizen to 1 know just how many dollars the govern- < ment needed to pay its honest expenses; ( and if protection could be given to i home industry exactly in accordance 1 with a just ratio as between all our i industrial pursuits with reference to for- i eign competition, then there would be < small danger in the Tariff. But this is < manifestly impossible for the reason 1 that but few, if any of us could ever 1 determine the exact amount necessary to run the government nor could we 1 ever determine the exact difference in 1 the domestic and foreign cost of pro- < duction of any given article. Now, this < very uncertainty is the bane of the j American people and is what makes the 1 trusts oossible. The lobby of paid at- 1 torneys maintained by the Trusts in i Washington while Congress is in ses- j sion has become an international scandal. ( If the actual difference in the cost of ] production between the domestic and ] foreign manufacturer should be ten or twenty per cent, the home man should ; be satisfied with that much Tariff or ; ''Protection," but he is not. He wants ] the Tariff wall built up to 50 or 100 per ( cent or more so as to destroy all foreign ] competition. Now, then, after the Tar- ^ iff is made so high that foreign manu- < facturers cannot send their goods here, j no Tariff duties are collected upon them, j hence the Tariff ceases to be a revenue , measure and becomes a measure of j Plunder. The government has then ( ceased to perform its proper function, ; and has become a highway robber, holding up the hands of its subjects while ( the trusts are going through their pockets. When President Schwab of the Steel Trust admitted under oath that the import duty on his products enabled him to make $12.00 per ton more than a reasonable profit, it was also an admission that his steel business was a complete monopoly or Trust, made possible by tariff protection. He claimed that it cost him $12.00 per ton to produce steel rails, and that he could compete with the English producer at $16.00. leaving $4.00 as net profit, which he said was reasonable?but he charges the home consumer $12.00 more, making $28.00. or a total net profit of $16.00 per ton. The census reports show that the property of the U. S. Steel Corporation is worth $500,000,000, and under their recent organization they have capitalized the Steel Trust at $1,500,000,000, which means that they have divided one billion dollars of water among themselves and call it stock. In other words the trust managers know that there is a point beyond which they must not go in piling up dividends or the consumer will rebel, hence thej treble the capital stock with water in oredr to make their profits look decent while the government stands by protecting the Trust in plundering the people of three dollars where they are only entitled to one. Now, 1 am opposed to all these schemes of spoliation and believe there is a remedy. 1 know that it will be four years before it will be possible for the Democratic party to pass an entirely new Tariff schedule, but 1 believe that if intelligently and persistently gone at great good can be accomplished by piecemeal. Select one at a time of the most glaring and indefensible cases of Trust spoliation and turn on the light Demand of the Republicans that these Trust commodities be stricken from the Tariff lists, and when they find that the country is informed they can't afford to say nay. IMPERIALISM. I stand with the Democratic party against the Republican policy of Imperialism. I believe that there is sufficient territory and resources upon the American continent to engage the ener gies of the people composing this government for all time to come. This is the Monroe Doctrine, and I believe it is our only course of safety. I do not believe that it is right or best to force Christianity upon the heathen or commercial relations upon the foreigner at the point of a gun. On the contrary I Delieve that it is right and I believe it is best to accomplish the same ends through peaceful and gentle methods. American genius, enterprise, industj^y ind resources are sufficient to accompish the commercial supremacy of the vorld if given a reasonable time in which to accomplish it, without resort ;o warlike methods. If done through :he agency of diplomacy and business enterprise we are relieved of the responsibilities incident to the frequent ehanges of the political status of the ioreign countries with which we desil. fust so long as these United States stand by the Monroe Doctrine, just so png will we enjoy a peaceful and hao>y and lasting prosperity. But when we as a nation commit ourselves permanently to the Republican doctrine of Imperialism at the point of )ur naval guns, advocated by Mr. Vlayfield in the recent campaign, we nay as well at the same time make up >ur minds that we must acquire foreign lands as well as subjugate and take mder our fostering care barborous and .mcivilized peoples who can never feel nterest in our government or in our institutions, and whose sympathies and :o-operation we can never acquire. In iddition we must stand responsible for :heir conduct towards all other nations with which we are upon friendly terms. This means in the end a disturbance of :he peace of the v/orld for which we are responsible, and it means farther the shedding of the blood of the flower of )ur young manhood who would be peacefully engaged in productive enrerprises were we to remain within the principles of the Monroe Doctrine upon which the Democratic party has stood for so many years. All history teaches that the beginning }f the end of all nations that have fallen was when its people became warlike in spirit and corrupt in politics. Six years ago the expenditures on iccount of our navy was $16,000,000, ind the past year the expenditures reached the enormous sum of $82,000,XX), and the army has cost the government the past year $118,000,000, or a grand total for the army and navy of $200,000,000. Our army and navy in its present size has reached the danger point, because when this vast number of men are confined in idleness and taught nothing but the methods of war, it is nnly human to expect that they will get into devilment that will bring about war, which they would personally wel L.VSA11V;* I believe that we have in the South the very best people on earth, as well as the best country, and if peacefully allowed to work out our destiny in our way, thai: this section will prosper in the field and in the shop and in the factory as no other country has ever prospered. But if the Mayfield policy of religious and commercial conquest is accomplished at the point of our naval guns, then our peace, contentment and progress is gone. Depend upon it; that the only stable foundation upon which any government can anchor the material interests of its people, is its' civil as against its militap' powers. God forbid that the time will ever come to us when we are ever taught by our government or our public men to lose faith in the sufficiency and the stability of our civil rights, or that it may ever happen that the military function will ever supercede the civil. But this is not the worst feature of this Republican doctrine of military ascendency. This policy is so expensive i that it makes it necessary to raise this ; tariff wall still higher, which in turn r serves to intrench the Trusts more sei curely. Every additional dollar spent : on the army and navy means that at least two dollars have been taken from : the pockets of the people in behalf of the Trusts. It is the policy of spoliation and plunder. It means through the tariff a part of each of your days' labor is taken to pay the expenses of the navy while enforcing the rights of the Trusts to sell their products to foreigners against their will, and to sell it to them cheaper than they will sell you the same goods at home. As against this policy 1 stand in favor of leaving the earnings of the toilers in their own pockets, even if the Trusts must go out of business. BOUNTIES AND SUBSIDIES. While discussing the tariff and Trusts, it is also proper to discuss the effects of bounties and subsidies in connection therewith, and to that scheme of plunder I am also opposed. First, as I have already said, I cannot agree that it is a just principle to tax an individual doing a prosperous business in order to subsidize another individual doing an unprofitable business. I cannot view that policy in the light cf success, except as being a policy of law lui tnett. Ana secona, it magmnes tne excuse for building the tariff wall still higher in behalf of the Trusts. The crime of the lawful taking of the earnings of one citizen and giving it to another is in this way magnified in that, for every dollar collected by the government to be bestowed as bounty or subsidy, the Trusts are thereby enabled to collect two or three more from the helpless consumer. As between the Mayfield plan of plunder in behalf of the navy, and the bounty plan of plunder in behalf of the merchant ships, I should much prefer to submit to the latter, if submit I must. The fact that the South is so largely the consuming section of this nation makes it the more unfortunate that these Republican policies of protection and plunder prevails. While the South is paying tribute on all she consumes, she is getting next to none of the benefits of spoilation, and when a Southern politician shows a tendency to fall in with the Republicans in their schemes of plunder he should be shown the door of exit from the Democratic camp, just as McLaurin was kicked out in 1897. RAILROADS. Right along side of the Trust question in importance is the question of the just and proper, and vitally necessary control of the railroads. No single enterprise in the nation is laden with more power for good or evil influences upon the business interests of the country than the railroads. The tendency towards the monopoly or "Trust" idea of their operation stands in need of the most profound thought of our ablest men. The roads now have it in their power under the law to make or unmake any community. The railroads are better able to develop the waste places of our country than any other single agency, therefore the necessity is the greater that the interests of the roads and the interests of the people be handled wit!? the more care and the more justice. It is very certain however, that justice as between the roads and the people will not prevail with the halls of legislation filled with railroad lawyers in a representative capacity. A case in point as developed in the recent campaign was the introduction into the State Senate of what is known as the "Test Case Bill" in behalf of the Southern Railway, by Mr. Mayfield. In the introduction and passage of this bill, the claims of citizens of this State aggregating, it is variously estimated, at from $200,coo to $1,500,000, were barred from a hearing in the courts. While I am not a lawyer, common sense teaches me that there is an effective way to protect the interests of tViz* nonnlp onrl witb the 1icrht? before I-1 1 ywyivj UUVi ?g? ? ? me now, I would suggest that the beginning must be had in Washington in the shape of 2. law increasing the powers of the Interstate Railway Commission to deal with the rate schedule. As the law is now the commission can do nothing but pretend to annul a rate which appears to them to be unjust, and while the railroad is fighting their ruling in the courts the old rate fixed by the railroads remains in force. I think the commission should be empowered to annul an unjust rate and at the same time to promulgate a just one and put it in force while the railroad is fighting the justice of their decision The people of the country who patronize railroads are paying interest and dividends on moie than six billion dollars of watered stocks and bonds. The capitalization of the railroads of the United States in 190.2 was twelve billion, one : hundred and thirty-four million dollars, i and the mileage being 202,471 a simple ' calculation will show that the roads are 5 capitalized at about sixty thousand dol lars per mile?more than one-half of which is water which should be squeezed out by law. In addition to this the commission should be given other powers too tedious to argue here. I also think the power of the State Legislature to deal with inter-State commerce should be enlarged, so that the State law and the State Railway Commission could give some relief from the outrages committed in the name of inter-State commerce. GOOD ROADS. No community, especially in the rural sections, can be truly prosperous without good public highways and I favor their improvement by the aid of the National Government under proper regulations. It is true that the principle is paternalistic in its tendency, but no more so than the grant of the government of the hundred of millions of land and money to the trans-continental railway lines and since we could not prevent the one we should not be so foolish as to decline the other. THE RACE PROBLEM. That the solution of the race question (if such be possible) is one of the most important political and social questions before us today, if not the most important, I do not think any thoughtful person will deny. That I was a prophet during the recent campaign, when I took a position in favor of the repeal of the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments to the Federal Constitution is proven by the action of the recent Republican Convention in the adoption of the plank in their platform looking to the introduction of another "Force Bill," I thought that I knew then, and the Republican Convention has proven that there is still a purpose on the part of the Northern Republicans led by Roosevelt, to maintain the reins of the government through the agency of the negro. The adoption of these amendments, while the Northern mind was still inflamed over the issues of the late war, was the greatest political crime ever committed in this country, and there can never be a lasting restoration of peace between the north and South so long as the race question remains unsettled. Notwithstanding the interest of the Republican party, through the agency of the negro route, we must still remember that blood is thicker than water and that justice and right will finally triumph if the Northern conscience is persistently appealed to in the proper manner. The more and more that the Northern conscience is made to understand the negro and his instincts as he is, the more and more the North will be willing to admit the crime when it was committed when it undertook at a stroke of the pen to make the negro the white man's equal. As the years go by and the Northern mind and heart is made to see and to feel the crime of the adoption of these two amendments, such men as Roosevelt and Crumpacker will lose their power and prestige in the Republican party. Incidents like the attempt during the recent Republican Convention, instigated by the man on horseback ( Oa\ ?- '-1 i\wscvai; lu iurcc social recognition as well as political equality of the negro with the white man when the little "Georgia Nigger" was put upon the Republican rostrum alongside of a pure and delicate little white girl, on terms of equality, will be resented by the great conscience of the American people. Such conduct will create a race pride, both north and south that will force mutual agreements looking to race preservation that can only come through the repeal of these two atrocious constitutional amendments. An educated head and an ' educated conscience among the white people of the nation is the first step necessary to the accomplishment of this end but an educated head, together with the vicious heart of the negro, daily increases the difficulties of the race problem. At present the negro holds the balance of power in the nominating conventions of the Republican party, as well as the balance of power in the halls of Congress, since he already holds the balance of power in Congressional elections in thirty of the border districts. At the present rate of the education of the Southern negro it will only be a few years before he is able to control the elections of the South if protected by the provisions of these vicious amendments, and we will no longer be able to pride ourselves as having "The Solid Democratic South." My solution is practically endorsed by the Democratic party in its St Louis platform in that it advocates a peaceful solution and condemns the Republican effort to arouse anew race and sectional prejudices. If we inaugurate this movement with judgment and discretion. we are no longer dependent upon th? grace or mercy of the Republican party, but will be able in this way to build up the Democracy of the North and West, and thereby accomplish a two-fold purpose, to-wit: the ascend