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"TILLMAN AND P j / ?I ? jttndtn lawyer Write* on "IMntlpk, Poverty ami Politic*." (By Thomas J. Kirk land) (Second Installment) His darling offspring, "The Dispensary," was the apple of Tillman's eye, and, as he was practically dictator of state politics, it became to him the test and touchstone superseding all of the old issues and factional alignments. It furnished a plank for many of his opponents to cross over and bask in the sunshine of his favor. It was likewise a plank fpr some of his old supporters to leave him. He had no use whatever for those who did not support his pet "best solution," whatever their past attitude towards him, and it afforded a perfect ground for reconciliation with hU former bitterest foes.. It put in his hands a powerful engine of patronage. A magnet with which to lead by the nose a host of impecunious aspirants. Let us revert a little. In JIH92 the National Farmers' Alliance loomed up and nearly all the farmers of this state became members. Their leading tenet was the subtreasury, a proposal that the United States government issue currency based upon crops stored in government warehouses. I was opposed to this proposition, openly so proclaimed; and was thereby cut off from any com* munion or favor with the alliance. When in Columbia one day, walking with Tillman from his office to lunch, he said: "The Farmers' alliance demands my support of them as a condition of their continued support of j me, what do you think I should do?" 1 said, "Fight them?the subtreasury scheme is unsound." He made no reply, but soon after did come out in favor of the alliance and its projects. At this time also the choice of a Democratic nominee for president of the United States became a sharp isr sue. I was wholeheartedly for Grover Cleveland. Tillman and Irby and their following were strong for Davit! 11. Hill. Here was another ground for divergence. My exultation was unbounded when Cleveland was nominated and elected. The first application to Tillman of the sobriquet, "Pitchfork," aroBe, i believe, in 181M, when he was canvassing the state for the United States senate against M. C. Butlbt. The issue of free silver had grown {aggravated. Tillman and his supporters were intense free silverites. I was convinced to the contrary. It was becoming common for me to dissent. At the Camden campaign meeting that year Tillman's cohorts marched in a shouting crowd to Hampton grove, where the speaking was held in the wake of a prominent citizen who bore aloft a pitchfork with silver prongs upon each of which was impaled a gold bug. At the meeting Butler bitterly arraigned the dispen, sary as corrupt and churged that Tillman had taken rebates in the purchase of liquor by him personally to start the business. In reply Tillman made no denials, therein showing great sagacity, for though innocent as snow, he could not prove it, since his purchases had been private. He at once raised a laugh from the crowd, by saying: "When I used to go hunting varmints at night and the dogs would run around in a patch of bushes barking and nothing would come out, the darkies would say, 'they are just runliing ha'nts.' Well, Butler has just been running ha'nts." Among other polite remarks of his was this: "When I get to the senate I will stick my pitchfork in the side of that fat old beef Cleveland." It was a mortal offense that Cleveland ' had issued bonds to maintain the gold reserve in the treasury. In that same year it became necessary to name a governor to succeed . Tillman. There were two recognized . aspirants. John Gary Evans and Wil; liam H. Ellerbe. Evans had been j Tillman's tloor leader in carrying the dispensary measure through the legislature. A committee of one Re former from each county met in Columbia to determine how the Reform candidate for governor should be selected. I was one of the committee* j which decided to hold a primary election for governor confined to the Reform element. I am sure many other members beside myself did not approve, but not one of us had the nerve then to openly oppose the plaft. I had been in opposition so much on so many other matters that I let it go .by, and did not express myself... As the summer wore on, great murmuring arose in regard to this partial primary. The friends of Ellerbe realized that if it was oiu-n to all Democrats, he would have a good chance of selection, otherwise none. I fully believe a majority of the committee wanted to call off this foolish primary and, at the request of a number* of them, it met again to determine what to do?whether to recall the primary or not. Tillman was engaged in the senatorial contest with Butler. Perceiving that his favorite Evans, might and probably would b; beaten if the. primary was openec up to all Democrats, he issued a statement in which he called upon tht people to mark those members of th< committee who should vote to call ofl || the partial primary; that they wer< traitors to the Reform movement. I felt sure that Tillman well knev my attitude and that of each of thi ~ committee. His remark was intendec to intimidate the committee, whic/ it effectually did. It long ranklet in my heart. Only four of ua vote< for the recall. In a short statemen to the committee [ said that Till man's stab made me onljr the mor? that I always ^fought the partial primary unwise. It has faded from my memory whether Ellerbe withdrew, or what happened as to the primary, except that Evans became governor. After Evans' term had /expired, to placate Ellerbe and his friends, who had grown bitter, Tillman took him up and made him governor, In that year (1894) I was elected to the state senate from Kershaw county by a smalt majority. My opposition to the alliance and so many other Tlllmanite policies had driven away a large part of my former support ers. At one county meeting, where1 I declared that I Would follow my own opinion, would oppose free silver and the dispensary and not submit to Tillman's dictation, the greater part of the audience turned their backs on me and walked away. Wheit these same men years after turned against Tillman, I had the malicious pleasure of recalling to them their former treatment of me. I barely pulled through in that election. A word from Tillman would have easily beaten me, but he refrained from ordering my defeat, .. r_. Some time after the election Tillman wired me to come oVpr tp the governor's mansion, which he still occupied. I went. He said he had sent for me to talk over the silver question; that if I persisted in my attitude, I could not survive politically. I said that I was fully aware of that, as nine out of ten whom 1 knew were strong silverites; but that I was entirely convinced my position was right. He went fully into the subject and dwelt earnestly on the deplorable condition of the farmer, especially in Georgia. Cotton was five cents a pound. He actually shed tears, something I hud never thought to witness. I was deeply moved. He manifested" genuine concern for my future advancement. This was hard to resist, and went far to remove the deep resentment I had harbored against him for his ruthless remark above alluded to, but I remained obdurate, and told him that at srty cost I would abide by my convictions on free silver and all other subjects. Thereupon he shut up like a jackknife, became gruff and silent and seemed much offended. It was most embarrassing. He seemed estranged ever afterwards. Once only after this did he strive to sway me on an A " : other question as mentioned further on. For some years Tillman had been advocating a new state constitution. The one in existence had been framed by the Carpetbaggers in 1868. He jwas very urgent for a constitutional provision to r curtail or exclude the 'negro vote, Which had been accomplished since 1876 by various devices? such as the Eight Box law, but mainly by intimidation. It Md now also become a great objeet with him to incorporate' something in the constitution to place the dispensary beyond judicial nullification. The legislative session of December, 1804, made the necessary provision for a constitutional convention, to be held in the summer following. In that session a strong sentiment developed among the Reform members, of whom I was one, against putting the dispensary in the constitution, between whom and the Conservative memberi there grew up an understanding that they would unite in a common cause of excluding the dispensary. At the end of the session a conference of those thus inclined was held iu the office of the secretary of state, who was heartily with us. It was generally understood that the Conservative leaders were with us, as we had frequently interviewed them and had been assured of their co-operationv; The conference was enthusiastic. The attendance filled the I office and overflowed into the lobby. There was no secrecy, the talk was loud and open, and coqld be heard far and near. The result of this zeal-1 ous meeting was that a rough draft of a manifesto which was to be published was framed, calling upon all those opposed to the insertion of the dispensary iu the constitution to send representatives to a gathering in Columbia March 27, 1895, for the purpose ol organizing to secure delegates" to the constitutional convention in conformity with such views. There were forty signatures to this paper, on which there was no room for any more. It was got up in the midst -'a hubbub, at a late hour and the paper was left with me to revise and publish and to transmit copies to various sympathizers throughout the state. This I did to the best of my ability. In the published notice, Tillman was invited to attend the proposed meeting of March 27, but no invitation was sent to him personally. As be was known to be utterly re sentfui of the proceedings of "The Forty," an invitation to him was nothing short of mockery. I Before, or shortly after the mani- 1 f^sto came out, it was published that Tillman had called a conference of the Conservatives, who met with him ( representing a majority of that fac- 1 tion, and together they formed a compact entirely opposite to that of ' "The Forty." Among those who met of their support. Tillman as it turn- i ed out being still all powerful in the state, completely demolished the 1 plans of "The Forty." The meeting 1 of March 27 held in Columbia, in re- < sponse to their call, was lacking in numbers and spirit, as all were awjp*e ' that they were beaten without the ' support of the Conservative element, i the great majority of whom had camped over with Tillman. In the election for three delegates to the constitutional convention T was on the ticket approved by "The ' Forty." It was beaten by three for- , mer Conservatives, who came out favor of incorporating "The best so-?"* lution" in the constitution. Thus old factional lines became practictflj? obliterated. From that time fonm^H'J a majority of the Conservatives'^^? came adherents of Tillman, altho^^B] a small minority of them never forgive him or support him. Bors^l of his original friends and intimat? became deeply inimical to him, as H | know, and among them I may nasB | Buch as Shell, Irby, Norris, Farkj? Talbert, McLaurin, ef al. It see*?1 that ,the action of "The Forty," whA? 1 to alt appearances was utterly futili? did have one result, viz.: to dri?| Tillman into combination with his ofl foes, a process which 'steadily cor.? binued and resulted in the election o? several Conservatives in succession as governors of the state at Till? man's nod. ? Ralph Evans, 19, was drowned in? Broad river near Gaftney, Saturday? afternoon while swimming with three? companions. H CITATION State of South Carolina, County of Kershaw. By W. L. McDowell, Esquire, Probate Judge. Whereas, Sallie A. Ballard v made suit to me to grant her Letters of Adfninistration of the Estate of and effects of Lewis Ballard. These are, therefore, to cite and admonish all and singular the kindred und creditors of the said Lewis Balkird, deceased, that they be and appear before me, in the Court of Probate, to be held at Camden, South Carolina on Thursday, July 25, next after publication thereof, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, to show cause, if any they have, why the said Administration should not be grunted. Given under my Hand, this 11th day of July, Anno Domini 1929. w. l. Mcdowell, Judge of Probate for Kershaw County Published on the 12th and l'Jth days of July, 1929, in the Camden Chronicle and posted at the Court House door for the time prescribed .by law. P FINAL piSpilAKGK. Notice is hereby given that one month from this date, on Monday, August 12, 1929, I will make to the Probate Judge of Kershaw County my final return as Administrator of the estate of Ellio N. Dibble, deceased, and on the same date 1 will apply to the said Judge for a final discharge as said Administrator. E. H. DIBBLE. Camden, S. C., July 11, 1929. CITATION. The State of South Carolina, County of Kershaw. By W. L. McDowell, Esquire, Probate Judge. Whereas, Joanna Jones made suit to me to grant her Letters of Administration of the Estate of and effects of ft. L. Jones. These are, therefore, to cite and admonish all and singular, the kindred and creditors of the said R. L. Jones, deceased, that they be and appear before me, in the Court of Probate, to be held at Camden, South Carolina, on Monday, July 22nd, next, after publication thereof, at 11 o'clock in the forenoon, to show cause, if any they have, why the snid Administrar-? tion shopld not be granted. Given under my Hand, this 8th day of July, Anno Domini 1929. w. l. 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