The Camden chronicle. (Camden, S.C.) 1888-1981, July 19, 1929, Image 2
"TILLMAN AND P
j / ?I ?
jttndtn lawyer Write* on "IMntlpk,
Poverty ami Politic*."
(By Thomas J. Kirk land)
(Second Installment)
His darling offspring, "The Dispensary,"
was the apple of Tillman's
eye, and, as he was practically dictator
of state politics, it became to
him the test and touchstone superseding
all of the old issues and factional
alignments. It furnished a plank for
many of his opponents to cross over
and bask in the sunshine of his
favor. It was likewise a plank fpr
some of his old supporters to leave
him. He had no use whatever for
those who did not support his pet
"best solution," whatever their past
attitude towards him, and it afforded
a perfect ground for reconciliation
with hU former bitterest foes.. It
put in his hands a powerful engine
of patronage. A magnet with which
to lead by the nose a host of impecunious
aspirants.
Let us revert a little. In JIH92 the
National Farmers' Alliance loomed up
and nearly all the farmers of this
state became members. Their leading
tenet was the subtreasury, a
proposal that the United States government
issue currency based upon
crops stored in government warehouses.
I was opposed to this proposition,
openly so proclaimed; and
was thereby cut off from any com*
munion or favor with the alliance.
When in Columbia one day, walking
with Tillman from his office to lunch,
he said: "The Farmers' alliance demands
my support of them as a condition
of their continued support of
j me, what do you think I should do?"
1 said, "Fight them?the subtreasury
scheme is unsound." He made
no reply, but soon after did come out
in favor of the alliance and its projects.
At this time also the choice of a
Democratic nominee for president of
the United States became a sharp isr
sue. I was wholeheartedly for Grover
Cleveland. Tillman and Irby and
their following were strong for Davit!
11. Hill. Here was another ground
for divergence. My exultation was
unbounded when Cleveland was nominated
and elected.
The first application to Tillman of
the sobriquet, "Pitchfork," aroBe, i
believe, in 181M, when he was canvassing
the state for the United
States senate against M. C. Butlbt.
The issue of free silver had grown
{aggravated. Tillman and his supporters
were intense free silverites.
I was convinced to the contrary. It
was becoming common for me to dissent.
At the Camden campaign meeting
that year Tillman's cohorts marched
in a shouting crowd to Hampton
grove, where the speaking was held
in the wake of a prominent citizen
who bore aloft a pitchfork with
silver prongs upon each of which was
impaled a gold bug. At the meeting
Butler bitterly arraigned the dispen,
sary as corrupt and churged that Tillman
had taken rebates in the purchase
of liquor by him personally to
start the business. In reply Tillman
made no denials, therein showing
great sagacity, for though innocent
as snow, he could not prove it,
since his purchases had been private.
He at once raised a laugh from the
crowd, by saying: "When I used to
go hunting varmints at night and the
dogs would run around in a patch of
bushes barking and nothing would
come out, the darkies would say, 'they
are just runliing ha'nts.' Well, Butler
has just been running ha'nts."
Among other polite remarks of his
was this: "When I get to the senate
I will stick my pitchfork in the side
of that fat old beef Cleveland." It
was a mortal offense that Cleveland
' had issued bonds to maintain the gold
reserve in the treasury.
In that same year it became necessary
to name a governor to succeed
. Tillman. There were two recognized
. aspirants. John Gary Evans and Wil;
liam H. Ellerbe. Evans had been
j Tillman's tloor leader in carrying the
dispensary measure through the legislature.
A committee of one Re
former from each county met in Columbia
to determine how the Reform
candidate for governor should be selected.
I was one of the committee*
j which decided to hold a primary election
for governor confined to the Reform
element. I am sure many
other members beside myself did not
approve, but not one of us had the
nerve then to openly oppose the plaft.
I had been in opposition so much on
so many other matters that I let it go
.by, and did not express myself... As
the summer wore on, great murmuring
arose in regard to this partial
primary. The friends of Ellerbe realized
that if it was oiu-n to all Democrats,
he would have a good chance
of selection, otherwise none. I fully
believe a majority of the committee
wanted to call off this foolish primary
and, at the request of a number*
of them, it met again to determine
what to do?whether to recall
the primary or not. Tillman was engaged
in the senatorial contest with
Butler. Perceiving that his favorite
Evans, might and probably would b;
beaten if the. primary was openec
up to all Democrats, he issued a
statement in which he called upon tht
people to mark those members of th<
committee who should vote to call ofl
|| the partial primary; that they wer<
traitors to the Reform movement.
I felt sure that Tillman well knev
my attitude and that of each of thi
~ committee. His remark was intendec
to intimidate the committee, whic/
it effectually did. It long ranklet
in my heart. Only four of ua vote<
for the recall. In a short statemen
to the committee [ said that Till
man's stab made me onljr the mor?
that I always ^fought the partial
primary unwise. It has faded from
my memory whether Ellerbe withdrew,
or what happened as to the
primary, except that Evans became
governor. After Evans' term had /expired,
to placate Ellerbe and his
friends, who had grown bitter, Tillman
took him up and made him governor,
In
that year (1894) I was elected to
the state senate from Kershaw county
by a smalt majority. My opposition
to the alliance and so many other
Tlllmanite policies had driven away
a large part of my former support
ers. At one county meeting, where1
I declared that I Would follow my
own opinion, would oppose free silver
and the dispensary and not submit to
Tillman's dictation, the greater part
of the audience turned their backs
on me and walked away. Wheit these
same men years after turned against
Tillman, I had the malicious pleasure
of recalling to them their former
treatment of me. I barely pulled
through in that election. A word
from Tillman would have easily beaten
me, but he refrained from ordering
my defeat, .. r_.
Some time after the election Tillman
wired me to come oVpr tp the
governor's mansion, which he still
occupied. I went. He said he had
sent for me to talk over the silver
question; that if I persisted in my
attitude, I could not survive politically.
I said that I was fully aware
of that, as nine out of ten whom 1
knew were strong silverites; but that
I was entirely convinced my position
was right. He went fully into the
subject and dwelt earnestly on the
deplorable condition of the farmer,
especially in Georgia. Cotton was
five cents a pound. He actually shed
tears, something I hud never thought
to witness. I was deeply moved.
He manifested" genuine concern for
my future advancement. This was
hard to resist, and went far to remove
the deep resentment I had harbored
against him for his ruthless remark
above alluded to, but I remained
obdurate, and told him that at srty
cost I would abide by my convictions
on free silver and all other subjects.
Thereupon he shut up like a jackknife,
became gruff and silent and
seemed much offended. It was most
embarrassing. He seemed estranged
ever afterwards. Once only after
this did he strive to sway me on an
A " :
other question as mentioned further
on.
For some years Tillman had been
advocating a new state constitution.
The one in existence had been framed
by the Carpetbaggers in 1868. He
jwas very urgent for a constitutional
provision to r curtail or exclude the
'negro vote, Which had been accomplished
since 1876 by various devices?
such as the Eight Box law, but mainly
by intimidation. It Md now also
become a great objeet with him to
incorporate' something in the constitution
to place the dispensary beyond
judicial nullification.
The legislative session of December,
1804, made the necessary provision
for a constitutional convention,
to be held in the summer following.
In that session a strong sentiment
developed among the Reform members,
of whom I was one, against putting
the dispensary in the constitution,
between whom and the Conservative
memberi there grew up an understanding
that they would unite in
a common cause of excluding the dispensary.
At the end of the session
a conference of those thus inclined
was held iu the office of the secretary
of state, who was heartily with
us. It was generally understood that
the Conservative leaders were with
us, as we had frequently interviewed
them and had been assured of their
co-operationv; The conference was enthusiastic.
The attendance filled the I
office and overflowed into the lobby.
There was no secrecy, the talk was
loud and open, and coqld be heard
far and near. The result of this zeal-1
ous meeting was that a rough draft
of a manifesto which was to be published
was framed, calling upon all
those opposed to the insertion of the
dispensary iu the constitution to send
representatives to a gathering in Columbia
March 27, 1895, for the purpose
ol organizing to secure delegates"
to the constitutional convention in
conformity with such views. There
were forty signatures to this paper,
on which there was no room for any
more. It was got up in the midst
-'a hubbub, at a late hour and the
paper was left with me to revise and
publish and to transmit copies to various
sympathizers throughout the
state. This I did to the best of my
ability. In the published notice, Tillman
was invited to attend the proposed
meeting of March 27, but no
invitation was sent to him personally.
As be was known to be utterly re
sentfui of the proceedings of "The
Forty," an invitation to him was
nothing short of mockery.
I Before, or shortly after the mani- 1
f^sto came out, it was published that
Tillman had called a conference of
the Conservatives, who met with him (
representing a majority of that fac- 1
tion, and together they formed a compact
entirely opposite to that of '
"The Forty." Among those who met
of their support. Tillman as it turn- i
ed out being still all powerful in the
state, completely demolished the 1
plans of "The Forty." The meeting 1
of March 27 held in Columbia, in re- <
sponse to their call, was lacking in
numbers and spirit, as all were awjp*e '
that they were beaten without the '
support of the Conservative element, i
the great majority of whom had
camped over with Tillman.
In the election for three delegates
to the constitutional convention T was
on the ticket approved by "The '
Forty." It was beaten by three for- ,
mer Conservatives, who came out
favor of incorporating "The best so-?"*
lution" in the constitution. Thus
old factional lines became practictflj?
obliterated. From that time fonm^H'J
a majority of the Conservatives'^^?
came adherents of Tillman, altho^^B]
a small minority of them never
forgive him or support him. Bors^l
of his original friends and intimat?
became deeply inimical to him, as H |
know, and among them I may nasB |
Buch as Shell, Irby, Norris, Farkj?
Talbert, McLaurin, ef al. It see*?1
that ,the action of "The Forty," whA? 1
to alt appearances was utterly futili?
did have one result, viz.: to dri?|
Tillman into combination with his ofl
foes, a process which 'steadily cor.?
binued and resulted in the election o?
several Conservatives in succession
as governors of the state at Till?
man's nod. ?
Ralph Evans, 19, was drowned in?
Broad river near Gaftney, Saturday?
afternoon while swimming with three?
companions. H
CITATION
State of South Carolina,
County of Kershaw.
By W. L. McDowell, Esquire, Probate
Judge.
Whereas, Sallie A. Ballard v made
suit to me to grant her Letters of
Adfninistration of the Estate of and
effects of Lewis Ballard.
These are, therefore, to cite and
admonish all and singular the kindred
und creditors of the said Lewis Balkird,
deceased, that they be and appear
before me, in the Court of Probate,
to be held at Camden, South
Carolina on Thursday, July 25, next
after publication thereof, at 11
o'clock in the forenoon, to show
cause, if any they have, why the said
Administration should not be grunted.
Given under my Hand, this 11th
day of July, Anno Domini 1929.
w. l. Mcdowell,
Judge of Probate for Kershaw County
Published on the 12th and l'Jth
days of July, 1929, in the Camden
Chronicle and posted at the Court
House door for the time prescribed
.by law.
P
FINAL piSpilAKGK.
Notice is hereby given that one
month from this date, on Monday,
August 12, 1929, I will make to the
Probate Judge of Kershaw County
my final return as Administrator of
the estate of Ellio N. Dibble, deceased,
and on the same date 1 will apply
to the said Judge for a final discharge
as said Administrator.
E. H. DIBBLE.
Camden, S. C., July 11, 1929.
CITATION.
The State of South Carolina,
County of Kershaw.
By W. L. McDowell, Esquire, Probate
Judge.
Whereas, Joanna Jones made suit
to me to grant her Letters of Administration
of the Estate of and effects
of ft. L. Jones.
These are, therefore, to cite and admonish
all and singular, the kindred
and creditors of the said R. L. Jones,
deceased, that they be and appear
before me, in the Court of Probate,
to be held at Camden, South Carolina,
on Monday, July 22nd, next, after
publication thereof, at 11 o'clock in
the forenoon, to show cause, if any
they have, why the snid Administrar-?
tion shopld not be granted.
Given under my Hand, this 8th day
of July, Anno Domini 1929.
w. l. Mcdowell,
Judge of Probate for Kershaw County
Published on the 12th and 19th
days of July, 1929, in the Camden
Chronicle, and posted at the Court
House door for the time prescribed
by law.
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