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/ 1 Page Ten THE CLINTON CHRONICLE :/' Thursday, August 8, 1957 REUTHER vs. the WORKINGMAN’S FREEDOM Bv'SENATOR BARRY (iOLDWATER, Republican, Arizona If ocgaruzod labor is tor survive.; it must, resolve the following ecu-'[ .cial dilemma (H The objective of labor or-j gafiizitionf;. as recognized in the; y Cld,vton .‘\ct of 1914, and in nu-, merous pieces of legislation since; that time, is collective bargaining and the attainment o f better hours and wages for the working men and women of America, (where these benefits have not al- peady been provided by enlight ened and employee - .conscious management) (2) 'On the Other hand,^certain leaders of labor bring to the bar gaining table, not only the re-enlist in the small- car army? READ THIS £ STARTLING FACT a • 5 out of 10 Smaller Cars wear a Pontiac Price Tag -yet none gives you Any of Pontiac’s Advantages PONTIAC GIVES YOU UP TO 8.9% MORE SOLID CAR PER DOLLAR. Not one of the smaller cars can give you the heavy-duty construction, the road-hugging heft and solid security of • America’s Number One Road Car! PONTIAC GIVES YOU 4 TO 7 INCHES MORE WHEELBASE. Here’s extra length where it counts—/ to bracket the bumps instead of riding them! And this extra length shows up inside, too, With plenty of stretch-out room for six-footers! „ a a PONTIAC’S PERFORMANCE TOPS THE BEST THE SMALL CARS CAN OFFER BY A WIDE MARGIN. “Your Pontiac dealer can give you a complete facts-and-figures comparison and an on-the-road test to prove that Pontiac performance stands head and shoulders above anything in the low-price field! AND PONTIAC HAS ALWAYS BEEN FAMOUS AS ONE Of 4 AMERICA’S TOP TRADE-INS! So why not look and feel like a million' —instead of a million others? T rading’s y v- Terrific RIGHT NOW! HOW I H y.« want Hi. wMmat. In W.Hi .c.nomy and .xtraardfatary p.rlaraMMK., naw Tri-E»wr Carbartlan It avaNaMa at axfra tort aa av.n Hi. lawart prk.d Pontiac modaltl Ift Aaiarka’t aawort yawar advanca and .xclutIv.ly Pantiac't at ta law a cattl SEE YOUR AUTHORIZED Pontiac k tfi. dup.itchw’s office ol a frwgKl yard in Podland, Ore. dwe i a tpecia) Vain board" (or lacording tbo arrival and departure o( a sea guR- name ol “Yard- master" For eleven years be usually bas arrived Oct 20, stays around eN winter and departs March 20 Cure lor nostalgia A Canadian railroad sent the whistle Ircm one ol ils steam locomotives as a gilt to the members ol the U S Air Force 57th fighter Squadron stationed in Iceland. A country club in St Louis has a railroad ol ils own ... standard gauge,too. It is 300 feet long and electrically propelled by cable hauls goffers up a steep hil from the 12th green to the 13th tee Equipment consists ol a converted handcar.,, capacity 8 passengers. J K * DEALER strength of their arguments, to which they are entitled, but the power of politics as well. That is ' the other horn of the dilemma. For example, Walter Reuther constantly cries out against big business and against the "monop oly” of big business. He decries j any effort other than his own to find pbliacial favor through pres sure upon the political parties of America. Yet, through the use of his almost limitless millions of dollars, and his likewise almost limitless manpower, he has prac- ' tically dominated . one politilal party/and, in my , opinion, has ceased to be a leader of labor, i He has become, instead, a leader ; of politics. * In the Senate of the United -States, the-^McClella>v--€omf»itee,j of whcih I happen to be a mem- j Per, is currently investigating al-! leged tie-ups between the leaders , of organized labor and racketeers and vice. With great piety Reu ther ha's called'for a cleanup in- | side labor. He has, by implica tion, condemned those leaders who have used union funds for their personal benefit. May I emphasize that it was the misuse of union funds which pro- ! duced these wails of anguish from j Reuther^ ,And may I suggest that the freedom of the individual and the safety of the individual are far more valuable than all of thej monies in all the union treasuries in all the world? In the single instance of the strike against Kohler in Wiscon sin, Reuther and the U.A.W. have done more damage and violence to freedom than was accomplish ed by all the peculiar financial transactions of Teamster Presi dent Beck. The strike against Kohler has been given only passing attention by the "liberal” press of our na tion. It is perhaps hardly news worthy because these same tactics of brutality and violence have been used so many times in the past. The strike has continued for three years. The union, under the direction of Reuther, and trhough his lieutenant, Emil -Ma- zey, has used etuCry. method ever employed to win a strike. It has used violence, it has brought in gbons to instill far. More than 700 acts of violence and vandal ism against non-strikers, includ ing brutal beatings, shotgun blasts into windows of homes, and dynamiting of homes nave been reported since the strike began. Ls this America?—where force and violence can be used with im punity to destroy the peace, to impose the will of one man upon a community or upon a manufac turing plant? 1 But Reuther, in his own way, also believeis in freedom. He and the officials of his union are quick to stand upon their rights as American citizens whenever and wherever their brutal tactics of absolute power have been ques tioned or criticized. Reuther also belives in "free dom” to spend the money collect ed from union membrs for po litical purposes at any level. Reu ther ignores the moral error in this practice while, at' the same time, speaking from every plat form about the moral rightness or wrongness of issues. I ask him, "What is morally right about spending the dues money of mem bers of one political faith to de feat candidates of that same faith?” There-- are- -other—•freedotxW. too, wich Reuther would stoutly defend : The freedom of Emil Mazey to openly a duly elected judge of the courts of the State of Wiscon sin; The freedom of Mazey to order a boycott on a grocery chain in order to do some injury to the judge who presided at that trial; The freedom of Jim McDevitt, co-chairman of the AFL-CIO’s "political education" committee, to appear at a banquet given in honor of-four convicted union leaders in Scrahton, Pennsylvan- ia; The freedom to use political force to obtain the ordinances which have been enacted to pen alize the sale of Kohler products in nine American communities. The freedom of his bully boy, William Paul Vinson, to assualt a 150-pound, peaceful non-striker and send him to the hospital for 22 days; The freedom to dispatch 400 un ion toughs to the town of Clin ton, a town with a population of only 1600; The freedom to use political power to prevent the extradition of a unionist who was accused of an assault on a non-striker and who fled to Michigan to escape prosecution. Indeed, Reuther speaks loudly in the name of freedom. He speaks out against* big business and the dangers of monopoly. But, he carefuly ignores the monopoly —and the power of that monopoly in politics—which he himself has created. For example, at the Democratic National Convention in 1956. there were over 200 dele gates who were not just rank and file union members, but who were actually leader? in the labor movement. Now, I don’t decry union mem bers or union officials being dele gates to National Conventions. In fact, the Republican Convention had over 60, who were rank and file members of the union move ment But when Reuther can dis patch over 200 delegates to a con- vntion, I suggest that that Ls the breeding of power of the worst kind. Walter Reuther would defend his freedom to instruct every paid employee of the UAW in Michi gan to get out and work for the Democrats—and to recruit hun dreds of additiona] workers and pay them with union funds. A force of 1580 men worked for an undisclosed number of days at a salary of $20 per day, plus $5 ex penses—which, by my calcula tions, totals $37,000 a day. These men were employed to impose and enforce Reuther’s political will upon the free voters ■ of Wayne County, Michigan. Some may doubt the far-reach ing effects of such concentrated political power. If so, let me quote a short sentence or two from the report of the Executive Council of the American Federa tion of Labor for the year 1953. This statement was made in con nection with the recommittal of a bill which would have amended, the Taft-Hartley act in certain re spects Among those amendments was one that I hud proposed which would give the states more power in settling labor disputes. Here is the long, strong arm of the union leaders, reaching into the Senate of the United States: We, therefore, permitted the debate to continue for a couple of days and then Senators “X” andi;i “Y” presented Fair Labor Prac-lji tice amendments. This, of course, * put the Southerners on the spot because they were obliged to op pose this and it also did the same for the Republicans who, as a party, are supposed to favor the proposal being added to a labor bill. We then made arrangements with Senator “Z” to offer the mo tion to recommit before any amendments were voted on, and as all factions were fearful and more or less confused, they voted to recommit the bill, 50-42. Reuther believes that it is per fectly all right for labor to flex its political muscles in the Senate of the United States; but he thinks, at the same'tTme,"that* itts wrong r for businessmen or procfesional men to do the same thing. I re gret that any group in America, whether it be labor or business, has the political power to go to the floor of the Senate and dis turb the normal operations of that body. I suggest that Walter Reuther’s present program of exploiting the labor union movement to create a machine for personal political power is an afront to freedom'and a challenge to every citizen in our nation. Now Ls the time for the working men of America to rise up against this cynical perversion of the union movement by certain labor leaders. < Now Ls the time for the working men and women of America to re affirm their faith in the freedom and integrity and importance of the individual. Now Ls the time for every citi- nounce and condemn those who the machinery of an all-powerfuJ seek to fashion machines of abso- organization. lute power. ' I suggest to Walter Reuther Now i? fhe time to reject and that he seriously and carefully renounce that collectivist philoso phy which regards man as too weak or too stupid to care for himself—and proposes that man can only meet his destiny through ponder the position in which he I suggest that he cannot be both at the same time, because if he tries to do this he most cer tainly will destroy the very house for which he speaks in such pas- finds himself. He can be a lead- s i an ate terms—the house of labor. er of labor ... or he can become Human Events, Copyright the leader of a political move ment. 1957 by Human Events, Inc. Your money grows...your community grows when your funds are working with us More than a million pairs of hands are at work building new homes. 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