The Clinton chronicle. (Clinton, S.C.) 1901-current, August 08, 1957, Image 10
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Page Ten
THE CLINTON CHRONICLE
:/'
Thursday, August 8, 1957
REUTHER vs. the
WORKINGMAN’S FREEDOM
Bv'SENATOR BARRY (iOLDWATER, Republican, Arizona
If ocgaruzod labor is tor survive.;
it must, resolve the following ecu-'[
.cial dilemma
(H The objective of labor or-j
gafiizitionf;. as recognized in the;
y Cld,vton .‘\ct of 1914, and in nu-,
merous pieces of legislation since;
that time, is collective bargaining
and the attainment o
f better
hours and wages for the working
men and women of America,
(where these benefits have not al-
peady been provided by enlight
ened and employee - .conscious
management)
(2) 'On the Other hand,^certain
leaders of labor bring to the bar
gaining table, not only the
re-enlist in
the small-
car army?
READ THIS
£
STARTLING FACT
a •
5 out of 10 Smaller Cars
wear a Pontiac Price Tag
-yet none gives you Any
of Pontiac’s Advantages
PONTIAC GIVES YOU UP TO 8.9%
MORE SOLID CAR PER DOLLAR.
Not one of the smaller cars can give you
the heavy-duty construction, the
road-hugging heft and solid security of •
America’s Number One Road Car!
PONTIAC GIVES YOU
4 TO 7 INCHES MORE WHEELBASE.
Here’s extra length where it counts—/
to bracket the bumps instead of riding
them! And this extra length shows up inside,
too, With plenty of stretch-out
room for six-footers! „
a
a
PONTIAC’S PERFORMANCE TOPS
THE BEST THE SMALL CARS CAN
OFFER BY A WIDE MARGIN.
“Your Pontiac dealer can give you a
complete facts-and-figures comparison
and an on-the-road test to prove that Pontiac
performance stands head and shoulders
above anything in the low-price field!
AND PONTIAC HAS ALWAYS
BEEN FAMOUS AS ONE Of 4
AMERICA’S TOP TRADE-INS!
So why not look and feel like a million'
—instead of a million others?
T rading’s
y
v-
Terrific
RIGHT NOW!
HOW I H y.« want Hi. wMmat. In W.Hi .c.nomy and .xtraardfatary
p.rlaraMMK., naw Tri-E»wr Carbartlan It avaNaMa at axfra
tort aa av.n Hi. lawart prk.d Pontiac modaltl Ift Aaiarka’t
aawort yawar advanca and .xclutIv.ly Pantiac't at ta law a cattl
SEE YOUR AUTHORIZED
Pontiac
k tfi. dup.itchw’s office ol a frwgKl yard in Podland,
Ore. dwe i a tpecia) Vain board" (or lacording tbo
arrival and departure o( a sea guR- name ol “Yard-
master" For eleven years be usually bas arrived Oct
20, stays around eN winter and departs March 20
Cure lor nostalgia A Canadian railroad
sent the whistle Ircm one ol ils steam
locomotives as a gilt to the members ol the
U S Air Force 57th fighter Squadron
stationed in Iceland.
A country club in St Louis has a railroad ol ils
own ... standard gauge,too. It is 300 feet long
and electrically propelled by cable hauls goffers
up a steep hil from the 12th green to the 13th tee
Equipment consists ol a converted handcar.,,
capacity 8 passengers. J
K *
DEALER
strength of their arguments, to
which they are entitled, but the
power of politics as well. That is
' the other horn of the dilemma.
For example, Walter Reuther
constantly cries out against big
business and against the "monop
oly” of big business. He decries
j any effort other than his own to
find pbliacial favor through pres
sure upon the political parties of
America. Yet, through the use of
his almost limitless millions of
dollars, and his likewise almost
limitless manpower, he has prac-
' tically dominated . one politilal
party/and, in my , opinion, has
ceased to be a leader of labor,
i He has become, instead, a leader
; of politics.
* In the Senate of the United
-States, the-^McClella>v--€omf»itee,j
of whcih I happen to be a mem- j
Per, is currently investigating al-!
leged tie-ups between the leaders
, of organized labor and racketeers
and vice. With great piety Reu
ther ha's called'for a cleanup in-
| side labor. He has, by implica
tion, condemned those leaders
who have used union funds for
their personal benefit.
May I emphasize that it was the
misuse of union funds which pro-
! duced these wails of anguish from
j Reuther^ ,And may I suggest that
the freedom of the individual and
the safety of the individual are
far more valuable than all of thej
monies in all the union treasuries
in all the world?
In the single instance of the
strike against Kohler in Wiscon
sin, Reuther and the U.A.W. have
done more damage and violence
to freedom than was accomplish
ed by all the peculiar financial
transactions of Teamster Presi
dent Beck.
The strike against Kohler has
been given only passing attention
by the "liberal” press of our na
tion. It is perhaps hardly news
worthy because these same tactics
of brutality and violence have
been used so many times in the
past. The strike has continued
for three years. The union, under
the direction of Reuther, and
trhough his lieutenant, Emil -Ma-
zey, has used etuCry. method ever
employed to win a strike. It has
used violence, it has brought in
gbons to instill far. More than
700 acts of violence and vandal
ism against non-strikers, includ
ing brutal beatings, shotgun
blasts into windows of homes, and
dynamiting of homes nave been
reported since the strike began.
Ls this America?—where force
and violence can be used with im
punity to destroy the peace, to
impose the will of one man upon
a community or upon a manufac
turing plant? 1
But Reuther, in his own way,
also believeis in freedom. He and
the officials of his union are quick
to stand upon their rights as
American citizens whenever and
wherever their brutal tactics of
absolute power have been ques
tioned or criticized.
Reuther also belives in "free
dom” to spend the money collect
ed from union membrs for po
litical purposes at any level. Reu
ther ignores the moral error in
this practice while, at' the same
time, speaking from every plat
form about the moral rightness or
wrongness of issues. I ask him,
"What is morally right about
spending the dues money of mem
bers of one political faith to de
feat candidates of that same
faith?”
There-- are- -other—•freedotxW.
too, wich Reuther would stoutly
defend :
The freedom of Emil Mazey to
openly a duly elected judge of
the courts of the State of Wiscon
sin;
The freedom of Mazey to order
a boycott on a grocery chain in
order to do some injury to the
judge who presided at that trial;
The freedom of Jim McDevitt,
co-chairman of the AFL-CIO’s
"political education" committee,
to appear at a banquet given in
honor of-four convicted union
leaders in Scrahton, Pennsylvan-
ia;
The freedom to use political
force to obtain the ordinances
which have been enacted to pen
alize the sale of Kohler products
in nine American communities.
The freedom of his bully boy,
William Paul Vinson, to assualt a
150-pound, peaceful non-striker
and send him to the hospital for
22 days;
The freedom to dispatch 400 un
ion toughs to the town of Clin
ton, a town with a population of
only 1600;
The freedom to use political
power to prevent the extradition
of a unionist who was accused of
an assault on a non-striker and
who fled to Michigan to escape
prosecution.
Indeed, Reuther speaks loudly
in the name of freedom. He
speaks out against* big business
and the dangers of monopoly. But,
he carefuly ignores the monopoly
—and the power of that monopoly
in politics—which he himself has
created. For example, at the
Democratic National Convention
in 1956. there were over 200 dele
gates who were not just rank and
file union members, but who were
actually leader? in the labor
movement.
Now, I don’t decry union mem
bers or union officials being dele
gates to National Conventions. In
fact, the Republican Convention
had over 60, who were rank and
file members of the union move
ment But when Reuther can dis
patch over 200 delegates to a con-
vntion, I suggest that that Ls the
breeding of power of the worst
kind.
Walter Reuther would defend
his freedom to instruct every paid
employee of the UAW in Michi
gan to get out and work for the
Democrats—and to recruit hun
dreds of additiona] workers and
pay them with union funds. A
force of 1580 men worked for an
undisclosed number of days at a
salary of $20 per day, plus $5 ex
penses—which, by my calcula
tions, totals $37,000 a day. These
men were employed to impose
and enforce Reuther’s political
will upon the free voters ■ of
Wayne County, Michigan.
Some may doubt the far-reach
ing effects of such concentrated
political power. If so, let me
quote a short sentence or two
from the report of the Executive
Council of the American Federa
tion of Labor for the year 1953.
This statement was made in con
nection with the recommittal of a
bill which would have amended,
the Taft-Hartley act in certain re
spects Among those amendments
was one that I hud proposed
which would give the states more
power in settling labor disputes.
Here is the long, strong arm of
the union leaders, reaching into
the Senate of the United States:
We, therefore, permitted the
debate to continue for a couple of
days and then Senators “X” andi;i
“Y” presented Fair Labor Prac-lji
tice amendments. This, of course, *
put the Southerners on the spot
because they were obliged to op
pose this and it also did the same
for the Republicans who, as a
party, are supposed to favor the
proposal being added to a labor
bill. We then made arrangements
with Senator “Z” to offer the mo
tion to recommit before any
amendments were voted on, and
as all factions were fearful and
more or less confused, they voted
to recommit the bill, 50-42.
Reuther believes that it is per
fectly all right for labor to flex its
political muscles in the Senate of
the United States; but he thinks,
at the same'tTme,"that* itts wrong r
for businessmen or procfesional
men to do the same thing. I re
gret that any group in America,
whether it be labor or business,
has the political power to go to
the floor of the Senate and dis
turb the normal operations of that
body.
I suggest that Walter Reuther’s
present program of exploiting the
labor union movement to create a
machine for personal political
power is an afront to freedom'and
a challenge to every citizen in our
nation.
Now Ls the time for the working
men of America to rise up against
this cynical perversion of the
union movement by certain labor
leaders. <
Now Ls the time for the working
men and women of America to re
affirm their faith in the freedom
and integrity and importance of
the individual.
Now Ls the time for every citi-
nounce and condemn those who the machinery of an all-powerfuJ
seek to fashion machines of abso- organization.
lute power. ' I suggest to Walter Reuther
Now i? fhe time to reject and that he seriously and carefully
renounce that collectivist philoso
phy which regards man as too
weak or too stupid to care for
himself—and proposes that man
can only meet his destiny through
ponder the position in which he
I suggest that he cannot be
both at the same time, because if
he tries to do this he most cer
tainly will destroy the very house
for which he speaks in such pas-
finds himself. He can be a lead- s i an ate terms—the house of labor.
er of labor ... or he can become Human Events, Copyright
the leader of a political move
ment.
1957 by Human Events, Inc.
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