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CONGRESS. In the I*, s. Senate, on Tuesday, August Gtii, the resolution uf Mr. Clemens, inquiring into the expediency of making Maj. (Jen. Scott Lieutenant and General of the United States Arm;*, with increased pay and emoluments, was taken up and passed. Tee bill for tlie admission of California was again taken up. M r. Txtrney moved to amend by striking it all out, and insert a bill providing that when California shall adopt a constitution in convention, making her Southern limits the line of 3l> 30, she shall be admitted info the Union by the proclamation of tiie President of the United States. ilut the discussion of this amendment was interrupted by the reception of the following Message of the President of the United States, on the Texas Boundary Question. To She Senate and 1 Inns'- nf Representatives: I herewith transmit to the two Houses of Congress, a letter from his Excellency the Governor of'I exas, dated on the 14th day of June Inst, addressed to the late President of the lT. States, which, not having been answered by Him, came into my hands on his de:.th: audi also transmit a copy of the answer which I have I felt it to be my duty to cause to be made to that communication. Congress will perceive tha^ the Governor of Texas officially states, that by authority of the Legislature of that State, he dispatched a special Commissioner, with full power and instructions to extend the civil jurisdiction of the State over the unorganised counties of El Paso, Worth, Presidio, and Santa Fe, situated on its tiftrttm-nsfnrn limits. / He proceeds to s;iv, tliat the Commissioner Lad reported to him, in an official form, that the military officers employed in the service of the United States, stationed at Santa Fe,interposed adversely, with the inhabitants, to the fulfilment of his object, it: favor of the establishment of a separate State government, east of the Rio Grande, and within the rightful limits of the State of Texas. These four counties which Texas proposes to establish and organise, as being within her own jurisdiction, extend over the whole of the territory east of the Rio Grande, which has, heretofore, been regarded as an essential and integral part of the Department of New Mexico, and actually governed and possessed by her people, until conquered and severed from the Republic of .Mexico, by the American arms, Tlie Legislature of Texas has been cauea together l?y the Governor, for the purpose, as it is understood, of maintaining her claim totheterritory east of the jtio Grande, and of establishing over it her own jurisdiction and her own laws, by force. These proceedings of Texas may well arrest the attention of all branches of the Government of the United States,and I rejoice that they occur while the Congress is yet in session. It is, I fear, far from being improbable that, in consequence of these proceedings of Texas, a cri sis may be brought on which shall summon the two Houses of Congress?and still more emphatically the Executive Government ?to an immediate readiness for the performance of their respective duties. By the Constitution of the United States, the President is constituted commander-in-chief of the army and navy, and of the militia of the several States, when called into the actual service of the United States. The Constitution declares, also, that he shall take care that lie shall, from time to time, give to the Congress information of the state of the Union. Congress has power, by the Constitution, to provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Union; and suitable and appropriate acts of Congress have been passed, as well for providing for calling forth the militia, us for placing other suitable and eilieient means in the hands of the President, to enable bitn to discharge the constitutional functions of iiis office. ? The second section of the act of the twentyeighth of February, seventeen hundred and ninety-live, declares, that whenever the laws of the United States shall bo opposed, or their cxccu.? tion obstructed, in any State, by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or the power ^.vested in tii Marshals, the President may call gorth the militia, so far as may be necessary, to juppress such combinations, and to cause the aws to be did . executed. lty the act of .March 3, 1807, it is provided that i:i all eases of obstruction to the laws, either of the United States or any individual State or Territory, where it is law ful for the President to call forth the militia for the purpose of caus-* ?in?r tin- to be duly executed, it shall be lawful iorliTui ti11 ,n?loy, f'Vr t'lirn |m rjnine , such part of the land or naval force of the U. Staffs as shall be judged necessary. These several enactments are now in full force, so that if the laws of the United States are opposed or obstructed, in any State or Ter ritory, by conibi nations too powerful to be suppressed by the judicial or civil authorities, it becomes a case in which it is the duty of the President, either to call out the militia or to employ the military and naval force of the United States, or to do hoth, if in his judgment the exigency of the occasion shall so require, for the purpose of suppressing; such combination. The constitutional duty of the President is plain and peremptory ; and the authority vested in him by law, for its performance, clear and ample. Texas is a State authorized to maintain her own laws, so far as they are not repugnant to the Constitution, laws and treaties of the United States; to suppress insurrections against her authority, and to punish those who may nntnmii f r*f?*t efkii 'itruiitct tlui ^ f- i # <? 'U'fnriliiitr f/k the forms provided by her own constitution and her own laws. But all this power is local and confined entirely within the limits of Texas herself. She can possibly confer no authority which can be lawfully exercised beyond her own boundaries. All this is plain, and hardly needs argument or elucidation. If Texan militia, therefore, march into any one of the other States, or into any territory of the United States, there to execute or enforce any law of Texas, they become at that moment tresspassers; they are no longer under the protection ot any lawful au thoiity, and are to be regarded merely as intru ders; and if within such State or Teirito y they obstruct any law of the United States, cither bv power of arms or mere power of numbers, constituting such a combination as is too powerful to be suppressed by the civil authority, the President of the United States has no option left to him, but is bound to obey the solemn injunction of the Constitution, and exercise the high power vested in himby that instrument and by the Acts of Congress. Or, if any civil posse, armed or unarmed, enter into any Tenitory of the United States, under the protection of the laws thereof, with iuti'iit. to seize individuals to be carried elsewhere I'.?r trial for alleged offence.-, and this ]i>;sr. be too powerful to be resisted by the local and civd authorities, such seizure or attempt to seize is to Ik- prevented or resisted by the authority of the t ailed States. Tiie grave and important question now arises, whether there be in the Territory of New Mexico any existing law of the United States, opposition to which, or the obstruction of which, I would constitute a case calling for the interpoj sition of the authority vested in the President. The Constitution of the United .States declares that "this Constitution and the laws of the United Stales, which shall he made in pursuance thereof, and all the treaties made, or which shall be made under the authority of the United States, shall he the supreme law of the land.'" If, therefore, New Mexico be a Territory of the United States, and if any treaty stipulation be in force therein, such treaty stipulation is the supreme law of the land, and is to be maintained and upheld accordingly. in the letter to the Governor of Texas, my reasons are iriven for believing that New Mexi co is now :i Territory of the United States, with the same extent and the same boundaries which belonged to it, while in the actual possession of the Republic of Mexico, and before the late war. ' In the early part of that war, both California and New .Mexico were conquered by the arms of the United States, and were in the military possession of the United States at the date of the treaty of peace. 15v that treaty the title by conquest was continued, and these territories, provinces or departments, separated from Mexico forever: and by the same treaty certain important rights and securities were solemnly guarantied to the inhabitants residing therein. Uy the fifth article of the treaty it is declared that "The boundary line between the two Republics shall commence in the Gulf of Mexico, three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of the Rio Grande, otherwise called the Rio Hmvo Del Norte, or opposite the month of its deepest branch, emptying directly into the sea; from thence up the middle of that river, following its deepest channel where it lias more than one, to the point where it strikes the Southern boundary of New Mexico; thence westwanlly along the whole southern boundary of New .Mexico (which runs north of the town called Paso,) to its western termination; thence northward along the western line of New Mexico, until it intersects the first branch of the river Gila, (or if it should not intersect any branch of that river, then to the point on said lino nearest to such branch, and thence in a direct line to the same;) thence down the middle of the said branch and of the said river, until it empties into the Rio Colorado; thence across the Rio Colorado, following the division line between Upper and Lower California to the Pacific ocean. The eighth article of the treaty is in the fol lowing words: "Mexicans now established in Territories previously belonging to Mexico, and which remain for the future within the limits ol die U. States, as dcGncd by the present treaty, shall be free to continue where they now reside, or to remove at any time to the Mexican Republic, retaining the property which they possess in the said Territories, or disposing thereof, and removing the proceeds wherever they please, without their being subjected on this account, to any contribution, tax, or charge whatever. . "Those who shall prefer to remain in the said Territories may either retain the title and rights of .Mexican citizens, or acquire those ol citizens of the United States. Rut they shall be under obligation to make their election within one year from the date of the exchange ol ratiJicatioiis of this treaty; and those who shall ivMiuiiii in the s:iiil 'IVrriNirii'S lifter tlifi i>Yiiir.'i. tion of that year, without having declared their intention to retain the character of .Mexicans, shall be considered to have elected to become citizens of the United States. "In the said Territories, property of every kind, now belonging to Mexicans not cstablishcd there, shall be inviulabl>' respected. The present owners, the heirs of these, and all Mexicans who may hereafter acquire said property by contract, shall enjoy, with respect to it, guaranties equally ample as if the same belonged to citizens of the United Slates." The ninth article of the treaty is in these words: "The Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid, shall not preserve the character of citizens of the Mexican Republic, conformably to what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be incorporated into the Union of the U. Stales, and be admitted at the proper time (to be judged of by the Congress of the United States,) to the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the United States, according to the principles of the Constitution; and in the meantime shall he maintained and protected in the free enjoyment their liberty ami property, and secured in the free exercise of their religion, without restriction." It is plain, therefore, on the face of all these treaty stipulations, that all Mexicans established in territories north or east of the line of demarcation already mentioned come within the protection of the ninth article; and that the treaty, being a part of the supreme law of the land, does extend over all such Mexicans, and assures to them perfect security and the free enjoyment of their liberty ami property, as well as in the free exercise of their religion; and this supremo law of the land being thus in actual force over this territory, is to be maintained until it shall he displaced or superceded by other legal provisions; and if it be obstructed or restricted by combinations too powerful to be ] II I I I I I I ? suppressed by the civil authority, the case is one which comes within the provisions of the law, which obliges the President to enforce these provisions Neither the constitution nor the laws, nor my duty, nor my oath of office, leaves me any alternative, or any choice in iny mode of action. The Executive Government of the U. States has no power or authority to determine what was the true line of boundary between Mexico and the United States before the treaty of Guadaloupu Ilidalgo, nor has it any such power now, since question has become a question bt tweeu the State of Texas and the U. States. So far as this boundary is doubtful, that doubt can only be removed by some act of Congress, to which the assent of the State of Texas may be necessary, or bv sonic appropriate mode of t i < ! ' .* t._.i ... ... . ? A!? :< ,1:, legal nui in me im-auuiiie, n uiaturbances or collisions arise, or should be threatened, it is absolutely incumbent on the Executive Government, however painful the duty, to take care that the laws be faithfully fnuinlukted; and he can regard only the state of things as it existed at the date of the treaty, and is hound to protect all inhabitants who were then established, and who now remain north and east of the lino of demarkntion, in the full enjoyment oi' their liberty mid property according to the provisions of the ninth article of-the treaty: in other words, all must now be regarded as New Mexico,, which was possessed and occupied as New Mexico by citizens of Mexico at the date of the said treaty, until a definite boundary line shall be established by competent authority. This assertion of duty to protect the citizens of New Mexico from threatened violence, or from seizure, to be carried into Texas for trial for alledgcd offences against Texan laws, does not at ail include any claim A - * I- ? - L "'' f r\ /!?< nK | id power u;i mo pun <m iuu D.\auuiv w lisii any civil or military government within tliat territory. That j>oicpr belongs exclusively to the legislative department, and Congress is the sole judge of tiie time and manner ul ereating or authorizing any such government. The duty of the Executive exteiidsonly to the execution oflawsand the maintenance of treaties actually in force, and the protection of all the people of the United 8bites in the enjoyment of the rights which those treaties and laws guarantee. It is exceedingly desirable that no occasion should arise for tl?e exercise of the powers thus vested in the President by the Constitution and the laws. With whatever mildness those powers might be executed, or however clear the case.of necessity, yet consequences might nevertheless follow, of which no human sagacity can foresee either the evils or the end. Having thus laid before Congress the communication ?.<f Ilia Excellency the Governor of'i'exi as, and the answer thereto, and having made ' nli-im-viitinn ns fhave thou edit the occasion called for respecting constitutional obligations which may aiise in tliefurthcr progress of things, and may devolve on me to be performed,! hope I shall not be regarded as stepping aside from the line of iny duty,notwithstanding that I am aware that the subject is now before both Houses, if 1 express my deep and earnest conviction of the importance of an immediate decision or arrangement, or settlement of the question of boundary between Texas and New Mexico.? All considerations of justice, general expedion! cy, and domestic quiet call lor this. It seems i to be, in its character and by position, the first, 1 or one of the first, of the questions growing out of the acquisition of California and New Mexico, and now r 'quiring decision. No government can bo established for New Mexico, either State or Territory, until it shall be first ascertai :d what New Mexico is, and what are her limits and boundaries. Those cannot l>c lixetl or known, till the line oi uivission between her and Texas shall be ascertained and established?and numerous and weigli; ty reasons conspire, in my judgment, to show that tins divisional line should lie established ' by Congress with the assent of the government of Texas. In the first place, this seems by far ! the most prompt mode of proceeding, by which ! the end can b? accomplished. If judicial proj ceedings were resorted to, such proceedings ; would necessarily be slow, and years would I pass by, in ail proabilitv, before the controvcr\ sv could be ended, So great a delay in tliis case, is to be avoided if possible. Such delay 1 would be in every way inconvenient, and might be the occasion of disturbances and collisions. .1 For the same reason, 1 would, with the utmost deference to the wisdom of Congress, express ' | a doubt of the expediency of the appointment of i commissioners, and ol an examination, estimate and an award of indemnity to be made by them. This would be hut a species of arbitration that might last as long as a suit at law. So far as 1 am ablo to comprehend the case, the general facts are now ail well known, and Congress is as capable of deciding on it, justly and properly now, as it probably would be after the report of Commissioners. If the claim of title on the part of Texas appears to Con.....II I'.......I,./I It. ...hr.1.1 ..." in imrf if i< I gJV-oo tvy ??vu luuiiuuuj m ??nwiv vi |'??? ?> ? in the competency of Congress to offer her an indemnity for the surrender of that claim. In a case like this, surrounded as it is, hy ma?y cogent considerations all calling for arnica! hie adjustment and immediate settlement, the Government of the United States would be justified, in my opinion, in allowing an indem: nity to Texas, not unreasonable and extrava' gunt, but fair, lilieral and awarded in a just : spirit of accommodation. I think no event would he hailed with more gratification by the people of the United States, than the amicable adjustment of questions of dillieulty, which have, for a longtime, agitated the country, and occupied, to the exclusion of other subjects, the time and attention of Congress. Having thus freely cotnmnicated the results of my own reflection, on the most advisable mode of*adjusting the boundary question, 1 shall nevertheless, cheerfully acquiesce in any other mode which the wisdom of Congress may devise. And, in conclusion, I repeat my conviction, that every consideration of the public interest, manifests the necessity of a provision by Congress for the settlement of this baundary question, before the present session be brought to a close. The settlement of other question, counected.with the samo subject, within the same period, is greatly to be desired, but tho adjust ment of this appears, to me, to be in the highest degree important. In the train of such an adjustment, we may well hope that there wHl follow a return of harmony and good will, an increased attachment to the Union, and the general satisfaction of the country. MILLARD FlLMORE. Washington, August G, 1850. The California bill was resumed. The amendment of Mr. Turney was rejected, yeas *25. nays 32. Mr. Foote submitted an amendment, giving the assent of the United States to a division of California, by the line of 30 30, but after debate withdrew it. Mr- Sour,U' submitted as a substitute for the bill, one in forty sections, providing n territorial government for California, and addressed the Senate in support of his views. Washington, August 8,1850. Mr. Cooper presented a Targe number of petitions praying a modification of the tariff of 1846. Mr. Underwood continued the speech commenced yesterday. He examined the question of title on the part of Texas, and denied that she had the least shadow of title, and there was nothing for which she was to ho paid. Ho denied, also, the obligation on the part of the United States to pay the debt of Texas for which her revenues were pledged. He opposed the bill because of the amount proposed to be paid, and because of the boundaries laid down., Mr. Ewiug proposed an amendment, chang j ing (lie boundaries of Texas, making them nearly what was proposed by the omnibus bill?the difference being against Texas. He then moved (it being alter three o'clock) to postpone the bill till to-morrow, with a view of taking up the California bill. After a debate, the Senate refused to postpone the bill by the following vote: Yeas 18, nays 3*2. Mr. Ewing then addressed the Senate in support of his amendment, giving way to frequent questions. Mr. ilaio said that as regards the people in the territory, lie saw but little difference as regards the obligation to give them a government, whether they were assigned to Texas or to New Mexico. Mr. Cooper supported the amendment. He would vote for the bill if it were adopted, but he would not say that lie would vote against it if the amendment were rejected. -- ? I . IT Mr. iiatlger approved tuo amendment. ne had uo faith in tiie title of Texas, but others had, and Texas would bo supported in the maintenance of that title. He would notrhesitatc to vote for any thing to avert a civil war. Any settlement would be cheap if the shedding of American blood by American arms was prevented. Mr. Pearco followed in explanation of the boundaries of his bill, and said that it was not a bill to define the strict legal title of the parties, but i<? prevent a conflict between the United States and Texas, lie had no fear for the result of the conflict, but he dreaded the consequences which would follow such a conflict to the perpetuity of the Union; Mr. Cooper followed, in reply to some portions of the remarks of Mr. Pearce, and said that he would vote for the hill, whether the amendment was adopted or not. He appealed to the Senator from Ohio to do so also. The question being taken the amendment was rejected: yeas 21?nays 28. Mr. Dayton moved to amend the hill by providing'that the public lands in Texas shall he released to the United States, the public lands left, to revert to Texas. Los3?yeas 17; nays 31. Mr. Baldwin submitted somejjverbal amendments, which were argued. w;.moved to make the bounda l ies of Texas those proposed by Mr. Benton as as an amendment to the omnibus. Tho question is now pending. The Senate adjourned. CAMDEN. S. C. TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 13,1850. W.m. C. Caston, Esq. is General Agent for the Journal. . ??7" We call attention to the Eulngy on Gen. Foote, in another column. The article was written for the Southern Press; we have, from circumstances, been induced to insert it here also. # The President's Message. We give this document to our readers to-day. Tt is the strongest Federal pacer ever issued in the United States. He has drawn the sword, and with it writes his coercive threats. He remembers to forget that the South cannot be coerced. Pearce's BilL It will be seen by reference to our telegraphic summary that this Bill, (which we gave to our readers last week,) lias passed the Senate, 30 to 120. Texan SenatorsJn the affirmative; South Carolina in llie negative. It is an assempftou on 1 lie part of the government, that Texas will sell her Territory. The bill is not a low iinlp&s by the consent of Texas. Tliaf, we presume, will not bo given. Let free soil never come an inch south of 30 30. Teachers' Convention. We omitted at the proper time to acknowledge the receipt of a copy of the proceedings of this body, published in pamphlet form, from the Secretary, Jas. II. Carlisle, Esq. i Senator Foote. The late attack of Senator Foote in the Senate on Cols. Gregg and C lies nut, marks the man?not the Senator. His scurrillous and school-boy at 1 - o ii.n San.iti> chamber? lacK auu puns, uicgiucu I while his attack upon and calling the names of absent gentlemen, degrade the Senator, But write the glaring and traitorious inconsistency of Senator Foote, and you have a page so black that de? mon would blusji to read its contents. Tho expectations and trusts?the confidence and rights of a noble and gallant Stato, all, all betrayed?and that by an ungrateful adopted son, "He that h uugrataful has a single fault AH others juw for vlrtue? in him." f v. A 4# * ; '"***' He writhes under the tac't, thaf, in tHe latter gen' tleman's speech, he is classed tvifoto? Benton?' the man, as he says, "whom South Caroftnehatei* worse than all others either living or dead." Ydoquite mistake, Senator Foote,' we assure yoii?1 there are men Whom South Carolina hates infinite-ly worse than Mr. Benton?and in. that category we have the pleasure to inform yod ^ceurs thev name ofH. S. Foote. He who would mask an' abyss and unknown to theSpnth hnrll^.rjntoit,' isinori her enemy than he who would lead her" into it boldly. i\) the former class belong all who favored the Omnibus Bill. We .havpjta&rii your "thundering rhetoric" in the Senate Ottlri her, and know how highly those who knrnr. yptrappreciate it. And often in-1he 'galleries have Ee^rd' the remark, when you were speaking, "renMproer* the old adage, the less a bottle has in noise it makes in pouring il out." Depend XIport if you may pass through tlje ?Id PahtmtioState, a#: you suppose, with more safety than Mr. Benton, As I know of no man who has lost'^ds^Itrpsjii^l so far as to hangyou, while some might be ijudncw to lynchify the majisterial Missourian, ; . _ ' i [Baptist Publication Society. We have received the Third Annual RepOrtrdf the Southern Baptist Publication Society, withtfcd Proceedings of the meeting held in Charleston-which should have received an .earliear^ liotiee. We return thanks to our friends for thffir' favors* > and earnestly hope for a continuance. WeTewrf from the Report that the Society is in a flourishing condition, and must result in much good. The publications issued during the year have not been extensive. 'The Way of Salvation," by Rev. R. B. C. II ,> ell, D. D., and "A Decisive Argument' against Infant Baptism, furnished by one ofits own; Texts," by J. L. Dagg, D. D., constitute the nuin ber. " The .Baptist rsaimoay, a eeiepuou ioi Hymns for the worship of God, designed as * standard Hymn Book for the South f byB. Matt* ly, D, D., and B. Manly, jr:, is in progeess of publication. Their Colportpur has sold and djstribu-ted ninety two Bibles and Test' i^ents, besides numerous volumes and Tracts Sic. This interestingand efficient department of christian enterprise* will 110 doubt, in future be more extensjvely cultivated, as the means of the Society are increased. The Board of Managers appeal to the Church op to lurnisn tnem tne means xor eniargea ana systematic effort, especially in the employment of Colportage. "The fields are white unto the barvest." This appeal, it is to be hoped, will not be made in vain to Southern christians. . * V Candidates. * This seems to be the age of Candidates. Io our last we published an article from the Charleston Mercury where it was stated that in Barnwell there were seventy one Candidates for different offices in that Distriet We notice in the Edgefield Advertiser the names offorty-nine. Candidates announced for that district to wit: for Congress, one ; <*or State Senate, four; for House of Representatives, lourteen; for Tax Collector, thirteen; for Sheriff, eight; for Ordinajyf five; for Clerk, * four; this we tliink a large^ed number, particularly as all of them, no <^Gbt, are certain of being elected. One sdvajjlige there may berth1 this ft*? rangement, the n^p!e can fapre nojust caute Of complaint foiyrcint of quantum thtjfictf.' L/Fot the Daily Southern Pre*. Grnslemkn: I will ask a small spate in your columns thar 1 may take a brief .notice of Senator Foote, who has seen fit^.indutge.b'8,taste,before a Senatorial audience, in a course of very flippant and scurillous remarks, which I seereported in the '-Union" of the 4th ofAo^s4?/copy of which a neighbor ha3 just placed iumy bands.. It is a very easy thing for anyone wnn ie-sufficiently regardless of truth and decency,-to deal in harsh words and vulgtrr:eptthetp. I erttertain too ninth respect lor mypelf, as woUns'fdr those friends whose good,opinion I value, ttf'become the imitator of Mr. Foote. The Court at -Washington,, it appears, has its jester, as wfll as'fhe Courts and;pripVs in past times had theirs,when chosen cu'diionesvereinade merry, by the liou^Ht'wit or buffoonery of the collariiien. 3Ir. Foote, in" his way,'seems to be M a fellow ofrnfinite jest," and I doubt not that his harhquin performances will secure" for him in a certain quarter, a comfortable allowance, whet) a wronged, and. indifeuaut State'shall cast him from I her uusuiii. Tlii* Senator froru Mississippi has a fleeted great indignation at the slight mention I.had occasion to make of him before Na public meeting at'Camden. Tij is, he makes the pretext for'the outpouring oftliat sort o.'slang, which one would fein.hope, and f believe, was ui&nown m the Senate before he graced that body with';his presence; The gravamen of my offence- seems to be that Ihad the teincriiy to link the time-honored, eaphonoous and suggrxiize namejpf Poote to that of Mr. Benton. If the Senator from Missouri^or his friends, had thought at ail of remarks made hy a herbon'SO Inconsiderable as myself, I doubrnot that both he and they, would hare been quite a* wiiathfiil as the little Senator from SliBsihEHppi, it the-association in which he is found. My attention Was attracted to the Senator not for any wisdom he uttered; butbecausehewas the mover of the committee of 1 ikA ^Anato eternal chatterer ana ucior u? c^onw... vuv yvotuiw ?because he had recently made'hiinsell-very busy hi conjunction with his UQexpqcted aUy^iblackballing citizens ot the South by imputing to them ' treason, stratagem and sjWiw"?tecarase I perceived that :he lion roar, which ho had indulged, in the early part oftho' ses?ion*tfe as a southenv'flag bearer had dwindled down into the smallest possible squeak. In alluding to some of the causes which placed the South iu her present attitude of hopeless de-. fence in Congress, I mentioned . the defection of | Senator Foote and others.from ih? southern pha^ lan.w And did he not desert his southern friends and allies in the fery hottest oftho fightf Did he not desSrtthera, when with ?ih eagerhastst, impelled by a ridiculous vanity he becamh'the assailant of Air. Calhoun at the reading of his last speech in the (Senate 1 That was a critical moment i for up to that time the friends of the South in the Senate preseuted au almost unbroken front. They stood clearly on tlie vantage ground. This .movement* made under the absurd idea that he would be held responsible for the philosophical opinions express-, ed by Mr. Culhoun, and wnichit is clear Mr. Foote did not understand, produced evidently a disas* -- ? ?in ,__j trous effect, Air. iwote wouia ob a ieuu?r ?iuwut any of the requisite qualities. He is excellent in his place. I Know of no one who can better bad, ger and worry the greater men of the Senate, by an incessant and distracting litfle tempest of files and fury. He is great to draw the fire of the larger