The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, August 13, 1850, Image 2
CONGRESS.
In the I*, s. Senate, on Tuesday, August Gtii,
the resolution uf Mr. Clemens, inquiring into
the expediency of making Maj. (Jen. Scott
Lieutenant and General of the United States
Arm;*, with increased pay and emoluments,
was taken up and passed.
Tee bill for tlie admission of California was
again taken up.
M r. Txtrney moved to amend by striking it
all out, and insert a bill providing that when
California shall adopt a constitution in convention,
making her Southern limits the line of 3l>
30, she shall be admitted info the Union by the
proclamation of tiie President of the United
States.
ilut the discussion of this amendment was
interrupted by the reception of the following
Message of the President of the United States,
on the Texas Boundary Question.
To She Senate and 1 Inns'- nf Representatives:
I herewith transmit to the two Houses of
Congress, a letter from his Excellency the Governor
of'I exas, dated on the 14th day of June
Inst, addressed to the late President of the lT.
States, which, not having been answered by
Him, came into my hands on his de:.th: audi
also transmit a copy of the answer which I have I
felt it to be my duty to cause to be made to
that communication.
Congress will perceive tha^ the Governor of
Texas officially states, that by authority of the
Legislature of that State, he dispatched a special
Commissioner, with full power and instructions
to extend the civil jurisdiction of the State
over the unorganised counties of El Paso,
Worth, Presidio, and Santa Fe, situated on its
tiftrttm-nsfnrn limits. /
He proceeds to s;iv, tliat the Commissioner
Lad reported to him, in an official form, that the
military officers employed in the service of the
United States, stationed at Santa Fe,interposed
adversely, with the inhabitants, to the fulfilment
of his object, it: favor of the establishment of a
separate State government, east of the Rio
Grande, and within the rightful limits of the
State of Texas. These four counties which
Texas proposes to establish and organise, as being
within her own jurisdiction, extend over the
whole of the territory east of the Rio Grande,
which has, heretofore, been regarded as an essential
and integral part of the Department of
New Mexico, and actually governed and possessed
by her people, until conquered and severed
from the Republic of .Mexico, by the American
arms,
Tlie Legislature of Texas has been cauea together
l?y the Governor, for the purpose, as it is
understood, of maintaining her claim totheterritory
east of the jtio Grande, and of establishing
over it her own jurisdiction and her own
laws, by force.
These proceedings of Texas may well arrest
the attention of all branches of the Government
of the United States,and I rejoice that they occur
while the Congress is yet in session. It is,
I fear, far from being improbable that, in consequence
of these proceedings of Texas, a cri
sis may be brought on which shall summon the
two Houses of Congress?and still more emphatically
the Executive Government ?to an
immediate readiness for the performance of
their respective duties.
By the Constitution of the United States, the
President is constituted commander-in-chief of
the army and navy, and of the militia of the several
States, when called into the actual service
of the United States. The Constitution declares,
also, that he shall take care that lie shall,
from time to time, give to the Congress information
of the state of the Union.
Congress has power, by the Constitution, to
provide for calling forth the militia to execute
the laws of the Union; and suitable and appropriate
acts of Congress have been passed, as
well for providing for calling forth the militia,
us for placing other suitable and eilieient means
in the hands of the President, to enable bitn to
discharge the constitutional functions of iiis office.
? The second section of the act of the twentyeighth
of February, seventeen hundred and ninety-live,
declares, that whenever the laws of the
United States shall bo opposed, or their cxccu.?
tion obstructed, in any State, by combinations
too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary
course of judicial proceedings, or the power
^.vested in tii Marshals, the President may call
gorth the militia, so far as may be necessary, to
juppress such combinations, and to cause the
aws to be did . executed.
lty the act of .March 3, 1807, it is provided
that i:i all eases of obstruction to the laws, either
of the United States or any individual State
or Territory, where it is law ful for the President
to call forth the militia for the purpose of caus-*
?in?r tin- to be duly executed, it shall be
lawful iorliTui ti11 ,n?loy, f'Vr t'lirn |m rjnine ,
such part of the land or naval force of the U.
Staffs as shall be judged necessary.
These several enactments are now in full
force, so that if the laws of the United States
are opposed or obstructed, in any State or Ter
ritory, by conibi nations too powerful to be suppressed
by the judicial or civil authorities, it becomes
a case in which it is the duty of the President,
either to call out the militia or to employ
the military and naval force of the United
States, or to do hoth, if in his judgment the exigency
of the occasion shall so require, for the
purpose of suppressing; such combination.
The constitutional duty of the President is
plain and peremptory ; and the authority vested
in him by law, for its performance, clear and
ample.
Texas is a State authorized to maintain her
own laws, so far as they are not repugnant to
the Constitution, laws and treaties of the United
States; to suppress insurrections against
her authority, and to punish those who may
nntnmii f r*f?*t efkii 'itruiitct tlui ^ f- i # <? 'U'fnriliiitr f/k
the forms provided by her own constitution and
her own laws.
But all this power is local and confined entirely
within the limits of Texas herself. She
can possibly confer no authority which can be
lawfully exercised beyond her own boundaries.
All this is plain, and hardly needs argument
or elucidation. If Texan militia, therefore,
march into any one of the other States, or into
any territory of the United States, there to execute
or enforce any law of Texas, they become
at that moment tresspassers; they are no
longer under the protection ot any lawful au
thoiity, and are to be regarded merely as intru
ders; and if within such State or Teirito y
they obstruct any law of the United States, cither
bv power of arms or mere power of numbers,
constituting such a combination as is too
powerful to be suppressed by the civil authority,
the President of the United States has no
option left to him, but is bound to obey the solemn
injunction of the Constitution, and exercise
the high power vested in himby that instrument
and by the Acts of Congress.
Or, if any civil posse, armed or unarmed, enter
into any Tenitory of the United States, under
the protection of the laws thereof, with iuti'iit.
to seize individuals to be carried elsewhere
I'.?r trial for alleged offence.-, and this ]i>;sr. be
too powerful to be resisted by the local and civd
authorities, such seizure or attempt to seize is
to Ik- prevented or resisted by the authority of
the t ailed States.
Tiie grave and important question now arises,
whether there be in the Territory of New Mexico
any existing law of the United States, opposition
to which, or the obstruction of which,
I would constitute a case calling for the interpoj
sition of the authority vested in the President.
The Constitution of the United .States declares
that "this Constitution and the laws of
the United Stales, which shall he made in pursuance
thereof, and all the treaties made, or
which shall be made under the authority of the
United States, shall he the supreme law of the
land.'" If, therefore, New Mexico be a Territory
of the United States, and if any treaty stipulation
be in force therein, such treaty stipulation
is the supreme law of the land, and is to
be maintained and upheld accordingly.
in the letter to the Governor of Texas, my
reasons are iriven for believing that New Mexi
co is now :i Territory of the United States,
with the same extent and the same boundaries
which belonged to it, while in the actual possession
of the Republic of Mexico, and before
the late war. ' In the early part of that war,
both California and New .Mexico were conquered
by the arms of the United States, and were
in the military possession of the United States
at the date of the treaty of peace.
15v that treaty the title by conquest was continued,
and these territories, provinces or departments,
separated from Mexico forever: and
by the same treaty certain important rights and
securities were solemnly guarantied to the inhabitants
residing therein.
Uy the fifth article of the treaty it is declared
that
"The boundary line between the two Republics
shall commence in the Gulf of Mexico,
three leagues from land, opposite the mouth of
the Rio Grande, otherwise called the Rio Hmvo
Del Norte, or opposite the month of its
deepest branch, emptying directly into the sea;
from thence up the middle of that river, following
its deepest channel where it lias more than
one, to the point where it strikes the Southern
boundary of New Mexico; thence westwanlly
along the whole southern boundary of New
.Mexico (which runs north of the town called
Paso,) to its western termination; thence northward
along the western line of New Mexico,
until it intersects the first branch of the river
Gila, (or if it should not intersect any branch
of that river, then to the point on said lino nearest
to such branch, and thence in a direct line
to the same;) thence down the middle of the
said branch and of the said river, until it empties
into the Rio Colorado; thence across the
Rio Colorado, following the division line between
Upper and Lower California to the Pacific
ocean.
The eighth article of the treaty is in the fol
lowing words:
"Mexicans now established in Territories previously
belonging to Mexico, and which remain
for the future within the limits ol die U. States,
as dcGncd by the present treaty, shall be free
to continue where they now reside, or to remove
at any time to the Mexican Republic, retaining
the property which they possess in the
said Territories, or disposing thereof, and removing
the proceeds wherever they please,
without their being subjected on this account,
to any contribution, tax, or charge whatever.
. "Those who shall prefer to remain in the
said Territories may either retain the title and
rights of .Mexican citizens, or acquire those ol
citizens of the United States. Rut they shall
be under obligation to make their election within
one year from the date of the exchange ol
ratiJicatioiis of this treaty; and those who shall
ivMiuiiii in the s:iiil 'IVrriNirii'S lifter tlifi i>Yiiir.'i.
tion of that year, without having declared their
intention to retain the character of .Mexicans,
shall be considered to have elected to become
citizens of the United States.
"In the said Territories, property of every
kind, now belonging to Mexicans not cstablishcd
there, shall be inviulabl>' respected. The
present owners, the heirs of these, and all Mexicans
who may hereafter acquire said property
by contract, shall enjoy, with respect to it,
guaranties equally ample as if the same belonged
to citizens of the United Slates."
The ninth article of the treaty is in these
words:
"The Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid,
shall not preserve the character of citizens
of the Mexican Republic, conformably to what
is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be
incorporated into the Union of the U. Stales,
and be admitted at the proper time (to be judged
of by the Congress of the United States,) to
the enjoyment of all the rights of citizens of the
United States, according to the principles of
the Constitution; and in the meantime shall he
maintained and protected in the free enjoyment
their liberty ami property, and secured in the
free exercise of their religion, without restriction."
It is plain, therefore, on the face of all these
treaty stipulations, that all Mexicans established
in territories north or east of the line of demarcation
already mentioned come within the
protection of the ninth article; and that the
treaty, being a part of the supreme law of the
land, does extend over all such Mexicans, and
assures to them perfect security and the free enjoyment
of their liberty ami property, as well
as in the free exercise of their religion; and this
supremo law of the land being thus in actual
force over this territory, is to be maintained until
it shall he displaced or superceded by other
legal provisions; and if it be obstructed or restricted
by combinations too powerful to be ]
II I I I I I I ?
suppressed by the civil authority, the case is
one which comes within the provisions of the
law, which obliges the President to enforce
these provisions Neither the constitution nor
the laws, nor my duty, nor my oath of office,
leaves me any alternative, or any choice in iny
mode of action.
The Executive Government of the U. States
has no power or authority to determine what
was the true line of boundary between Mexico
and the United States before the treaty of
Guadaloupu Ilidalgo, nor has it any such power
now, since question has become a question
bt tweeu the State of Texas and the U. States.
So far as this boundary is doubtful, that doubt
can only be removed by some act of Congress,
to which the assent of the State of Texas may
be necessary, or bv sonic appropriate mode of
t i < ! ' .* t._.i ... ... . ? A!? :< ,1:,
legal nui in me im-auuiiie, n uiaturbances
or collisions arise, or should be
threatened, it is absolutely incumbent on the
Executive Government, however painful the
duty, to take care that the laws be faithfully
fnuinlukted; and he can regard only the state
of things as it existed at the date of the treaty,
and is hound to protect all inhabitants who
were then established, and who now remain
north and east of the lino of demarkntion, in
the full enjoyment oi' their liberty mid property
according to the provisions of the ninth article
of-the treaty: in other words, all must now be
regarded as New Mexico,, which was possessed
and occupied as New Mexico by citizens of
Mexico at the date of the said treaty, until a
definite boundary line shall be established by
competent authority. This assertion of duty to
protect the citizens of New Mexico from threatened
violence, or from seizure, to be carried
into Texas for trial for alledgcd offences against
Texan laws, does not at ail include any claim
A - * I- ? - L "'' f r\ /!?< nK
| id power u;i mo pun <m iuu D.\auuiv w
lisii any civil or military government within
tliat territory. That j>oicpr belongs exclusively
to the legislative department, and Congress
is the sole judge of tiie time and manner ul ereating
or authorizing any such government.
The duty of the Executive exteiidsonly to the
execution oflawsand the maintenance of treaties
actually in force, and the protection of all the
people of the United 8bites in the enjoyment
of the rights which those treaties and laws guarantee.
It is exceedingly desirable that no occasion
should arise for tl?e exercise of the powers thus
vested in the President by the Constitution and
the laws. With whatever mildness those powers
might be executed, or however clear the case.of
necessity, yet consequences might nevertheless
follow, of which no human sagacity can foresee
either the evils or the end.
Having thus laid before Congress the communication
?.<f Ilia Excellency the Governor of'i'exi
as, and the answer thereto, and having made
' nli-im-viitinn ns fhave thou edit the occasion
called for respecting constitutional obligations
which may aiise in tliefurthcr progress of things,
and may devolve on me to be performed,! hope I
shall not be regarded as stepping aside from the
line of iny duty,notwithstanding that I am aware
that the subject is now before both Houses, if 1
express my deep and earnest conviction of the
importance of an immediate decision or arrangement,
or settlement of the question of
boundary between Texas and New Mexico.?
All considerations of justice, general expedion!
cy, and domestic quiet call lor this. It seems
i to be, in its character and by position, the first,
1 or one of the first, of the questions growing out
of the acquisition of California and New Mexico,
and now r 'quiring decision.
No government can bo established for New
Mexico, either State or Territory, until it shall
be first ascertai :d what New Mexico is, and
what are her limits and boundaries. Those
cannot l>c lixetl or known, till the line oi uivission
between her and Texas shall be ascertained
and established?and numerous and weigli;
ty reasons conspire, in my judgment, to show
that tins divisional line should lie established
' by Congress with the assent of the government
of Texas. In the first place, this seems by far
! the most prompt mode of proceeding, by which
! the end can b? accomplished. If judicial proj
ceedings were resorted to, such proceedings
; would necessarily be slow, and years would
I pass by, in ail proabilitv, before the controvcr\
sv could be ended, So great a delay in tliis
case, is to be avoided if possible. Such delay
1 would be in every way inconvenient, and might
be the occasion of disturbances and collisions.
.1 For the same reason, 1 would, with the utmost
deference to the wisdom of Congress, express
' | a doubt of the expediency of the appointment of
i commissioners, and ol an examination, estimate
and an award of indemnity to be made by
them. This would be hut a species of arbitration
that might last as long as a suit at law.
So far as 1 am ablo to comprehend the case,
the general facts are now ail well known, and
Congress is as capable of deciding on it, justly
and properly now, as it probably would be after
the report of Commissioners. If the claim
of title on the part of Texas appears to Con.....II
I'.......I,./I It. ...hr.1.1 ..." in imrf if i<
I gJV-oo tvy ??vu luuiiuuuj m ??nwiv vi |'??? ?> ?
in the competency of Congress to offer her
an indemnity for the surrender of that claim.
In a case like this, surrounded as it is, hy ma?y
cogent considerations all calling for arnica!
hie adjustment and immediate settlement, the
Government of the United States would be
justified, in my opinion, in allowing an indem:
nity to Texas, not unreasonable and extrava'
gunt, but fair, lilieral and awarded in a just
: spirit of accommodation.
I think no event would he hailed with more
gratification by the people of the United States,
than the amicable adjustment of questions of
dillieulty, which have, for a longtime, agitated
the country, and occupied, to the exclusion of
other subjects, the time and attention of Congress.
Having thus freely cotnmnicated the results
of my own reflection, on the most advisable
mode of*adjusting the boundary question, 1 shall
nevertheless, cheerfully acquiesce in any other
mode which the wisdom of Congress may devise.
And, in conclusion, I repeat my conviction,
that every consideration of the public interest,
manifests the necessity of a provision by Congress
for the settlement of this baundary question,
before the present session be brought to a
close. The settlement of other question, counected.with
the samo subject, within the same
period, is greatly to be desired, but tho adjust
ment of this appears, to me, to be in the highest
degree important. In the train of such an adjustment,
we may well hope that there wHl follow
a return of harmony and good will, an increased
attachment to the Union, and the general
satisfaction of the country.
MILLARD FlLMORE.
Washington, August G, 1850.
The California bill was resumed. The
amendment of Mr. Turney was rejected, yeas
*25. nays 32.
Mr. Foote submitted an amendment, giving
the assent of the United States to a division of
California, by the line of 30 30, but after debate
withdrew it.
Mr- Sour,U' submitted as a substitute for the
bill, one in forty sections, providing n territorial
government for California, and addressed the
Senate in support of his views.
Washington, August 8,1850.
Mr. Cooper presented a Targe number of petitions
praying a modification of the tariff of
1846.
Mr. Underwood continued the speech commenced
yesterday. He examined the question
of title on the part of Texas, and denied that
she had the least shadow of title, and there was
nothing for which she was to ho paid. Ho
denied, also, the obligation on the part of the
United States to pay the debt of Texas for
which her revenues were pledged. He opposed
the bill because of the amount proposed to be
paid, and because of the boundaries laid down.,
Mr. Ewiug proposed an amendment, chang
j ing (lie boundaries of Texas, making them nearly
what was proposed by the omnibus bill?the
difference being against Texas.
He then moved (it being alter three o'clock)
to postpone the bill till to-morrow, with a view
of taking up the California bill. After a debate,
the Senate refused to postpone the bill by
the following vote: Yeas 18, nays 3*2.
Mr. Ewing then addressed the Senate in
support of his amendment, giving way to frequent
questions.
Mr. ilaio said that as regards the people in
the territory, lie saw but little difference as regards
the obligation to give them a government,
whether they were assigned to Texas or to
New Mexico.
Mr. Cooper supported the amendment. He
would vote for the bill if it were adopted, but
he would not say that lie would vote against it
if the amendment were rejected.
-- ? I . IT
Mr. iiatlger approved tuo amendment. ne
had uo faith in tiie title of Texas, but others
had, and Texas would bo supported in the maintenance
of that title. He would notrhesitatc to
vote for any thing to avert a civil war. Any
settlement would be cheap if the shedding of
American blood by American arms was prevented.
Mr. Pearco followed in explanation of the
boundaries of his bill, and said that it was not a
bill to define the strict legal title of the parties,
but i<? prevent a conflict between the United
States and Texas, lie had no fear for the result
of the conflict, but he dreaded the consequences
which would follow such a conflict to
the perpetuity of the Union;
Mr. Cooper followed, in reply to some portions
of the remarks of Mr. Pearce, and said
that he would vote for the hill, whether the
amendment was adopted or not. He appealed
to the Senator from Ohio to do so also.
The question being taken the amendment was
rejected: yeas 21?nays 28.
Mr. Dayton moved to amend the hill by providing'that
the public lands in Texas shall he
released to the United States, the public lands
left, to revert to Texas. Los3?yeas 17; nays
31.
Mr. Baldwin submitted somejjverbal amendments,
which were argued.
w;.moved to make the bounda
l ies of Texas those proposed by Mr. Benton as
as an amendment to the omnibus. Tho question
is now pending.
The Senate adjourned.
CAMDEN. S. C.
TUESDAY EVENING, AUGUST 13,1850.
W.m. C. Caston, Esq. is General Agent for the
Journal. .
??7" We call attention to the Eulngy on Gen.
Foote, in another column. The article was written
for the Southern Press; we have, from circumstances,
been induced to insert it here also.
# The President's Message.
We give this document to our readers to-day.
Tt is the strongest Federal pacer ever issued in
the United States. He has drawn the sword, and
with it writes his coercive threats. He remembers
to forget that the South cannot be coerced.
Pearce's BilL
It will be seen by reference to our telegraphic
summary that this Bill, (which we gave to our
readers last week,) lias passed the Senate, 30 to
120. Texan SenatorsJn the affirmative; South
Carolina in llie negative. It is an assempftou on
1 lie part of the government, that Texas will sell
her Territory. The bill is not a low iinlp&s by the
consent of Texas. Tliaf, we presume, will not bo
given. Let free soil never come an inch south of
30 30.
Teachers' Convention.
We omitted at the proper time to acknowledge
the receipt of a copy of the proceedings of this
body, published in pamphlet form, from the Secretary,
Jas. II. Carlisle, Esq.
i
Senator Foote.
The late attack of Senator Foote in the Senate
on Cols. Gregg and C lies nut, marks the man?not
the Senator. His scurrillous and school-boy at
1 - o ii.n San.iti> chamber?
lacK auu puns, uicgiucu
I while his attack upon and calling the names of absent
gentlemen, degrade the Senator, But write
the glaring and traitorious inconsistency of Senator
Foote, and you have a page so black that de?
mon would blusji to read its contents. Tho expectations
and trusts?the confidence and rights
of a noble and gallant Stato, all, all betrayed?and
that by an ungrateful adopted son,
"He that h uugrataful has a single fault
AH others juw for vlrtue? in him."
f v. A
4#
*
; '"***'
He writhes under the tac't, thaf, in tHe latter gen'
tleman's speech, he is classed tvifoto? Benton?'
the man, as he says, "whom South Caroftnehatei*
worse than all others either living or dead." Ydoquite
mistake, Senator Foote,' we assure yoii?1
there are men Whom South Carolina hates infinite-ly
worse than Mr. Benton?and in. that category
we have the pleasure to inform yod ^ceurs thev
name ofH. S. Foote. He who would mask an'
abyss and unknown to theSpnth hnrll^.rjntoit,'
isinori her enemy than he who would lead her"
into it boldly. i\) the former class belong all
who favored the Omnibus Bill. We .havpjta&rii
your "thundering rhetoric" in the Senate Ottlri
her, and know how highly those who knrnr. yptrappreciate
it. And often in-1he 'galleries have Ee^rd'
the remark, when you were speaking, "renMproer*
the old adage, the less a bottle has in
noise it makes in pouring il out." Depend XIport if
you may pass through tlje ?Id PahtmtioState, a#:
you suppose, with more safety than Mr. Benton,
As I know of no man who has lost'^ds^Itrpsjii^l
so far as to hangyou, while some might be ijudncw
to lynchify the majisterial Missourian, ; . _
'
i [Baptist Publication Society.
We have received the Third Annual RepOrtrdf
the Southern Baptist Publication Society, withtfcd
Proceedings of the meeting held in Charleston-which
should have received an .earliear^ liotiee.
We return thanks to our friends for thffir' favors* >
and earnestly hope for a continuance. WeTewrf
from the Report that the Society is in a flourishing
condition, and must result in much good. The
publications issued during the year have not been
extensive. 'The Way of Salvation," by Rev. R.
B. C. II ,> ell, D. D., and "A Decisive Argument'
against Infant Baptism, furnished by one ofits own;
Texts," by J. L. Dagg, D. D., constitute the nuin
ber. " The .Baptist rsaimoay, a eeiepuou ioi
Hymns for the worship of God, designed as *
standard Hymn Book for the South f byB. Matt*
ly, D, D., and B. Manly, jr:, is in progeess of publication.
Their Colportpur has sold and djstribu-ted
ninety two Bibles and Test' i^ents, besides numerous
volumes and Tracts Sic. This interestingand
efficient department of christian enterprise*
will 110 doubt, in future be more extensjvely cultivated,
as the means of the Society are increased.
The Board of Managers appeal to the Church
op to lurnisn tnem tne means xor eniargea ana
systematic effort, especially in the employment of
Colportage. "The fields are white unto the barvest."
This appeal, it is to be hoped, will not be
made in vain to Southern christians.
. * V
Candidates. * This
seems to be the age of Candidates. Io our
last we published an article from the Charleston
Mercury where it was stated that in Barnwell
there were seventy one Candidates for different
offices in that Distriet We notice in the Edgefield
Advertiser the names offorty-nine. Candidates
announced for that district to wit: for Congress,
one ; <*or State Senate, four; for House of Representatives,
lourteen; for Tax Collector, thirteen;
for Sheriff, eight; for Ordinajyf five; for Clerk, *
four; this we tliink a large^ed number, particularly
as all of them, no <^Gbt, are certain of being
elected. One sdvajjlige there may berth1 this ft*?
rangement, the n^p!e can fapre nojust caute Of
complaint foiyrcint of quantum thtjfictf.'
L/Fot the Daily Southern Pre*.
Grnslemkn: I will ask a small spate in your
columns thar 1 may take a brief .notice of Senator
Foote, who has seen fit^.indutge.b'8,taste,before
a Senatorial audience, in a course of very flippant
and scurillous remarks, which I seereported in
the '-Union" of the 4th ofAo^s4?/copy of which
a neighbor ha3 just placed iumy bands..
It is a very easy thing for anyone wnn ie-sufficiently
regardless of truth and decency,-to deal in
harsh words and vulgtrr:eptthetp. I erttertain too
ninth respect lor mypelf, as woUns'fdr those friends
whose good,opinion I value, ttf'become the imitator
of Mr. Foote.
The Court at -Washington,, it appears, has its
jester, as wfll as'fhe Courts and;pripVs in past
times had theirs,when chosen cu'diionesvereinade
merry, by the liou^Ht'wit or buffoonery of the collariiien.
3Ir. Foote, in" his way,'seems to be M a
fellow ofrnfinite jest," and I doubt not that his harhquin
performances will secure" for him in a certain
quarter, a comfortable allowance, whet) a
wronged, and. indifeuaut State'shall cast him from
I her uusuiii.
Tlii* Senator froru Mississippi has a fleeted great
indignation at the slight mention I.had occasion
to make of him before Na public meeting at'Camden.
Tij is, he makes the pretext for'the outpouring
oftliat sort o.'slang, which one would fein.hope,
and f believe, was ui&nown m the Senate before
he graced that body with';his presence; The
gravamen of my offence- seems to be that Ihad the
teincriiy to link the time-honored, eaphonoous and
suggrxiize namejpf Poote to that of Mr. Benton.
If the Senator from Missouri^or his friends, had
thought at ail of remarks made hy a herbon'SO Inconsiderable
as myself, I doubrnot that both he
and they, would hare been quite a* wiiathfiil as
the little Senator from SliBsihEHppi, it the-association
in which he is found.
My attention Was attracted to the Senator not
for any wisdom he uttered; butbecausehewas the
mover of the committee of
1 ikA ^Anato
eternal chatterer ana ucior u? c^onw... vuv yvotuiw
?because he had recently made'hiinsell-very busy
hi conjunction with his UQexpqcted aUy^iblackballing
citizens ot the South by imputing to them
' treason, stratagem and sjWiw"?tecarase I perceived
that :he lion roar, which ho had indulged,
in the early part oftho' ses?ion*tfe as a
southenv'flag bearer had dwindled down into the
smallest possible squeak.
In alluding to some of the causes which placed
the South iu her present attitude of hopeless de-.
fence in Congress, I mentioned . the defection of
| Senator Foote and others.from ih? southern pha^
lan.w And did he not desert his southern friends
and allies in the fery hottest oftho fightf Did he
not desSrtthera, when with ?ih eagerhastst, impelled
by a ridiculous vanity he becamh'the assailant
of Air. Calhoun at the reading of his last speech in
the (Senate 1 That was a critical moment i for up
to that time the friends of the South in the Senate
preseuted au almost unbroken front. They stood
clearly on tlie vantage ground. This .movement*
made under the absurd idea that he would be held
responsible for the philosophical opinions express-,
ed by Mr. Culhoun, and wnichit is clear Mr. Foote
did not understand, produced evidently a disas*
-- ? ?in ,__j
trous effect, Air. iwote wouia ob a ieuu?r ?iuwut
any of the requisite qualities. He is excellent in
his place. I Know of no one who can better bad,
ger and worry the greater men of the Senate, by
an incessant and distracting litfle tempest of files
and fury. He is great to draw the fire of the larger