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Political ^Department, ooienrxss op thirteen. REPORT. CONCLUDED. k iKd n/immi^tnn rnnnminpnfl tn A I1IUJUI iW \JI Hit vviliaiaiwvv .. the Senate that the section containing these pj oEosals to Texas shall be incorporated into the ill embracing the admission of California as a State, and the establishment of territorial governments for Utah and New Mexico. The definition and establishment of the boundary between New Mexico and Texas, has an intimate and necessary connexion with the establishment of a territorial government for New MnviVn To form a territorial ffovernment for ------- _ ; o New Mexico, without prescribing the limits of the Territory, would leave the work incomplete, and might expose New Mexico to serious con troversy, if not dangerous collisions, with the State of Texas. And most, if not all the considerations which unite in favor of combining the bill for the admission of California as a State and the territorial bills, apply to the boundary question of Texas. % the union of the three measures, every question of diiliculty and division which has arisen out of the territorial acquisitions from Mexico wiil, it is hoped, be adjusted, or placed in a train of satisfactory n/tiiTdtmont Thf? frnmmittee. availing them . ? selves of the arduous and valuable labors of the committee on territories, report a bill, herewith annexed, (marked A,) embracing those three measures, the passage of which, uniting them together, they recommend to the Senate. The committee will now proceed to the consideration of, and to report upon, the subject of persons owing service or labor in one State escaping into another. The text of the t'onsti- 1 tution is quite clear: " No person held to labor | or service in one State, under the laws thereof, j escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation therein, be discharged from such service or labor, but shall be delivered up on the claim of the party to whom such service or labor may be due." Nothing can be more explicit than this language?nothing more manifest than the right to demand, and the obligation to deliver up to the claimant, any such fugitive. And the Constitution addresses itself alike to the States composiug the Union ana to the General Government If, indeed, there were any difference in the duty to enforce this portion ef the Constitution between the States and the Federal Government, it is more clear that it is that of the former than of the latter. But it is the dutv of both. It is now well known and incontestable, that citizens ;u slave- ; CtAtao ^n?.niintat. tka rrrn-jtuct V I UUIUIU^ vilWUUbvi ViiV ^ivuvvev y in obtaining the benefit of this provision of tne Constitution. The attempt to recapture a fugitive is almost always a subject of great irritation and excitement, and of:en leads to most unpleasant, if not perilous collisions. An owner of a slave, it is quite notorious, cannot pursue his property for the purpose of its recovery, in some of the States, without imminent per son a I hazard. This is a deplorable state of tilings, which ought to be remedied. The law of 17VJ3 has been found wholly ineffectual, and requires more stringent enactments. There is, especially, a deficiency in the number of public functionaries authorized to afford aid in the seizure and arrest of fugitives. Various States have declined to afford aid and co-operation in the surrender of fugitives from labor, as the * ? _ _ t* 'committee oeiieve, ironi a misconception cm their duty arising under the Constitution of the United States, it is true that a decision of the Supreme Court of the United States has given countenance to them in withholding their asfiinf'i 111'p lint flit!c.nimiiittccirantiot li'lt believe that the intention of the Supreme Court has , been misunderstood. They cannot but think j that that Court merely meant that laws of the j several States which created obstacles in the i way of the recovery of fugitives were not au- j thorized by the Constitution, and not that State i laws affording facilities in the recovery of fugi- i tives were forbidden bv that instrument. The uou-slaveholdiug States, whatever sym- ! pat.lies any ot their citizens may feel tor persons who escape from other States, cannot discharge themselves from au obligation to enforce the Constitution of the United States. All parts of the instrument being dependent upon, and connected with each other, ought to be fairly and justly enforced, if some States may seek to exonerate themselves from one nortion of the Constitution, other States may endeavor j to evade the performance of other portions ot j it; and thus the instrument, in some of its most important provisions, might become inoperative and invalid. But, whatever may be the conduct of indi* i vidual States, the duty of the General Government is perfectly clear. That duty is, to amend 1 the existing law, and to provide an effectual remedy for the recovery of fugitives from service or labor, in devising such a remedy, Congress ought, whilst on the one hand securing to the owner the fair restoration of his property, effectually to guard, on the other, against any abuses in the application of that remedy. In all cases of the arrest, within a state, of persons charged with offences ; in all eases of the pursuit of fugitives from justice from one State to another State; in all cases of extradition provided for by treaties between foreign powers?the proceeding uniformly is summary. It has never been thought necessary to apply, in cases of that kind, the forms and ceremonies of a final trial. And when that trial does take place, it is in the State or country from which the party has fled, and not in that in which he has found refutre. By the express lummaLre of the Constitution, whether the fugitive i held to service or labor or not, is to be determined hy the laws of the State Jro/n which he fled; and, consequently, it is most proper that the tribunals of that State should expound and administer it3 own laws. If there have been any instances of abuse in the erroneous arrest of fugitives from service or labor, the committee have not obtained knowledge of them, 'l'liey believe that none such have occurred, and that such are not likely to occur. But iu order to guard against the ;>?> i'.- hly j of their occurrence, the committee hnv? pre -mud.and herewith report, (marked It,) a sei tmn, to be offered to the fugitive bill r.ow pending before the Si nate. According to this section, the owner of a fugitive from servico or labor is, when practicable, to oarry with him to tl.o State in which the person is fotmd, a record, ! from a competent tribunal, adjudicating the I facts of elopement and slavery, with a general ' description of the fugitive. This record, properly attested and certified under the official seal of the Court, being taken to the State where the person owing service or labor is found, is to be held competent and sufficient evidence of the facts which had been adjudicated, and will leave nothing more to be dyne than to identify the fugitive. -~o~ Numerous petitions have been presented, praying for a trial by jury in the case of arrest of fugitives from service or labor, in the nonslaveholding States. It has been already shown that this would be entirely contrary to practice and uniform usage in all similar cases. Under the name of a popular and cherished institution ?an institution, however, never applied in cases of preliminary proceeding, and only in cases of final trial?there would he a complete niock * * - p a\ i* ery of justice, so far as the owner 01 ine iugitive is concerned. If the trial by jury be admitted, it would draw after it its usual consequences, of continuance from time to time, to bring evidence from distant places, of second or new trials, in cases where the jury is hung, or the verdict is set aside, and of revisals of the verdict and conduct of the juries by competent tribunals. During the progress of all these dilatory and expensive proceedings, what security is there as to the custody and forthcoming of the fugitive upon their termination* And if, finally, the claimant should he successful, con trary to what happens in ordinary litigation oetween free persons, he would have to bear all the burdens and expense of the litigation, without indemnity, and would learn, by sad experience, that be had by far better have abandoned his right in the tirst instance, than to establish it at such uuremuneratcd cost and heavy sacrifice. 13ut whilst the committee conceive that a trial by jury in a State where a fugitive from service or labor is recaptured would be a virtual denial of justice to the claimant of such fugitive, and would be tantamount to a positive refusal to execute the provisions of the Constitution, the same objections do not apply to i . _ ,i.. e 1... n.,.1 sued a inai in me omit nuui iviutii uc ? iii the slaveholding States, full justice is administered, with entire fairness and impartiality, in cases of all ac tions for freedom. The person claiming his freedom is allowed to sue in forma pauperis ; counsel is assigned him; time is allowed him to collect his witnesses and to attend the session of the court; and his claimant is placed under bond and security, or is divested of the possession during the progress of the trial, to ensure the enjoyment of these privileges and if there be any leaning on the pait of courts and juries, it is always on the side of the claimant for freedom. In deference to the feelings and prejudices which prevail in the non-slaveholding States, the committe propose such a trial in the State from which the fugitive fled, in all cases where lie declares to the officer giving the certificate for his return that he has a right to his freedom. Accordingly, the committee have prepared, and report herewith, (marked C,) two sections, which they recommend should be incorporated in the fugitive bill pending in the senate. According to these sections, the claimant is placed under bond, and required to return the fugitive to that county in the State from which he fled, and there to take him before a competent tribunal, and allow him to assert and establish his freedom if he can, attorning to him, tor that purpose, all needful facilities. The committee indulge the hope that if the fugitive bill, with the proposed amendments, shall be passed by Congress, it will be effectual to secure the recovery of fugitives from service or labor, and that it will remove all causes of complaint which have hitherto been experienced on that irritating subject. Hut, if in its practical, operation it shall be found insufficient, apd if no adequate remedy can be devised for the restoration to their owners of fugitive slaves, tfinsn nwnnre will <i invf iiili? in imlomtiilv out of the Treasury of the United States. It remains to report upon the resolutions in relation to slavery and the slave trade in the District, of Columbia. Without discussing the power of Congress to abolish slavery within the District, in regard to which a diversity ofopinins exist, the committee are of opinion that it ought not to be abolished. It could not he done without indispensable conditions, which are not likely to he agreed t<>. It could not be done without exciting great apprehension and alarm iu the slave States. If the power were uvarimwoil tt'iiliin flwt hiwffioi tluiv if/ill i.l ?i mi i ro. liend that, under some pretext or another, it might he hereafter attempted to he exercised in the shareholding States. It is true that at present all such power within those States is almost unanimously disavowed ami disclaimed in the free States. But experience in public affairs has too often shown that where there is a desire to do a particular tiling, the power to acpnmnlisfi if snonnr or Intni* will tin found or :i?. sumed. Nor does the number of slaves within the District make the abolition of slavery an object of any such consequence as appears to be attached to it in some parts of the Union.? Since the retrocession of Alexandria county to Virginia, on the South side of the Potomac, the District now consists of Washington county, on the north side of that river; and the returns of the decennary enumeration of the people of the United States show a rapidly progressive decrease of the number of slaves in Washington county. According to the census of lS.'JU, the .......I.... ....... A r.i\- I I 4 11141 ii 11\* I iliiu 1U lH'tV/ 1L w?l? iniUL'l'U to 3,3-20: showing ;i reduction in ten years of nearly one-third. If it should continue in the same ratio, the number, according to the census now about to be taken, will only be a little upwards of two thousand. i)lit it majority oiiuo committee uimKomerently in regard to tin? slave trade within the District. By that trade is meant the introduction of slaves from adjacent States into the District, for sale, to be placed in depot for the pur<se ol subsequent sale or transportation to oilier and distant markets. That trade, a majorit . are of opinion, ought to he abolished. Com. iaints have always existed against it, no loss on the part of members from the South than on the p. rt of members from the .North. It is a trndo sometimes exhibiting revolting spectacles, and one in which t.ic people of the District have no interest, but, on the contrary, are believed to be desirous that it should be discontinued. Most, if not all of the slaveholding States have, either in their constitutions or by penal enactments, prohibited a trade in slaves as merchandise within their respective jurisdictions. Congress, standing in regard to the people of this District on this subject in a relation similar to that of the State Legislatures to the people of States, may safely follow the example of the St., fno Thn /tAmmlfffia Knt'o nrnnarnfJ onfW herewith report, a bill for the abolition of that trade, (marked D,) the passage of which they recommend to the Senate. This bill has been framed after the model of what the law of Maryland was when the General Government was removed to Washington. The views and recommendations contained in this report may be recapitulated in a few words: 1. The admission of any new State or States formed out of Texas, to be postponed until they shall hereafter present themselves to be received into the Union, when it will be the duty of Uon[ gress fairly and faithfully to execute the compact i with Texas by admitting such new State or States. 2. The admission forthwith of California into the Union, with the boundaries she has proposed. 3. The establishment of territorial governments, without the Wiiinot Proviso, for New Mexico and Utah, embracing all the territory recently acquired I by the United States from Mexico not contain&d ! in the boundaries of California. 4. The combination of these two last-mentioned measures in the same bill. 5. The establishment of the western and northern boundary of Texas, and the exclusion from her jurisdiction of all New Mexico, with the grant to Texas of a pecuniary equivalent And the section for that purpose to be incorporated In the bili admitting California and establishing territorial . governments for Utah and New Mexico. G. More effectual enactments of law to secure the prompt delivery of persons bound to service j or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, who , [ escape into another State. And 7. Abstaining Irom abolishing slavery; but,! : under a heavy penalty, prohibiting the slave trade j in the District of Columbia. If such of these several measures as required ! | legislation should be carried out by suitable acts of Congress, all controversies to which our late i territorial acquisitions have given rise, and all 1 existing questions connected with the iustitu* > tion of slavery, whether resulting front those ! acquisitions or from its existence in the States ; and the District of Columbia, will be amicably i setUed and adjusted, in a manner, it is conli| dently believed, to give general satisfaction to j an overwhelming majority of the people of the ( ] United states. Congress win nave iuinueu its i j whole duty in regard to the vast country which, I I having been ceded by Mexico to the United Suites, lias fallen under their dominion. It will! have extended to it protection, provided for its i several parts the inestimable biessitig of free 1 and regular government adapted to their various wants, and placed the whole under the banner and Hag of the United States. Meeting courageously its clear and entire duty, Congress will escape the unmerited reproach of having, from considerations of doubtful policy, abandoned to an undeserved fate territories of a boundless extent, with a sparse, incongruous, and alien, if not unfriendly population, speaking 1 dilferent languages, and accustomed to dilt'er- j eutlaws, whilst that population is making irre- j sistible appeals the to new sovereignty to which i they have been transferred for protection tor government, lor law, and lor order. The committee have endeavored to present to the Senate a comprehensive plan of adjust- j i ment, which, removing all causes of existing I j excitement and agitation, leaves none open to i ' divide the country and disturb the general liar- i j mony. The nation has been greatly convulsed, | I not by measures ot general policy, but by ques- j tions of a sectional character, and, therefore, | more dangerous and more to be deprecated.? | It wants repose. It loves and cherishes the ; Union. Ancl it is most cheering and gratify1 ing to witness the outbursts of deep and abiding attachment to it which have been exhibitj ed in nil parts of it, amidst all the trials through j which we have passed and are passing. A peo ; pit* so patriotic as those of the United States ; will rejoice in an accommodation of all the trouliles and ditlicnltics by which the safety of j the Union might have been brought into the : least danger. And under the blessings of that i Providence who, amidst all vicissitudes, has ne; ver ceased to extend to them his protecting ' care, His smiles, and Ilis blessings, thev will ; continue to advance in population, power, and prosperity, and work out triumphantly the gloI rious problem of man's capacity for sclf-gov* l emment. Cotton Chop.?The receipts of cotton at all I the American ports, are now over six hundred ! thousand bales behind last year's to the same date, and still falling off. Tun Stamps already On.?Persons visiting the ship Macedonia will see in the bow-parts two guns taken with that vessel from the British. The stamp of the Crown, with the '0. R.' beneath tells the story. A cockney, looking at them a short time since, contemptuously remarked? "It's hcasy enough to put that stamp on a gun of Yankee make " "How Long do you suppose ii would take?" asked a bystander, "Not more than 'all* an hour ?" replied Bow Bells. "Well" rejoined the other, "we took fortyfour of those guns, with the stamps already on 'em, in seventeen minutes." A Retort in a Dream.?There are instances of very smart and adroit things occurring -> > t m'l... ij.i> lO we 111111(1 111 Sleep. i "e iiumuii j?ee suites that a .Mr. S. lately dreamed that he was in his parlor with a friend, and that a piece of black doth was 1\ hie oh the table, but which his fiiend happened to remark was flesh color. The dispute became warm, and .Mr. S. offered to bet that it was flesh color. Mr. S. conclu de l the hot, when his iriei.u lmineinaieiy exclaimed? ''Ami is not black the color of more than half the human race?" thus completely stealing the march upon Mr. S. and whining the bet. Mr. S. declares tin t the idoa of black being entitled to the name oi " Hush color," had never before occurred to him. TOE JOTMNAIL, ' CAMDEN, S. C. 1 FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 17, 1850. TELEGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE. Reported tor the Journal. Charleston, May 16, 9 p. m. The market is quiet, waiting the accounts of the next steamer. Prices are firm. Sales of 300 bales at 11 to 13. Week's sales 5000. Receipts 6400. W. Nkw York, May 15. The Cotton market was active to-day, and an advance of 1-4 was realized. The sales amounted to 4,000 bales at 12 1-2 for Middling Upland, and 123-4 for Middling Orleans. frW The following gentlemen were, on Monday evening last, elected officers of the Camden IndMnfiident Fire Engine Com nan v. to serve for the .present year: D. H. SHULER, Capt. J. WIENGES, Lieut. T. S. RIDGE WAY, Sec'y. H. C. WELLHAUSEN, Treas'r. J. L. BRASLNG'iON, 1st Director. CHAS. I. SHIVER. 2d Director. R. J. McCREIGHT, 3d Director. J. K. WiTHERSPOON, 4th Director. Address to the People of the Southern States. We have received from our Representative, the Hon. J. A. Woodward, an address to the people of the Slaveholding States upon the subject of a Southern organ, to be 'established in the city of Washington, signed by sixty-four Senators and Representatives, good men and irue. The address is reported by the Hon. A. P. Butler, of this State, from a Committee appointed for that purpose. It is an able one, and brings the necessity for establishing such an organ clearly before the South. We wish this measure had been adopted earlier. We have little hope of doing any good among ; those who always-have kept and always will keep | (if they are allowed) the Icernel and give us the shell. The Democratic Review We regard as one of the abiest and best periodicals of the day. It proposes the "greatest good to the greatest number." We believe the principles upon which it is based, and the policy of its conduct, are sound and true. This is saying more than we are willing at all times to allow emanations Irom Northern presses. The Review is truly a National work, and is strongdbr the Union. IL> title, "The United States Magazine and Democratic Review," implies at once its profession of devcteduess to the interests of the General Government, and its advocacy of the principles of the Democratic party in general. We despise Unionism and great Nationality when professed and worn as a cloak to hide the inward deformity, and to conceal the sinister designs of the wearer; yet we may admire die right sort of a spirit of unity, where there i? a corresponding consistency 01 au the parts. We deny being disunionists in luto We will assume this position when all other remedies bhall fail, or when the North shall insist upon forcing California, as she is proposed, upon us whether or not; then we go for dissolution, and that quick. The Review is valuable for statistical information, each number containing much that is interesting and uselul, and as a political work and organ of the party whose name it bears, we believe it stands pre-eminent. Our political career being as yet but brief and imperfect, we are not perhaps so competent to judge as others whose minds have been engaged long and earnestly in the study of politics. Their opinions we respect, and when they accord with ours, we are willing to be governed by them, at least so far as general principles are concerned. The Review is an ex ceptionto the mass of Northern literature, and is not contemplated in that class to which we object and which we contemn. There is no parallel between an elevated, high-toned literature, and a puny, sickly, sentimental sort, which panders to the moral weaknesses of human nature. By the side of the Review, the vast majority of Northern publications stand as mere pigmies. Whilst we are not anxious to court Northern favor through the medium of her press, asking no favor at her hands, demanding our rights imperatively, regardinc with supreme indifference whether or not we receive justice through this channel, as a reasonable being, we are not indifferent to some sense of obligation when we see those who " in the midst of a crooked and perverse generation," are willing to give us our due. To reconcile the seeming incongruity of the two last passages, wc repeat that we must not totally reject everything because c-f Northern origin: truth, wherever found, is worthy to be loved. We deprecate the custom our Southern friends have of patronizing so many of those coquotish Northern weeklies and monthlies which have literally flooded our country, while publicationp of higher moral tone at home have been suffered to " go by the board," for want of sufficient patronage. Most gladly would we see the Demo? ? ?.* ---t J_ cratic Review on the tables oi our oouiuern menus, in place of the inimitable "Godey" or the exquisite " Sartain." We will publish, as soon as we can find sufficient room for it, the leading article of the present number, entitled " The Conspiracy of Fanaticism," in which may be found a woil-timed and appropriate notice of the names of the truly great and good, who have lived in the past ages of our history, in contradistinction to such characters as Garrison, Seward and Giddings, "insects that buzz and reptiles that hiss their venom in the face of the Constitution and its Iramors." We beg our friends to read the " passing notice" given to " " *T V^J. /C? 1 \ the Honorable Senator ironi iu-w imn. ^nmu.; We may rest satisfied that the "hypocrisy" of such men will be " unmasked," and their deep depravity exposed, whilst their "knavery shall be Biverely scou ged." We are sorry that we havj i not a few more Democratic Reviews throughout our gloiious confederacy: had works of this char- i acter been sustained in place of that puerile mass which has been fostered as vipers in our bosoins? fanaticism would never have triumphed so com* pletelyhi this mighty Republic; for it is " A monitor of Mich horrid mien. That to be hated need bat be eeen." T*Ko Kflct ittnt* tri iiiftnra tha mavita nf a Kfurlr la fn read for one's self. Mr. DeHay is the agent for this place, and will be pleased to receive subscriptions. The Charlotte Journal We refer the Editor to an article in our last paper, where lie will find our sentiments expressed at length in regard to all anti-tan tcntianislx. In this he has onr reply tb his article* which has been mislaid or lost, and which we have not time now to notice further. It is hardly necessary that we should remark upon the following article, which we find in the South Carolinian of the 14th instant, as we have already intimated, in unmistakeable terms, our disapprobation of the position the journal referred to occupies upon the momentous and all absorbing question of Southern rights. We therefore copy the extract without further comment: " The Compromise.?We are no less surprised than mortified to perceive that the Charleston Courier, a prominent journal in South Carolina* should exhibit such a perfect burst of delight eve* the proposed measures recommended by the Committee of Thirteen. It calls the report "a tioblp and patriotic document," a "plan of honorable' compromise," and "would bail it with unalloyed satisfaction," were it not for "the uuioo.ked-ibr and unwelcome opposition of Southern men." The Courier says that "it is satisfied with the provisions" indicated, and that the "whole country North and South ought to be satisfied." For the life of us we cannot understand this hot haste on the part of a Southern press?a leading South Card.na journal?to catch at any compromise at the very earliest moment; and were it not for the simultaneous appearance of the Mercury's remarks upon the same subject, we would feel anxiety lest the Courier's article might be considered* in some degree, a reflex of the sentiment of the people of this State. We do not desire to be rash in our opposition to this so-called compromise.? We have frequently expressed our most earnest wishes for an equitable settlementjjrf this vexed question, yet we never dreamed of yielding our assent or support to any proposition involving injustice to the South, or affecting her equality as an integral portion of the Union. The admission of *. California, with her present boundaries, is a scheme that should never receive the assent of the South?it would be a gross wrong upon her people in many points ot view. This is is the first prominent objection to the compromise. As to the "more etl'ectual enactments" of the law with regard to fugitive slaves, they cannot be more binding or compulsory than the constitution; men who trample on that, and repudiate the sanctity of an oath, will scarcely regard these enactments as " more elfectual." -v "But we do not wish yet to discuss these measures; we want to see the bills, we want to see the kernel of the whole matter, as the shell may be broken by the debates in the Senate. Until then we would tain rest, and our whole purpose now was to express our surprise and regret at the tone of the Courier's welcome to this "noble aud patriotic document" We also find that our neighbor the Columbia Telegraph ''as given the Courier a touch of the timea. Of course the Courier is high authority for many tilings, and is iu many respects a very valuable journal; but (and this is sometimes <-a wicked word," as one has remarked) this paper is not warm on the main question. Silence sometimes displays prudence, and prudence often is the better part of color; but the silence of a Southern jjurnal now is tnsujj'erable; and disposition some have assumed shows at once their hands. The Telegraph remarks as follows: We regret to record the fact, that one paper has been found in South Carolina willing and ready to endorse the Report of Mr. Clay, and tp brand the noble and patriotic opposition of Southern Senators to that surrender of Southern Rights in the following terms: (the italics are our own.) u We would hail this noble and patriotic document?this plan of honorable compromise, with unanoyeu sausiacuon, were u uui uiai an oosiacie has been raised to its success, and the complete arching of its bow of promise been marred by the unlooked-for and unwelcome opposition of South* ern men?of Soulhern men, untied tcilh abolition, ists and freesoilers to prevent the settlement ol the agitating questions of the day, and the restoration of peace to our distracted country and imperilled Union." That paper is .e Charleston Courier. Our own sen1.meats as to that scheme and its Southern supj>orters have been so fully and frankly expressed, as to dissipate any doubts as to oar position on tms suojeci; ana we aesire to see tne reception which the Courier's views will meet from the press and people of the city of Charles* trn, now the resting place of the remains of John C. Calhoun. Fakir of Siva. This extraordinary and laughable Ventriloquist gave one of his inimitable performances last evening, in this place. He gives another to-night We advise all fond of the marvellous and wonderful to visit the Fakir's Representations. Go early if you wish to obtain a good seat. %* Editorial Gleanings. Tennessee.?A large meeting of the citizens of Knox county, Tennessee, was held on the 6th ii.st, at which resolutions in favor of the Nashville convention were unanimously adopted, and twenty-two delegates appointed. The General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South, convened in St. Louis on the 1st inst. Present?Bishops Andrew, Paine* and Capers. Bishop Soule was expected in a few days. Q n T ATTIC AT ?V i .V ITll'l tlrT nf /V ,^/lVITHMi - Ul AJU U *0% WAAI -? -? ????? ?y W M?CU//K/? ?The report was current at St Joseph's on 30th of April, and believed to be true, that the steamer , Cora, on her way to Council Bluffs, with a number of California passengers on board, was sunk, an<j fifteen persons drowned. St. Louis, May 7.?There were 10 deaths to* day and 7 yesterday, and 22 for week ending on Saturday?all from cholera. There ia considerable alarm in consequence. The Methodist Conference will probably rise today on account of the epidemic. The Chattanooga Gazette of Friday announces the passage of a train of cars through the tunnel on the day preceding. This is the completion of the first great railroad communication between the navigable waters of the West and the Atlantio Ocean. It is hinted in England that Sir Robert Peel will shortly be elevated to the Peerage.