The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, May 17, 1850, Image 2
Political ^Department,
ooienrxss op thirteen.
REPORT.
CONCLUDED.
k iKd n/immi^tnn rnnnminpnfl tn
A I1IUJUI iW \JI Hit vviliaiaiwvv ..
the Senate that the section containing these pj oEosals
to Texas shall be incorporated into the
ill embracing the admission of California as
a State, and the establishment of territorial
governments for Utah and New Mexico. The
definition and establishment of the boundary
between New Mexico and Texas, has an intimate
and necessary connexion with the establishment
of a territorial government for New
MnviVn To form a territorial ffovernment for
------- _ ; o
New Mexico, without prescribing the limits of
the Territory, would leave the work incomplete,
and might expose New Mexico to serious con
troversy, if not dangerous collisions, with the
State of Texas. And most, if not all the considerations
which unite in favor of combining
the bill for the admission of California as a
State and the territorial bills, apply to the boundary
question of Texas. % the union of the
three measures, every question of diiliculty and
division which has arisen out of the territorial
acquisitions from Mexico wiil, it is hoped, be
adjusted, or placed in a train of satisfactory
n/tiiTdtmont Thf? frnmmittee. availing them
. ?
selves of the arduous and valuable labors of
the committee on territories, report a bill, herewith
annexed, (marked A,) embracing those
three measures, the passage of which, uniting
them together, they recommend to the Senate.
The committee will now proceed to the consideration
of, and to report upon, the subject of
persons owing service or labor in one State escaping
into another. The text of the t'onsti- 1
tution is quite clear: " No person held to labor |
or service in one State, under the laws thereof, j
escaping into another, shall, in consequence of
any law or regulation therein, be discharged
from such service or labor, but shall be delivered
up on the claim of the party to whom such service
or labor may be due." Nothing can be
more explicit than this language?nothing more
manifest than the right to demand, and the obligation
to deliver up to the claimant, any such
fugitive. And the Constitution addresses itself
alike to the States composiug the Union ana to
the General Government If, indeed, there
were any difference in the duty to enforce this
portion ef the Constitution between the States
and the Federal Government, it is more clear
that it is that of the former than of the latter.
But it is the dutv of both. It is now well
known and incontestable, that citizens ;u slave- ;
CtAtao ^n?.niintat. tka rrrn-jtuct V I
UUIUIU^ vilWUUbvi ViiV ^ivuvvev y
in obtaining the benefit of this provision of tne
Constitution. The attempt to recapture a fugitive
is almost always a subject of great irritation
and excitement, and of:en leads to most
unpleasant, if not perilous collisions. An owner
of a slave, it is quite notorious, cannot pursue
his property for the purpose of its recovery,
in some of the States, without imminent per
son a I hazard. This is a deplorable state of
tilings, which ought to be remedied. The law
of 17VJ3 has been found wholly ineffectual, and
requires more stringent enactments. There is,
especially, a deficiency in the number of public
functionaries authorized to afford aid in the
seizure and arrest of fugitives. Various States
have declined to afford aid and co-operation in
the surrender of fugitives from labor, as the
* ? _ _ t*
'committee oeiieve, ironi a misconception cm
their duty arising under the Constitution of the
United States, it is true that a decision of the
Supreme Court of the United States has given
countenance to them in withholding their asfiinf'i
111'p lint flit!c.nimiiittccirantiot li'lt believe
that the intention of the Supreme Court has ,
been misunderstood. They cannot but think j
that that Court merely meant that laws of the j
several States which created obstacles in the i
way of the recovery of fugitives were not au- j
thorized by the Constitution, and not that State i
laws affording facilities in the recovery of fugi- i
tives were forbidden bv that instrument.
The uou-slaveholdiug States, whatever sym- !
pat.lies any ot their citizens may feel tor persons
who escape from other States, cannot discharge
themselves from au obligation to enforce
the Constitution of the United States. All
parts of the instrument being dependent upon,
and connected with each other, ought to be
fairly and justly enforced, if some States may
seek to exonerate themselves from one nortion
of the Constitution, other States may endeavor j
to evade the performance of other portions ot j
it; and thus the instrument, in some of its most
important provisions, might become inoperative
and invalid.
But, whatever may be the conduct of indi* i
vidual States, the duty of the General Government
is perfectly clear. That duty is, to amend 1
the existing law, and to provide an effectual
remedy for the recovery of fugitives from service
or labor, in devising such a remedy, Congress
ought, whilst on the one hand securing to
the owner the fair restoration of his property,
effectually to guard, on the other, against any
abuses in the application of that remedy.
In all cases of the arrest, within a state, of
persons charged with offences ; in all eases of
the pursuit of fugitives from justice from one
State to another State; in all cases of extradition
provided for by treaties between foreign
powers?the proceeding uniformly is summary.
It has never been thought necessary to apply,
in cases of that kind, the forms and ceremonies
of a final trial. And when that trial does take
place, it is in the State or country from which
the party has fled, and not in that in which he
has found refutre. By the express lummaLre of
the Constitution, whether the fugitive i held to
service or labor or not, is to be determined hy
the laws of the State Jro/n which he fled; and,
consequently, it is most proper that the tribunals
of that State should expound and administer
it3 own laws. If there have been any instances
of abuse in the erroneous arrest of fugitives
from service or labor, the committee
have not obtained knowledge of them, 'l'liey
believe that none such have occurred, and that
such are not likely to occur.
But iu order to guard against the ;>?> i'.- hly j
of their occurrence, the committee hnv? pre -mud.and
herewith report, (marked It,) a sei tmn,
to be offered to the fugitive bill r.ow pending
before the Si nate. According to this section,
the owner of a fugitive from servico or labor is,
when practicable, to oarry with him to tl.o
State in which the person is fotmd, a record, !
from a competent tribunal, adjudicating the I
facts of elopement and slavery, with a general '
description of the fugitive. This record, properly
attested and certified under the official seal
of the Court, being taken to the State where
the person owing service or labor is found, is to
be held competent and sufficient evidence of the
facts which had been adjudicated, and will
leave nothing more to be dyne than to identify
the fugitive.
-~o~
Numerous petitions have been presented,
praying for a trial by jury in the case of arrest
of fugitives from service or labor, in the nonslaveholding
States. It has been already shown
that this would be entirely contrary to practice
and uniform usage in all similar cases. Under
the name of a popular and cherished institution
?an institution, however, never applied in cases
of preliminary proceeding, and only in cases
of final trial?there would he a complete niock
* * - p a\ i*
ery of justice, so far as the owner 01 ine iugitive
is concerned. If the trial by jury be admitted,
it would draw after it its usual consequences,
of continuance from time to time, to
bring evidence from distant places, of second
or new trials, in cases where the jury is hung,
or the verdict is set aside, and of revisals of the
verdict and conduct of the juries by competent
tribunals. During the progress of all these dilatory
and expensive proceedings, what security
is there as to the custody and forthcoming of
the fugitive upon their termination* And if,
finally, the claimant should he successful, con
trary to what happens in ordinary litigation oetween
free persons, he would have to bear all
the burdens and expense of the litigation, without
indemnity, and would learn, by sad experience,
that be had by far better have abandoned
his right in the tirst instance, than to establish
it at such uuremuneratcd cost and heavy sacrifice.
13ut whilst the committee conceive that a
trial by jury in a State where a fugitive from
service or labor is recaptured would be a virtual
denial of justice to the claimant of such
fugitive, and would be tantamount to a positive
refusal to execute the provisions of the Constitution,
the same objections do not apply to
i . _ ,i.. e 1... n.,.1
sued a inai in me omit nuui iviutii uc ?
iii the slaveholding States, full justice is administered,
with entire fairness and impartiality,
in cases of all ac tions for freedom. The person
claiming his freedom is allowed to sue in forma
pauperis ; counsel is assigned him; time is allowed
him to collect his witnesses and to attend
the session of the court; and his claimant is
placed under bond and security, or is divested
of the possession during the progress of the
trial, to ensure the enjoyment of these privileges
and if there be any leaning on the pait of courts
and juries, it is always on the side of the claimant
for freedom.
In deference to the feelings and prejudices
which prevail in the non-slaveholding States,
the committe propose such a trial in the State
from which the fugitive fled, in all cases where
lie declares to the officer giving the certificate
for his return that he has a right to his freedom.
Accordingly, the committee have prepared, and
report herewith, (marked C,) two sections,
which they recommend should be incorporated
in the fugitive bill pending in the senate. According
to these sections, the claimant is placed
under bond, and required to return the fugitive
to that county in the State from which he fled,
and there to take him before a competent tribunal,
and allow him to assert and establish his
freedom if he can, attorning to him, tor that
purpose, all needful facilities.
The committee indulge the hope that if the
fugitive bill, with the proposed amendments,
shall be passed by Congress, it will be effectual
to secure the recovery of fugitives from service
or labor, and that it will remove all causes of
complaint which have hitherto been experienced
on that irritating subject. Hut, if in its practical,
operation it shall be found insufficient, apd
if no adequate remedy can be devised for the
restoration to their owners of fugitive slaves,
tfinsn nwnnre will <i invf iiili? in imlomtiilv
out of the Treasury of the United States.
It remains to report upon the resolutions in
relation to slavery and the slave trade in the
District, of Columbia. Without discussing the
power of Congress to abolish slavery within the
District, in regard to which a diversity ofopinins
exist, the committee are of opinion that it
ought not to be abolished. It could not he
done without indispensable conditions, which
are not likely to he agreed t<>. It could not be
done without exciting great apprehension and
alarm iu the slave States. If the power were
uvarimwoil tt'iiliin flwt hiwffioi tluiv if/ill i.l ?i mi i ro.
liend that, under some pretext or another, it
might he hereafter attempted to he exercised in
the shareholding States. It is true that at present
all such power within those States is almost
unanimously disavowed ami disclaimed in the
free States. But experience in public affairs
has too often shown that where there is a desire
to do a particular tiling, the power to acpnmnlisfi
if snonnr or Intni* will tin found or :i?.
sumed.
Nor does the number of slaves within the
District make the abolition of slavery an object
of any such consequence as appears to be
attached to it in some parts of the Union.?
Since the retrocession of Alexandria county to
Virginia, on the South side of the Potomac, the
District now consists of Washington county,
on the north side of that river; and the returns
of the decennary enumeration of the people of
the United States show a rapidly progressive
decrease of the number of slaves in Washington
county. According to the census of lS.'JU, the
.......I.... ....... A r.i\- I I 4
11141 ii 11\* I iliiu 1U lH'tV/ 1L w?l? iniUL'l'U
to 3,3-20: showing ;i reduction in ten years of
nearly one-third. If it should continue in the
same ratio, the number, according to the census
now about to be taken, will only be a little
upwards of two thousand.
i)lit it majority oiiuo committee uimKomerently
in regard to tin? slave trade within the
District. By that trade is meant the introduction
of slaves from adjacent States into the District,
for sale, to be placed in depot for the pur<se
ol subsequent sale or transportation to
oilier and distant markets. That trade, a majorit
. are of opinion, ought to he abolished. Com.
iaints have always existed against it, no loss on
the part of members from the South than on the
p. rt of members from the .North. It is a trndo
sometimes exhibiting revolting spectacles, and
one in which t.ic people of the District have
no interest, but, on the contrary, are believed
to be desirous that it should be discontinued.
Most, if not all of the slaveholding States have,
either in their constitutions or by penal enactments,
prohibited a trade in slaves as merchandise
within their respective jurisdictions. Congress,
standing in regard to the people of this
District on this subject in a relation similar to
that of the State Legislatures to the people of
States, may safely follow the example of the
St., fno Thn /tAmmlfffia Knt'o nrnnarnfJ onfW
herewith report, a bill for the abolition of that
trade, (marked D,) the passage of which they
recommend to the Senate. This bill has been
framed after the model of what the law of Maryland
was when the General Government was
removed to Washington.
The views and recommendations contained
in this report may be recapitulated in a few
words:
1. The admission of any new State or States
formed out of Texas, to be postponed until they
shall hereafter present themselves to be received
into the Union, when it will be the duty of Uon[
gress fairly and faithfully to execute the compact
i with Texas by admitting such new State or States.
2. The admission forthwith of California into
the Union, with the boundaries she has proposed.
3. The establishment of territorial governments,
without the Wiiinot Proviso, for New Mexico and
Utah, embracing all the territory recently acquired
I by the United States from Mexico not contain&d
! in the boundaries of California.
4. The combination of these two last-mentioned
measures in the same bill.
5. The establishment of the western and northern
boundary of Texas, and the exclusion from
her jurisdiction of all New Mexico, with the grant
to Texas of a pecuniary equivalent And the section
for that purpose to be incorporated In the bili
admitting California and establishing territorial .
governments for Utah and New Mexico.
G. More effectual enactments of law to secure
the prompt delivery of persons bound to service j
or labor in one State, under the laws thereof, who ,
[ escape into another State.
And 7. Abstaining Irom abolishing slavery; but,!
: under a heavy penalty, prohibiting the slave trade
j in the District of Columbia.
If such of these several measures as required !
| legislation should be carried out by suitable acts
of Congress, all controversies to which our late i
territorial acquisitions have given rise, and all 1
existing questions connected with the iustitu* >
tion of slavery, whether resulting front those !
acquisitions or from its existence in the States ;
and the District of Columbia, will be amicably
i setUed and adjusted, in a manner, it is conli|
dently believed, to give general satisfaction to
j an overwhelming majority of the people of the (
] United states. Congress win nave iuinueu its i
j whole duty in regard to the vast country which, I
I having been ceded by Mexico to the United
Suites, lias fallen under their dominion. It will!
have extended to it protection, provided for its i
several parts the inestimable biessitig of free 1
and regular government adapted to their various
wants, and placed the whole under the banner
and Hag of the United States. Meeting courageously
its clear and entire duty, Congress
will escape the unmerited reproach of having,
from considerations of doubtful policy, abandoned
to an undeserved fate territories of a
boundless extent, with a sparse, incongruous,
and alien, if not unfriendly population, speaking 1
dilferent languages, and accustomed to dilt'er- j
eutlaws, whilst that population is making irre- j
sistible appeals the to new sovereignty to which i
they have been transferred for protection tor
government, lor law, and lor order.
The committee have endeavored to present
to the Senate a comprehensive plan of adjust- j
i ment, which, removing all causes of existing I
j excitement and agitation, leaves none open to i
' divide the country and disturb the general liar- i
j mony. The nation has been greatly convulsed, |
I not by measures ot general policy, but by ques- j
tions of a sectional character, and, therefore, |
more dangerous and more to be deprecated.?
| It wants repose. It loves and cherishes the
; Union. Ancl it is most cheering and gratify1
ing to witness the outbursts of deep and abiding
attachment to it which have been exhibitj
ed in nil parts of it, amidst all the trials through
j which we have passed and are passing. A peo
; pit* so patriotic as those of the United States
; will rejoice in an accommodation of all the
trouliles and ditlicnltics by which the safety of
j the Union might have been brought into the
: least danger. And under the blessings of that
i Providence who, amidst all vicissitudes, has ne;
ver ceased to extend to them his protecting
' care, His smiles, and Ilis blessings, thev will
; continue to advance in population, power, and
prosperity, and work out triumphantly the gloI
rious problem of man's capacity for sclf-gov*
l emment.
Cotton Chop.?The receipts of cotton at all
I the American ports, are now over six hundred
! thousand bales behind last year's to the same
date, and still falling off.
Tun Stamps already On.?Persons visiting
the ship Macedonia will see in the bow-parts
two guns taken with that vessel from the British.
The stamp of the Crown, with the '0. R.'
beneath tells the story. A cockney, looking at
them a short time since, contemptuously remarked?
"It's hcasy enough to put that stamp on a gun
of Yankee make "
"How Long do you suppose ii would take?"
asked a bystander,
"Not more than 'all* an hour ?" replied Bow
Bells.
"Well" rejoined the other, "we took fortyfour
of those guns, with the stamps already on
'em, in seventeen minutes."
A Retort in a Dream.?There are instances
of very smart and adroit things occurring
-> > t m'l... ij.i>
lO we 111111(1 111 Sleep. i "e iiumuii j?ee suites
that a .Mr. S. lately dreamed that he was in his
parlor with a friend, and that a piece of black
doth was 1\ hie oh the table, but which his
fiiend happened to remark was flesh color.
The dispute became warm, and .Mr. S. offered
to bet that it was flesh color. Mr. S. conclu
de l the hot, when his iriei.u lmineinaieiy exclaimed?
''Ami is not black the color of more than
half the human race?" thus completely stealing
the march upon Mr. S. and whining the
bet.
Mr. S. declares tin t the idoa of black being
entitled to the name oi " Hush color," had never
before occurred to him.
TOE JOTMNAIL, '
CAMDEN, S. C. 1
FRIDAY EVENING, MAY 17, 1850.
TELEGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE.
Reported tor the Journal.
Charleston, May 16, 9 p. m.
The market is quiet, waiting the accounts of the
next steamer. Prices are firm. Sales of 300 bales
at 11 to 13. Week's sales 5000. Receipts 6400.
W.
Nkw York, May 15.
The Cotton market was active to-day, and
an advance of 1-4 was realized. The sales amounted
to 4,000 bales at 12 1-2 for Middling
Upland, and 123-4 for Middling Orleans.
frW The following gentlemen were, on Monday
evening last, elected officers of the Camden
IndMnfiident Fire Engine Com nan v. to serve for
the .present year:
D. H. SHULER, Capt.
J. WIENGES, Lieut.
T. S. RIDGE WAY, Sec'y.
H. C. WELLHAUSEN, Treas'r.
J. L. BRASLNG'iON, 1st Director.
CHAS. I. SHIVER. 2d Director.
R. J. McCREIGHT, 3d Director.
J. K. WiTHERSPOON, 4th Director.
Address to the People of the Southern States.
We have received from our Representative, the
Hon. J. A. Woodward, an address to the people
of the Slaveholding States upon the subject of a
Southern organ, to be 'established in the city of
Washington, signed by sixty-four Senators and
Representatives, good men and irue. The address
is reported by the Hon. A. P. Butler, of this State,
from a Committee appointed for that purpose. It
is an able one, and brings the necessity for establishing
such an organ clearly before the South.
We wish this measure had been adopted earlier.
We have little hope of doing any good among ;
those who always-have kept and always will keep |
(if they are allowed) the Icernel and give us the
shell.
The Democratic Review
We regard as one of the abiest and best periodicals
of the day. It proposes the "greatest good
to the greatest number." We believe the principles
upon which it is based, and the policy of its
conduct, are sound and true. This is saying more
than we are willing at all times to allow emanations
Irom Northern presses. The Review is truly
a National work, and is strongdbr the Union. IL>
title, "The United States Magazine and Democratic
Review," implies at once its profession of
devcteduess to the interests of the General Government,
and its advocacy of the principles of the
Democratic party in general. We despise Unionism
and great Nationality when professed and
worn as a cloak to hide the inward deformity, and
to conceal the sinister designs of the wearer; yet
we may admire die right sort of a spirit of unity,
where there i? a corresponding consistency 01 au
the parts. We deny being disunionists in luto
We will assume this position when all other remedies
bhall fail, or when the North shall insist
upon forcing California, as she is proposed, upon
us whether or not; then we go for dissolution, and
that quick. The Review is valuable for statistical
information, each number containing much that
is interesting and uselul, and as a political work
and organ of the party whose name it bears, we
believe it stands pre-eminent. Our political career
being as yet but brief and imperfect, we are not
perhaps so competent to judge as others whose
minds have been engaged long and earnestly in
the study of politics. Their opinions we respect,
and when they accord with ours, we are willing to
be governed by them, at least so far as general
principles are concerned. The Review is an ex
ceptionto the mass of Northern literature, and is
not contemplated in that class to which we object
and which we contemn. There is no parallel between
an elevated, high-toned literature, and a
puny, sickly, sentimental sort, which panders to
the moral weaknesses of human nature. By the
side of the Review, the vast majority of Northern
publications stand as mere pigmies. Whilst we
are not anxious to court Northern favor through
the medium of her press, asking no favor at her
hands, demanding our rights imperatively, regardinc
with supreme indifference whether or not we
receive justice through this channel, as a reasonable
being, we are not indifferent to some sense of
obligation when we see those who " in the midst
of a crooked and perverse generation," are willing
to give us our due. To reconcile the seeming incongruity
of the two last passages, wc repeat that
we must not totally reject everything because c-f
Northern origin: truth, wherever found, is worthy
to be loved. We deprecate the custom our Southern
friends have of patronizing so many of those
coquotish Northern weeklies and monthlies which
have literally flooded our country, while publicationp
of higher moral tone at home have been suffered
to " go by the board," for want of sufficient
patronage. Most gladly would we see the Demo?
? ?.* ---t J_
cratic Review on the tables oi our oouiuern menus,
in place of the inimitable "Godey" or the exquisite
" Sartain."
We will publish, as soon as we can find sufficient
room for it, the leading article of the present
number, entitled " The Conspiracy of Fanaticism,"
in which may be found a woil-timed and appropriate
notice of the names of the truly great and
good, who have lived in the past ages of our history,
in contradistinction to such characters as
Garrison, Seward and Giddings, "insects that
buzz and reptiles that hiss their venom in the
face of the Constitution and its Iramors." We beg
our friends to read the " passing notice" given to
" " *T V^J. /C? 1 \
the Honorable Senator ironi iu-w imn. ^nmu.;
We may rest satisfied that the "hypocrisy" of
such men will be " unmasked," and their deep
depravity exposed, whilst their "knavery shall be
Biverely scou ged." We are sorry that we havj i
not a few more Democratic Reviews throughout
our gloiious confederacy: had works of this char- i
acter been sustained in place of that puerile mass
which has been fostered as vipers in our bosoins?
fanaticism would never have triumphed so com*
pletelyhi this mighty Republic; for it is
" A monitor of Mich horrid mien.
That to be hated need bat be eeen."
T*Ko Kflct ittnt* tri iiiftnra tha mavita nf a Kfurlr la fn
read for one's self. Mr. DeHay is the agent for this
place, and will be pleased to receive subscriptions.
The Charlotte Journal
We refer the Editor to an article in our last paper,
where lie will find our sentiments expressed at
length in regard to all anti-tan tcntianislx. In this
he has onr reply tb his article* which has been
mislaid or lost, and which we have not time now
to notice further.
It is hardly necessary that we should remark
upon the following article, which we find in
the South Carolinian of the 14th instant, as we
have already intimated, in unmistakeable terms,
our disapprobation of the position the journal referred
to occupies upon the momentous and all
absorbing question of Southern rights. We therefore
copy the extract without further comment:
" The Compromise.?We are no less surprised
than mortified to perceive that the Charleston
Courier, a prominent journal in South Carolina*
should exhibit such a perfect burst of delight eve*
the proposed measures recommended by the Committee
of Thirteen. It calls the report "a tioblp
and patriotic document," a "plan of honorable'
compromise," and "would bail it with unalloyed
satisfaction," were it not for "the uuioo.ked-ibr
and unwelcome opposition of Southern men."
The Courier says that "it is satisfied with the
provisions" indicated, and that the "whole country
North and South ought to be satisfied." For
the life of us we cannot understand this hot haste
on the part of a Southern press?a leading South
Card.na journal?to catch at any compromise at
the very earliest moment; and were it not for the
simultaneous appearance of the Mercury's remarks
upon the same subject, we would feel anxiety
lest the Courier's article might be considered*
in some degree, a reflex of the sentiment of the
people of this State. We do not desire to be rash
in our opposition to this so-called compromise.?
We have frequently expressed our most earnest
wishes for an equitable settlementjjrf this vexed
question, yet we never dreamed of yielding our assent
or support to any proposition involving injustice
to the South, or affecting her equality as an
integral portion of the Union. The admission of *.
California, with her present boundaries, is a
scheme that should never receive the assent of
the South?it would be a gross wrong upon her
people in many points ot view. This is is the first
prominent objection to the compromise. As to
the "more etl'ectual enactments" of the law with
regard to fugitive slaves, they cannot be more
binding or compulsory than the constitution; men
who trample on that, and repudiate the sanctity
of an oath, will scarcely regard these enactments
as " more elfectual." -v
"But we do not wish yet to discuss these measures;
we want to see the bills, we want to see
the kernel of the whole matter, as the shell may
be broken by the debates in the Senate. Until
then we would tain rest, and our whole purpose
now was to express our surprise and regret at the
tone of the Courier's welcome to this "noble aud
patriotic document"
We also find that our neighbor the Columbia
Telegraph ''as given the Courier a touch of the
timea. Of course the Courier is high authority
for many tilings, and is iu many respects a very
valuable journal; but (and this is sometimes <-a
wicked word," as one has remarked) this paper
is not warm on the main question. Silence sometimes
displays prudence, and prudence often is the
better part of color; but the silence of a Southern
jjurnal now is tnsujj'erable; and disposition some
have assumed shows at once their hands. The
Telegraph remarks as follows:
We regret to record the fact, that one paper has
been found in South Carolina willing and ready to
endorse the Report of Mr. Clay, and tp brand the
noble and patriotic opposition of Southern Senators
to that surrender of Southern Rights in the
following terms: (the italics are our own.)
u We would hail this noble and patriotic document?this
plan of honorable compromise, with
unanoyeu sausiacuon, were u uui uiai an oosiacie
has been raised to its success, and the complete
arching of its bow of promise been marred by the
unlooked-for and unwelcome opposition of South*
ern men?of Soulhern men, untied tcilh abolition,
ists and freesoilers to prevent the settlement ol the
agitating questions of the day, and the restoration
of peace to our distracted country and imperilled
Union."
That paper is .e Charleston Courier.
Our own sen1.meats as to that scheme and its
Southern supj>orters have been so fully and frankly
expressed, as to dissipate any doubts as to oar
position on tms suojeci; ana we aesire to see tne
reception which the Courier's views will meet
from the press and people of the city of Charles*
trn, now the resting place of the remains of John
C. Calhoun.
Fakir of Siva.
This extraordinary and laughable Ventriloquist
gave one of his inimitable performances last evening,
in this place. He gives another to-night We
advise all fond of the marvellous and wonderful
to visit the Fakir's Representations. Go early if
you wish to obtain a good seat. %*
Editorial Gleanings.
Tennessee.?A large meeting of the citizens of
Knox county, Tennessee, was held on the 6th
ii.st, at which resolutions in favor of the Nashville
convention were unanimously adopted, and twenty-two
delegates appointed.
The General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal
Church, South, convened in St. Louis on
the 1st inst. Present?Bishops Andrew, Paine*
and Capers. Bishop Soule was expected in a few
days.
Q n T ATTIC AT ?V i .V ITll'l tlrT nf /V ,^/lVITHMi -
Ul AJU U *0% WAAI -? -? ????? ?y W M?CU//K/?
?The report was current at St Joseph's on 30th
of April, and believed to be true, that the steamer ,
Cora, on her way to Council Bluffs, with a number
of California passengers on board, was sunk, an<j
fifteen persons drowned.
St. Louis, May 7.?There were 10 deaths to*
day and 7 yesterday, and 22 for week ending on
Saturday?all from cholera. There ia considerable
alarm in consequence.
The Methodist Conference will probably rise today
on account of the epidemic.
The Chattanooga Gazette of Friday announces
the passage of a train of cars through the tunnel
on the day preceding. This is the completion of
the first great railroad communication between
the navigable waters of the West and the Atlantio
Ocean.
It is hinted in England that Sir Robert Peel will
shortly be elevated to the Peerage.