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States to set aside and annul the clause of the! Constitution providing tor tlie delivering up of fu.l giiive slaves, snswer. I cue tliis, not that it isl the only instance, (fur there are many others,) but IS because the violation, in this particular, ot thel Constitution, is too notorious and palpable to beg denied. A?*ain : have thev Sto d forth f itlifullyl to repel violation of the Cfonstitution ? J#trt theirfl course in reference to the agitation of the slavery! question, which Was commenced and carried onfl "* " * ok??l -JIII ,>,r ol-ittnrL*! r?r fifteen years, avuweuij iui ~ o... in the Stales?iwi object nil allow io-be unc<>n-titu-! tinna!?'irmvor. Let tliem show a single instance! during this long period, in which they have de-fl hmir.ced 'he agi'ato-s or their attempts to effect! What is admitted to be unconstitutional, or a single! measure which they have brought foiward for that! purpose, flow can we, with all these facts before! us, believe that thcynro sincere in their profess ion! of devotion to the .Union, or avoid believing their! profession is but intended to increase the vigor of! their assaults, and to weaken the force of our re-l sistance? I vn.?An<t>AMn,K| iu nrufnssionof devotion to! i.^1 f bill ??c IC? ? # jr. ? the Union, on the part of those wiio are not our assailants, as? sincere, when they pronounce eulogies upon the Union, evidently with the intent of charging us with disunion, without uttering one word of denunciation against our assailants. Il f lends of the Union, their course should l>e to unite with us in repelling these assaults, and denounce the authors asenemies of the Union. Why they avoid this, Mid pursue the course thry do, it is for' them to explain. 5 Nor can the Union be saved by involving the? -* ' - ? * - ? . ? ll nan ; of the illustr.ous Soumcriier wnose iumikiib remains repose on the .western bank of tne i'oto I mac. lie was one of us?a slaveholder and a plan-l % tcr. We have studied his history, and find nothing! in it to justify submission to wrong. On ihe cou.l trary, his great fame rests on the solid foundation that, while lie was careful to avoid doing wrong to others, he was prompt and decided in repelling wrong. 1 trust that, hi this respect, we have pro-v fited by his example. Nor can we find anything in bis history to deter us from seceding from the Union, should it fail to fulfil the objects for which it was instituted, by being permanently ano hopelessly converted into the means of oppressing instead of protecting us. On the contrary, we find much in his example to encourage us, should we be forced lo the extremity f deciding between suo-b mission and disunion. There existed then, as weill as now, a union?thai between the parent country! and her then colonies. It was a union that hudl much to endear it to the people of the colonics.?I Under its protecting and superintending care, the! the colonies were planted and grew up aijd pros-I pered, through a long course of years, until they became populous and wealthy, its benefits were not limited to them. Their extensive agricultural and oth? r productions, gave birth to a flourishing commerce, which richly rewarded tne parent conn trw for the trouble and exnenee of establishing and protecting them. Washington was horn and grew up to manhood under that Union, fie acquired hit early distinction in its service, and tfv re is every reason to believe that he was devotedly attached to z it. But his devotion was a rational one* fie was attached, not as an end, but as a means to an end. When it failed to fulfil its end, and, instead of affording protection, was converted into the means of oppressing the colonies, he did not hesitate to draw his sword, and head the great movement by wbii h that union was forever severed, and the in-P dependence of these S.a'es established. This was| the great and crowning glory ol h:s h'e, Wliicn nas spread his fame over the \vh !c globe, and will transmit it to the latest posterity. Nor can the plan prnptse.l by the distinguished Senator from Kcntnckv, nor 'hat of the Administration save the Union. I shall pass by, without remark, the plan proposed by the Senator, and j?r? ceed directly to the consideration of that of the Administration. I however assnre the distinguishe'1? and able Senator, that in taking this -oursc, no dis-H respect whatever is intended to h;m and his plan J I have adopted it because ?;) imny Senators of dii-l tinguished ability, who. were present when lie de-| iivered nia speech ana expimncu ins pmn, ami wnin were fully capable to do justice to tliat side tlieyl support, have replied to hiin. The plan of the administration cannot save the Union, because it can have no eff ct whatever, towards satisfying the States cnmpo-?ir.^ the S?utliernsection of the Union, that they can. consistantlv with safety and honor, remain in tl?e Union It is in fact but a modification of the YVilnmt Proviso It proposes to effect the same object?to cxcltuf'J Ice South from all territory arqu'red by the Me.vi J c;u Irea'y. It is well known that the South i.-| tanted against the Wilniot Proviso, ami has c<>m-S mited itself by solemn resolutions, to resist, should* tit e adopted. Its opposition is Tint to the name, butj nith;.t which it proposes roe feet. That, in Southern! States hold to be unconstitutional, unjust, incon-g sis tent with their equality as members of the coin-1 mon Union, anil eaVitiated to destroy irretrievably! the equilibrium between the two sections. Thesej objections equally apply to what, for brevity, I vviI>| call tlii* Executive Proviso. Tiicrc is noditfRrcncel between it and the Wi I mot, except in tlie mode of effecting the object, and in that tcspcrt I must say, that the latter is much the least objectiouahle.? Itgoesto its object, openly, bold!)*, and distinctly I: claims for Congress unlimited power over the territories, and proposes to assert it over the territories acquired from Mexico, by a positive prohibition of slavery. Not so the executive Proviso.? It takes an indirect course, and in order to elude the Wilmot Proviso, and thereby avoid encountering the united and determined resistance of the south, it denies, by implication, the authority of CotiL'ross to legislate for theirTerritoliee, ami claim the right as belonging exclusively totheieh ibitiintsl of the territories. But to effect the object of excluding the goutli, it takes care in the meantime, of letting in emigrants freely, from tiie Northern ?States and all oilier quarter.--, oxcef.t from the south which it takps special care to exclude, by holding up to them the danger of having their slaves liberated under the Mexican laws. Tli" necessary consequence is to exclude the south fn in the territory just as effectually as would the Wilmut Proviso. The only difference inthis respect is, that what one proposes to effect directly, the othereffces indirecly and covertly. But the Executive Proviso is more objectionable than the Wilinot. in anoth r and more important particular. The latter, to eflect its object inflicts a dangerous wound upon the Constitution, by depriving the southern states as joint partners and owners of the territories, of their rights irf them: but it inflicts no greater wound than is absolutely necessary to effect its object. The former, on the contrary, while it inflicts the same wound, inflicts others equally gre it, and, if possible, greater, as I shall next proceed to explain* In claiming the right for the inhabitants, itsteadol Congress, to legislate for the territories, in the I2xecutiveProviso.it assumes that the sovereignty 01 the territories is vested in the former, or to express it in the language used in the resolution offered by one of the senators from Texas,(Gen. Houston now absent,) thf,y have "the mine inherent right of sell government as llicpeopiein inesiaies- mens* sumption is utterly unfounded, unconstitutional, without, example, and contrary to the entire practice of the (Jovcrumeiit, from its commencement to the present time, as I shall proceed to show. The recent movement of individuals in California to form a Constitution and a State Coverntnont, and to appoint Senators and reprcsen L?: n ic thr> first fm?t .if this mnnstrous na-l Ull 1**^5 ",,v ? ?w sumption. If the iudivicliinl^ who made thi movement, had gone into California as adventurers, and if, as such they had conquered the Territory and established their independence, the sovereignty of the conntry would have been vested in them, as a separate and independent community. In that case, they would have had the right to form a Constitution, and to establish a government for themselves, and if, after-B wards, they thought proper to apply to Congress J for admission into the Union as a sovereign and independent St: to, all this would have beeu regular, and according to established principles. Rut such is not the case. It was the United States who conquered California, and finally acquired it b}r treaty. The sovereignty, of course, is vested in them, and not i:i the individuals who have attempted to form a Constitution and a state, without their consent. All this is clear, beyond controversy, except it can be shown that they have since lost or beei: divested of their sovereignty. Nor is it less clear, that the power oflegis Inting over the acquired territory is vested in Congress, and and not, as assumed in the in[havitants of the Territories. None can deny that the Government of the United States haw fthe power to acquire Territories, either by wn tor treaty ; but if the power to acquire exists, it I belongs to congress to carry it into execution. On this point there- can be no doubt, for the Constitution expressly provides, that Cnngrev (shall h ave power " to make ell laws which shal l !be necessary and proper to carry into cxecutioi the foregoing powers." (those'vested in Co.i(gr-ss.) "and all other powers vested by this Con!-;irnrio? in <he Government of the United State:, t in mil, fntrlmc.nl or office thereof." It matjters not, then, where the power is vested: for, I it' vo-ted at all in tlie Government of the United J.States, or anv of its departments, or oHieers, the Ipower of carrying it into execution is clearly [ vested in Congress. But this important pro | vision, while it gives to Congress the power oil >!$gi*lnting over the Territories, imposes ini|M?. -3 tant restrictions on its exercise, by restricting; Congress to passing laws necessary and prope j dor carrying the power into execution. Tlici prohibition extends not only to all laws not suit j Sable or appropriate to the object of the power.j [but also to all that are unjust, unequal, or unfair, [for all such laws would be unnecessary andiin{proper, and, therefore, unconstitutional. I Having now established, beyond controversy,! [that the sovereignty over the Territories is vest-| [ed in the United States?that is, in the several! [States composing the Union?and that the pow-j 1 prof legislating over them is expressly vested ink Congress, it follows, that the individuals in Cal-1 iforniu who have undertaken to form a Consti-S tution and a Shite, and to exercise the power off legislating without the consent of Congress,! have usurjied tlie sovereignty of the States and the authority of Congress, and have acted in open defiance of both. In other words, what they have done is revolutionary and rebellion [in its character, anarchical in its tendency, and [calculated to load to the most dangerous conse'cpiencos. Had they acted from p~emcditntioii fund design, it would have been, in fact, actua' Ip'bollioa; hut such is uol the ease. Thphlnim jlics much less upon them than upon those who ja.ive induced them to take a course so unconIsiiiutional and dangerous. They have been led i.iio it hy language heid here, and the course pursu .d by the Executive branch of the Government. I have not seen the answer of the Executive to the calls made by the two Houses of Congress, for information as to the course which it took, or the part which it acted, in reference to what was done in California. I understand the answers have not yet heon printed. Uul (there is enough known to justify the assertion, [that those who profess to represent and act unlet* the authority of the Executive, have advised aided and encouraged the movement, which ? I f < 1 * a\ II 1 irerminarea in lormnmg, wnat inev cuueu a Constitution and a State. Gcucral Hil vy, who professed to act as civil Governor, called the Convention, determined 011 the number and dis|iribu:io.i of t!i j delegates, appointc! t'ictiine and 'place of its meeting, was present during the [session, and gave its proceedings his approbation and sanction. If he acted without authority, he ought to have been tried, or at least reB iiriiii;iiulii(l mid disavowed. Neither hnrint'l been done, the presumption is, that his course has been approved. This, of itself, is suHieicnt to identify the Executive with his acts, and to make it responsible for tliein. I touch not the question, whether (joneral Riley was appointed, or received the instructions under which he professed to act, from the present Executive, or its predecessor. If from the former, it would implicate the preceding as well as the present udiiiifiiufr:iliftit If nnt Mill MVMinneiliilitv Posts > - "1 J exclusively on the present. It is manifest from this statement, that the Executive Department has undertaken to perform acts preparatory to the meeting of the individuals to form their so-called Constitution and Government, which appertain exclusively to Congress. Indeed, they are identical in many respects, with the provision! adopted by Congress, when it gives pcrmi.s&iou to a Territory to form a Constitution and Covernmcut, in order to be admitted as a State in the Union. Having now shown that the assumption upon which the Executive and the individuals in California acted throughout this whole affair, is unfounded, unconstitutional, and dangerous, it remain.^to make a few remarks, in order to show that what has been done is contrary to the entire practice of the Government from its commencement to the present time. From its commencement until the time that Michigan was admitted, the practice was uniform. Territorial Governments were first organized by Congress. The Government of the United States appointed the Governors, Judges, Secretaries, Marshals, and other ofhcers, and the inhabitants of the Territory were represented by legislative bodies, whose acts were subject to the revisions of Congress. This state of things continued until the Government of a Territory applied to Congress to permit its inhabitants to form a Constitution and Govern 4 * O.o I li.inn 11117111, |M t"|miaun j lu miiiiiooiun nnu tuv The preliminary act to giving permission was,! to ascertain whether the inhabitants were suf-l liciently numerous to authorize them to !> ' form. | cd into a State. This was done by hiking al census. That being done, and the numbeiW proving sufficient, permission was granted.?1: The act granting it fixed all the preliminaries?I1 the time and place .of holding the convention,I* the qualification of the voters; establishment offf its boundaries, and all other measures necessa-E' ry to be settled previous to admission. Then act giving permission necessarily withdraws the* sovereignty of the United States, and leaves thel inhabitants of the incipient State as free to form J1 their Constitution and Government, as were then1 original States of the Union after they had de-fj clared their independence. At this stage, the! inhabitants of the Territory became for the first* time a people, in legal and constitutional lan-fi guage. Prior to this, they were, by the old* Iftts of ConnYPRS. pnlled inhabitants onrt nntP O- ' ? V ? people. All this is perfectly consistent with theg swercignty of the United States, with the pow-fc ers of Congress, and with the right of a people* to self-government. | Michigan was the first case in which thereE was any dcpirture from the .uniform rule offl acting, ller's was a very slight departure! from established usage. The ordinance of '87H secured to her the right of becoming a State,! when she should have 60,000 inhabitants.-- I Owimr to some neulcct ConnTess delaved inH t iliing the census. In the meantime her pop-B illation increased, until it clearly exceeded morcB than twice the number which entitled her top admission. At this stage she formed a Con-B stitution a id Government without the censusp l>eing taken by the United States, and Congress* waived the omission, as there was no douhtp die had more than a sufficient number to entitles her to admission. She was not admitted at? 'he first session she applied, owing to some* difficulty respecting the boundary between heiS and Ohio. The great irregularity, ais to her^f idmUsion, took place at the next session, butc - mi a point which can have no possible connec-B tion with the case of California. K ! The irregularities in all other cases that have* iincL* oceU Ted are of a similar nature. In all f. there existed Territorial Government, establish-1 ed bv Congress, with oflicers appointed by the? United States. In all, the Territorial Govern-!* ment took t'ie lead in calling Conventions, andjl fixing tlio preliminaries preparatory to the for-B nation of a Constitution and admission into the* Union. 'J'hey all recognized the sovereignty of? the United States, and the authority of Con g uvyr uie ii-uiunica , auu hiiciou uivivw (was any departure from established usage, itl was dime on the presumed consent of Congress.? and nit in defiance of its autliority, or the sov-i| ereignty of the United States over the Tcrrito-1 f ries. in this respect California stands alone J without usage, or a single example to cover heij' ease. It belongs now, Senators, for you to decide? what part you will act in reference to this un-fi precedentod transaction. The Executive hnsfi laid the paper purporting to Ik- the Constitution* of California before you, and asks you to ad E init her into the Union as a State; and then question is: will you or will you not admit her?S It is a grave question, and there rests upon you 3 a heavy responsibility. Much, very much, will* depend uj?on your decision. If you admit her. | you'endorse hnd give your sanction to all that j; lias been done. Are you prepared to do so?? | Arc you prepared to surrender your power of r [legislation for the Territories; a power ex- I pressl v vested in Congress by the Constitution, [ is has been fully established? Can you, con-^ Mstcntlv with vour oath to support the Consti-B I U 'Ml n it ution, surrender tlie power? Are you prepared a to admit that the inhabitants of the Territories S [K)sse<stlie sovereignty over them, and that any* number, more or less, may claim any extent ofl territory they please; may form a Constitutions and ( loverninent, and erect it into a State, with-S nnwniccinn ? Arn vtin itrpnnr.S rui iwniiig J""' |'1 J ? |--r" j t>(l to surrender the sovereignty of the United States over whatever territory may he hereafter acquired to the first adventurers who may rush into it? Are you prepared to surrender virtually to the Executive Department, all the powers which you have heretofore exercised over] the Territories? If not, how can you consistently with your duty and your oaths to supl>oit the Constitution, give your assent to the admission of California as a Shite, finder a pretended Constitution and Government? Again: can you believe that the project of a Constitu ion which they have adopted, has the least validity ? Can you believe that there is such a State in reality as the State of California? No; there is no such State. It has no legal or con ? I . t - 1? ISA-- I stituiioikii existence, it lias no vumuiy, ami can linve none, without your sanction. How, then, can you admit it as a State, when, according to the provision of the Constitution, your power is limited to admitting new Slates. To ho admitted, it must he a State, an existing State, independent of your sanction, before you can admit it. When you give your permission to the inhabitants of a Territory to form a Con stitution am! a State, the Constitution and State they form, derive their authority form the people, and not from von. The State before admitted is actually a State, and does not become so by the act of admission, as would be the case with California, should you admit her contrary to constitutional provisions and established usage heretofore. The Senators on the other side of the Chamber must permit me to make a few remarks, in this connection particularly applicable to them, with the exception of a few Senators from the: . .1 r*\ i K South, sitting on that siae 01 uie uinnmcr.? When the Oregon question was before this body, not two years since, you took (if I mistake not) universally the ground, that Congress had the sole and absolute power of legislating for the Territories. How, then, can you now, after the short interval which has elapsed, abandon the ground which you took, and thereby virtually admit that the power of legislation, instead of being in Congress, is in the inhabitants I r .1 tii ?? ? t n? OI IMC 1 ornuincs I llim uuii jv/11 juowit iiuu sanction by your votes, the acts of the Executive, which are in direct derogation to what you then contended for ? Hut to approach still nearer to the present time, how can you, after condemning, little more than a year since, the grounds taken by the party which you deleatodB at tlie last election, wheel round and support bvfl your votes the grounds which, as explained re-B centl v on (his lloor by the candidate of the par-H ty in the last eleetiiui, are identical with thoscB on which (lie Kxccutive has acted in referenccB to California 1 What are we to understand by ill this? Must we conclude that there is no sincerity, no faith, in the a.'ts and declarations of public men, and that all is mere acting or liollow profession ? Or are we to conclude that the exclusion of the South from the Territory acquired from Mexico is au object of so par-1 amount a character in your estimation, that Itight, Justice, Constitution, and Consistency,' must all y 'eld, when they stand in the way oi our exclusion ? j* But, it may be asked, what is to be done with California, snould she not be admitted 1 I au-j swer, remand her back to ihe Territorial condi-j tiou, as was done in the case of Tennessee, inj the early stage of the Government Congress,' iii her case, had established a Territorial Government in trie usual form, with a Governor, Judges, and other officers, appointed by the United States. She was entitled, under tne deed of cession, to be admitted into the Unioil as a State as soon as she had sixty taousand inhabitants. The Territorial Government, believing it had that number, took a census, by which it appeared it exceeded it tine then formed a Constitution and applied for admission. Congress refused to admit her, on the grounuS that tne census should be taken by the UniteuW States, and that Congress had not determines0 whether tiie Tenitory should be formed into ofitl or two States, as it was authorized to do under! the cession. She returned quietly to her Ter-8j ritorial condition. An act was {Kissed to take! a census by the United States, containing apro-fl tiaiuu ui.it uit; j-ctuujij ^uutuu iunu vaju ?juiu~. All afterwards was regularly conducted, anu liic Teriitory admitted as a State in due Ibmi. i'lie irregularities iu tue case of California an. immeasurably greater, and offer much stronge. . easons for pursuing tue same course, lint, it nay be saui, California may not submit, 'mat is not probable ; but it she should not, when sherefuses, it will then be tune for us to deckle what is to be done. ^ h Having now shown what cannot save tlu! Union,! return to the question with which 1 com-! nienced: How can the Union be saved f Then! is but one way by which it can with any cor-! tainty, and that is, by a full and filial settlement,! on tue principle of justice, of all the question.-! at issue between the two -.ctions. M ue Soat..l asks for justice, simple justice, and less she ougn.l not t > tuKe. fcJiie has no compromise to oiiei, out tie Constitution ; and no concession or surrender to make. She lots already surrenders. .0 much that she has little left to surrender.ouch a settlement would go to the root of tui evil, and remove all cause of discontent. 1C satisfying the South, she could remain lionora oly and safely in the Union, and thereby restore iue harmoav and fraternal feelings between tin. sections, which existed anterior to the iWissou..B agitation. iNothing else can, with any certain 0 ly, iiuully and forever, settle the question ui.is g aue, terminate agitation, and save the Union. H 15 it can this Lie done? les, easily: not?bj 1 the weaker jiorty, tor it can of itself Uo nothing 1 ?not even protect itself?but by the stronger.8 The .North has only to will it to OCCOUlplL>n i.l ?to do justice by conceding to the boatii ui.fl !?-* .M.nnimwl tui-eifAPtr flllfi til fil.l t'lJU.U JI^UL in iiiu uv<|uaicu .v ner duty by causing tue stipulations relative tig fugitive slaves to be taithfully fulfilled?to coast fl the agitation of the slave question, and to pru-P vine ior the insertion ol a provision in the touJ dilution, by an amendment, which will restorvi in substance the power she possessed ol protecting herself, belore the equilibrium between t.u sections was destroyed by the action of t.n. Government, 'litete w ill be no diriiculty in devising such a provision. One that will pro tec. die South, at the same time, will improve am. strengthen the Government,instead ol imparling and wcakfliing it. 13ut will the North agree to do this ( It is fo. nor to answer this question. Hut, 1 will say she cannot refuse, if sue has half the love lor tin I U nion which she professes to have, or witliou; justly exposing herself to the charge that hdi love of power and aggrandizeuien t is ftrgreattt than her love of the Union. Al ail events, the responsibility of saving the Union rests on the j .North, and not the South. The South cannot save it by any act of hers, ami the North nun save it without any sacrifice whatever, unless to do justice, and to perforin her duties undei jtlie Constitution, should bo regarded by her as a ! sacrifice. B It is time, Senators, that tliere should be an open and manly avowal on all sides, as to what jis intended to be done. If the question is not [now settled, it is uncertain whether it ever can hereafter be; and we, us the Representatives of 'the States of this Union, regarded as Govern-^ jineuts, should come to u distinct understanding [as to our respective views, in order to ascertain | whether the great questions at issue can be settled or not. If you, who represent the stronger portion, cannot agree to settle them on the J broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and 'let the States we both represent agree to separate and part in peace. If you are unwilling we should part in peace, tell us so, and we shallR know what to do, when you reduce the question to submission or resistance. If you remain silent, you will compel us to infer what you intend. In that case California will become the test question. If you admit her, under all the difficulties that oppose her admission, you compel us to infer that you intend to exclude us irom the whole of the acquired Tenitories, with the intention of destroying, irretrievably, the equilibrium between the two sections. We would bo blind not to perceive in thatcase, that your real objects are power and aggrandisement, and infatuated not to act accordingly. I have now, Senators, done my duty, in ex-1 pressing my opinions fully, freely, and candid-l ly, on this solemn occasion. In doing so, 19 t i 1 i... o.o. i V llHVt' UeUIl gllVt'l llCU uj uiv: uiwtiH'n \> liii. it iiii y w governed ine iii nil the stages of the agitation of tho Slavery question, since its commencement. I have exerted myself, during the whole period, to arrest it, with the intention ofsuviugj the Union, if it could he done; ami if it couhlj not, to save the section where it lias pleased Providence to cast my lot, and which, 1 sincere-! ly believe, has justice and the Constitution onl lis sine. Having laiuiiuin uuiu- my uuiy, io? the host of my ability, both to the Union amir my section, throughout this agitation, I shall! have the consolation, let what M ill come, that II am free from all responsibility. D I TMM WwmM* 1 CAMDEN, S. C. ^TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 12, 1850. TELEGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE. ^ Reported Exprenly for the Journal. f Baltimore, March 9. * Tlie fteanwl.ip Ciinridivnrrivpti at Halifax this morning. The Liverpool I ottoft jriarket had Iwcn in adeprewed conlilion, aiul price* had declined fully 11. / New York,'March9. The 116IV# bv tlltfOLIHUfa llfl* fkj? r/kttnn mnu. ket; but lhei( !?as been no sale* ?in<v her arrivaL / [Charleston Mercury. / Chabi.kbto*, March 11?Hp.tn. The itdvue* by the Canada lias unsettled the cotum narkn. and buyers are asking large redactions. 65) bales MitWjingwcr* sold to-day at 10r?a declinet>f i. / MELANCHOLY CASUALTY. / It is ? illi unfeigned sorronr that tve Ic in, by lefcr. graphic intelligence rcc iv?d here nn Tu?*tl?y eve. uing tint .Mr. Junt** K. McK in. with In* moth, or, .Mrs Elizabeth McKnin, citizen* of'our town, also I I Mrs. Vauglian and her daughter i\ii>j- Virginia, (tumor II residents of this place, oil peri-lied by the rirstruc'ion * of the steamer O;line St. Juhu. which wan consumed hy fire on the Alabama River, tjn Tuesday evening last, between Mobile and Montgomery. Mr. McK tin nd liia inuiliur were on their way hark home from a isil to Mobile. Mm. Vauglian and datightor were a In ti tlicir way to visit Camden. All X|*c ed to arrive icre, we believe, on Saturday evening lust. This nnlanclioly intelligence has e st a deep gloom over or whole community. Recently, in many circles, nr citizens have been sorely afflicted, each uffl ction in its order Mcciuirxr to tin nn>r? .xvom ?<) iirply thin is so, to a greater extent than any other which has preceded it. To lose our fiieuds at any uine and under any crrcumstaucc is painful; hut to >art thus with them is sorrowful ind. oil. In tho h-alh of .Mr. Mi-Kiin, our town ia deprived of one of <a beat, most us f il, and energy tic citizens. We can >idy mingle our sympathies with the bereaved friends ud relations, and bow with sulsnission J<T lire will of livinc providence, wh'ch in its mysterious drspensa. ion. has laid its hand so heavily iipisi us. The par* miliars of this aid accidi^nf', may bo /fuund in another uluinn. \ | We have Ircm fivored l.y a frirnil with the following tribute to the memory of Mr. iwcKain, and hope h.miio friend will favor us with a suitable Obituary fur vlrs. McKain, lor our next number. The recent calamity on the Alabama rivmL the burning I f 11,** Ortins Sf t#,tiii In. ? ?< - uiirt. To thin community, the visiiatiorThi o?>e of pecui ar melancholy and sadness. The partii-t^ars, m fur ax tVy liave mine lo hnnd, will be found uillic jxWTc prints. It is n?t our purpose therefore, to dwell upon tlvein, bat ve fi-el boon 1 to give more than a pruning notice to oaeof lie victim* of this fatal catastrophe. Our late fellow citien, J a m ks 11. McKattv, and hit- mother were among those ?liu lost tlwir live* by the destruction of the Oriine Si. olui. Tb,' death of such a man a* Mr. McKnin tvtiold, v any time, and undernny circumstances, fill many hearts .villi gloom?.it present, it is pecnliarly melancholy. But t few weeks has elapsed since he bnricJ his excellent wife, aving to his care six small children?and now, in the ivxteriotis dispensation'- of Providence, lie has lieen taken limself. (io.l bless the dear orphan children, and sustain liose to whose care they tire thus provi.lentially committed! ''o his family his loss is utterly irreparable; and the comn-mity which he so zealously an: f.ithfully served wilt ,oisoon find a innu to fill his place. lie was enkpliaticaly, a good citizen in every sense of the word?a true patri. o .......,;n.. ?^.i - ~i.- ?.? i_ iooc Vfii: wilh the gallant Ken-haw volunteers lo Florida, and -litliTnlly discltarged Itis duty a# a soldier, to his country.? The cause of Teniperaci-e he advocated with a zeal and arnestness not to be surpassed by any philanthropist in -he State. The warmth of his attachment and his fidelity u- a friend, had bound many hearts to him, and wltich are tow bleeding fir the loss of tlte most faithful and anient riend they ever knew. To the poor, hi* hanil was ever ?;en, antPno man in the romnxinity, in hi* circumstances, gave more in charity than h : d I. Ifo filled various pub.it: offices during his life, and was, at the time of his death, .ntundant of our town. As a Justice of the Peace, and is Chief .Magistrate of the town, lie ha# always fearlessly ind independently, and, we may add, wisely and satis.'actorily discharged the duties which devolved upon him. tut wt> miut stop?we cannot do justice, in ao brief an 11 ticlc, to (lie merits of his excellent character. U* Wo learn by a teh graphic despatch received this miming, that tlio body of Mrs, MuK iin has bceu re* '.ovorcd, no .r the place of the calamity. To-day we give our readers the Speech of Mr. Jalhouu. It is what we might have expected?a .nasterly effort The first part is devoted to the history of the rise itwl nrntrrtiwc nf tlita Frno Snil innvfaiiont in l)in North. Then he shows by what the Union will it be saved, and by what it may be saved. The Executive project?the Clay project, &c. &.c. he says cannot save tlie Union. His proposed amendment of the Constitution, we object to, in accordance with Mr. Focte. The Constitution as it was, and as it is?the broad shield left us by our Fathers is sufficiently cotnprehen si .*e?let that in spirit as well as letter be oUerved and it is all the South will ask?but if the Constitution, with all its comprehensiveness, with all its undying associations, will not be observed and regarded by the North, neither would any amendment that could be affixed. This last effort of him who has thrown around our State the glory of his * acts, will'be sufficient apology for the absence of variety, this number. ? V A new Magazine entitled the " Southern Lady's Magazine," Edited by H. M. Garland, Jr., and Mrs. Margaret Piggot, has been started at Baltimore.? Truly Southern in its tone. We wish it a liberal patronage. Mr. Webster's Speech is now before the country, the greatest effort of a great man. It proved a general disappointment. The Nortli expected a more northern tone, while the South was surprised at the liberality of his views. He killed the Wilmot Proviso?but it was already harmless. It was not that now that the South feared?it is that cnirif nf nirrrms:<inn wltirlt hv rutr itnini? V,. "5,(3 ? ".v.. ?J UU1 U...W.I .. I?l? tin; North they are enabled almost insensibly to us to effect?that endangers the South. This, Mr. Webster did not touch?he cried peace? in such a tone?as we. are almost compello liove?of honesty, that happy tor tlieSouL is not lured too tar to sa ve herself. W i