The Camden journal. [volume] (Camden, S.C.) 1836-1851, March 12, 1850, Image 2
States to set aside and annul the clause of the!
Constitution providing tor tlie delivering up of fu.l
giiive slaves, snswer. I cue tliis, not that it isl
the only instance, (fur there are many others,) but IS
because the violation, in this particular, ot thel
Constitution, is too notorious and palpable to beg
denied. A?*ain : have thev Sto d forth f itlifullyl
to repel violation of the Cfonstitution ? J#trt theirfl
course in reference to the agitation of the slavery!
question, which Was commenced and carried onfl
"* " * ok??l -JIII ,>,r ol-ittnrL*!
r?r fifteen years, avuweuij iui ~ o...
in the Stales?iwi object nil allow io-be unc<>n-titu-!
tinna!?'irmvor. Let tliem show a single instance!
during this long period, in which they have de-fl
hmir.ced 'he agi'ato-s or their attempts to effect!
What is admitted to be unconstitutional, or a single!
measure which they have brought foiward for that!
purpose, flow can we, with all these facts before!
us, believe that thcynro sincere in their profess ion!
of devotion to the .Union, or avoid believing their!
profession is but intended to increase the vigor of!
their assaults, and to weaken the force of our re-l
sistance? I
vn.?An<t>AMn,K| iu nrufnssionof devotion to!
i.^1 f bill ??c IC? ? # jr. ?
the Union, on the part of those wiio are not our assailants,
as? sincere, when they pronounce eulogies
upon the Union, evidently with the intent of
charging us with disunion, without uttering one
word of denunciation against our assailants. Il
f lends of the Union, their course should l>e to unite
with us in repelling these assaults, and denounce
the authors asenemies of the Union. Why they
avoid this, Mid pursue the course thry do, it is for'
them to explain. 5
Nor can the Union be saved by involving the?
-* ' - ? * - ? . ? ll
nan ; of the illustr.ous Soumcriier wnose iumikiib
remains repose on the .western bank of tne i'oto I
mac. lie was one of us?a slaveholder and a plan-l
% tcr. We have studied his history, and find nothing!
in it to justify submission to wrong. On ihe cou.l
trary, his great fame rests on the solid foundation
that, while lie was careful to avoid doing wrong to
others, he was prompt and decided in repelling
wrong. 1 trust that, hi this respect, we have pro-v
fited by his example. Nor can we find anything in
bis history to deter us from seceding from the Union,
should it fail to fulfil the objects for which it
was instituted, by being permanently ano hopelessly
converted into the means of oppressing instead
of protecting us. On the contrary, we find much
in his example to encourage us, should we be
forced lo the extremity f deciding between suo-b
mission and disunion. There existed then, as weill
as now, a union?thai between the parent country!
and her then colonies. It was a union that hudl
much to endear it to the people of the colonics.?I
Under its protecting and superintending care, the!
the colonies were planted and grew up aijd pros-I
pered, through a long course of years, until they
became populous and wealthy, its benefits were
not limited to them. Their extensive agricultural
and oth? r productions, gave birth to a flourishing
commerce, which richly rewarded tne parent conn
trw for the trouble and exnenee of establishing and
protecting them. Washington was horn and grew
up to manhood under that Union, fie acquired hit
early distinction in its service, and tfv re is every
reason to believe that he was devotedly attached to
z it. But his devotion was a rational one* fie was
attached, not as an end, but as a means to an end.
When it failed to fulfil its end, and, instead of
affording protection, was converted into the means
of oppressing the colonies, he did not hesitate to
draw his sword, and head the great movement by
wbii h that union was forever severed, and the in-P
dependence of these S.a'es established. This was|
the great and crowning glory ol h:s h'e, Wliicn nas
spread his fame over the \vh !c globe, and will
transmit it to the latest posterity.
Nor can the plan prnptse.l by the distinguished
Senator from Kcntnckv, nor 'hat of the Administration
save the Union. I shall pass by, without
remark, the plan proposed by the Senator, and j?r? ceed
directly to the consideration of that of the Administration.
I however assnre the distinguishe'1?
and able Senator, that in taking this -oursc, no dis-H
respect whatever is intended to h;m and his plan J
I have adopted it because ?;) imny Senators of dii-l
tinguished ability, who. were present when lie de-|
iivered nia speech ana expimncu ins pmn, ami wnin
were fully capable to do justice to tliat side tlieyl
support, have replied to hiin.
The plan of the administration cannot save the
Union, because it can have no eff ct whatever, towards
satisfying the States cnmpo-?ir.^ the S?utliernsection
of the Union, that they can. consistantlv
with safety and honor, remain in tl?e Union It is
in fact but a modification of the YVilnmt Proviso
It proposes to effect the same object?to cxcltuf'J
Ice South from all territory arqu'red by the Me.vi J
c;u Irea'y. It is well known that the South i.-|
tanted against the Wilniot Proviso, ami has c<>m-S
mited itself by solemn resolutions, to resist, should*
tit e adopted. Its opposition is Tint to the name, butj
nith;.t which it proposes roe feet. That, in Southern!
States hold to be unconstitutional, unjust, incon-g
sis tent with their equality as members of the coin-1
mon Union, anil eaVitiated to destroy irretrievably!
the equilibrium between the two sections. Thesej
objections equally apply to what, for brevity, I vviI>|
call tlii* Executive Proviso. Tiicrc is noditfRrcncel
between it and the Wi I mot, except in tlie mode of
effecting the object, and in that tcspcrt I must say,
that the latter is much the least objectiouahle.?
Itgoesto its object, openly, bold!)*, and distinctly
I: claims for Congress unlimited power over the
territories, and proposes to assert it over the territories
acquired from Mexico, by a positive prohibition
of slavery. Not so the executive Proviso.?
It takes an indirect course, and in order to elude
the Wilmot Proviso, and thereby avoid encountering
the united and determined resistance of the
south, it denies, by implication, the authority of
CotiL'ross to legislate for theirTerritoliee, ami claim
the right as belonging exclusively totheieh ibitiintsl
of the territories. But to effect the object of excluding
the goutli, it takes care in the meantime,
of letting in emigrants freely, from tiie Northern
?States and all oilier quarter.--, oxcef.t from the south
which it takps special care to exclude, by holding
up to them the danger of having their slaves liberated
under the Mexican laws. Tli" necessary consequence
is to exclude the south fn in the territory
just as effectually as would the Wilmut Proviso.
The only difference inthis respect is, that what one
proposes to effect directly, the othereffces indirecly
and covertly.
But the Executive Proviso is more objectionable
than the Wilinot. in anoth r and more important
particular. The latter, to eflect its object inflicts
a dangerous wound upon the Constitution, by depriving
the southern states as joint partners and
owners of the territories, of their rights irf them:
but it inflicts no greater wound than is absolutely
necessary to effect its object. The former, on the
contrary, while it inflicts the same wound, inflicts
others equally gre it, and, if possible, greater, as I
shall next proceed to explain*
In claiming the right for the inhabitants, itsteadol
Congress, to legislate for the territories, in the I2xecutiveProviso.it
assumes that the sovereignty 01
the territories is vested in the former, or to express
it in the language used in the resolution offered by
one of the senators from Texas,(Gen. Houston now
absent,) thf,y have "the mine inherent right of sell
government as llicpeopiein inesiaies- mens*
sumption is utterly unfounded, unconstitutional,
without, example, and contrary to the entire practice
of the (Jovcrumeiit, from its commencement to
the present time, as I shall proceed to show.
The recent movement of individuals in California
to form a Constitution and a State Coverntnont,
and to appoint Senators and reprcsen
L?: n ic thr> first fm?t .if this mnnstrous na-l
Ull 1**^5 ",,v ? ?w
sumption. If the iudivicliinl^ who made thi
movement, had gone into California as adventurers,
and if, as such they had conquered the
Territory and established their independence,
the sovereignty of the conntry would have been
vested in them, as a separate and independent
community. In that case, they would have had
the right to form a Constitution, and to establish
a government for themselves, and if, after-B
wards, they thought proper to apply to Congress J
for admission into the Union as a sovereign
and independent St: to, all this would have beeu
regular, and according to established principles.
Rut such is not the case. It was the United
States who conquered California, and finally
acquired it b}r treaty. The sovereignty, of
course, is vested in them, and not i:i the individuals
who have attempted to form a Constitution
and a state, without their consent. All
this is clear, beyond controversy, except it can
be shown that they have since lost or beei:
divested of their sovereignty.
Nor is it less clear, that the power oflegis
Inting over the acquired territory is vested in
Congress, and and not, as assumed in the in[havitants
of the Territories. None can deny
that the Government of the United States haw
fthe power to acquire Territories, either by wn
tor treaty ; but if the power to acquire exists, it
I belongs to congress to carry it into execution.
On this point there- can be no doubt, for the
Constitution expressly provides, that Cnngrev
(shall h ave power " to make ell laws which shal l
!be necessary and proper to carry into cxecutioi
the foregoing powers." (those'vested in Co.i(gr-ss.)
"and all other powers vested by this Con!-;irnrio?
in <he Government of the United State:,
t in mil, fntrlmc.nl or office thereof." It matjters
not, then, where the power is vested: for,
I it' vo-ted at all in tlie Government of the United
J.States, or anv of its departments, or oHieers, the
Ipower of carrying it into execution is clearly
[ vested in Congress. But this important pro
| vision, while it gives to Congress the power oil
>!$gi*lnting over the Territories, imposes ini|M?. -3
tant restrictions on its exercise, by restricting;
Congress to passing laws necessary and prope j
dor carrying the power into execution. Tlici
prohibition extends not only to all laws not suit j
Sable or appropriate to the object of the power.j
[but also to all that are unjust, unequal, or unfair,
[for all such laws would be unnecessary andiin{proper,
and, therefore, unconstitutional.
I Having now established, beyond controversy,!
[that the sovereignty over the Territories is vest-|
[ed in the United States?that is, in the several!
[States composing the Union?and that the pow-j
1 prof legislating over them is expressly vested ink
Congress, it follows, that the individuals in Cal-1
iforniu who have undertaken to form a Consti-S
tution and a Shite, and to exercise the power off
legislating without the consent of Congress,!
have usurjied tlie sovereignty of the States and
the authority of Congress, and have acted in
open defiance of both. In other words, what
they have done is revolutionary and rebellion
[in its character, anarchical in its tendency, and
[calculated to load to the most dangerous conse'cpiencos.
Had they acted from p~emcditntioii
fund design, it would have been, in fact, actua'
Ip'bollioa; hut such is uol the ease. Thphlnim
jlics much less upon them than upon those who
ja.ive induced them to take a course so unconIsiiiutional
and dangerous. They have been led
i.iio it hy language heid here, and the course
pursu .d by the Executive branch of the Government.
I have not seen the answer of the Executive
to the calls made by the two Houses of Congress,
for information as to the course which it
took, or the part which it acted, in reference to
what was done in California. I understand
the answers have not yet heon printed. Uul
(there is enough known to justify the assertion,
[that those who profess to represent and act unlet*
the authority of the Executive, have advised
aided and encouraged the movement, which
? I f < 1 * a\ II 1
irerminarea in lormnmg, wnat inev cuueu a
Constitution and a State. Gcucral Hil vy, who
professed to act as civil Governor, called the
Convention, determined 011 the number and dis|iribu:io.i
of t!i j delegates, appointc! t'ictiine and
'place of its meeting, was present during the
[session, and gave its proceedings his approbation
and sanction. If he acted without authority,
he ought to have been tried, or at least reB
iiriiii;iiulii(l mid disavowed. Neither hnrint'l
been done, the presumption is, that his course
has been approved. This, of itself, is suHieicnt
to identify the Executive with his acts, and to
make it responsible for tliein. I touch not the
question, whether (joneral Riley was appointed,
or received the instructions under which he
professed to act, from the present Executive,
or its predecessor. If from the former, it would
implicate the preceding as well as the present udiiiifiiufr:iliftit
If nnt Mill MVMinneiliilitv Posts
> - "1 J
exclusively on the present.
It is manifest from this statement, that the
Executive Department has undertaken to perform
acts preparatory to the meeting of the individuals
to form their so-called Constitution
and Government, which appertain exclusively
to Congress. Indeed, they are identical in
many respects, with the provision! adopted by
Congress, when it gives pcrmi.s&iou to a Territory
to form a Constitution and Covernmcut, in
order to be admitted as a State in the Union.
Having now shown that the assumption upon
which the Executive and the individuals in California
acted throughout this whole affair, is unfounded,
unconstitutional, and dangerous, it
remain.^to make a few remarks, in order to
show that what has been done is contrary to
the entire practice of the Government from its
commencement to the present time.
From its commencement until the time that
Michigan was admitted, the practice was uniform.
Territorial Governments were first organized
by Congress. The Government of the
United States appointed the Governors, Judges,
Secretaries, Marshals, and other ofhcers, and
the inhabitants of the Territory were represented
by legislative bodies, whose acts were subject
to the revisions of Congress. This state of
things continued until the Government of a
Territory applied to Congress to permit its inhabitants
to form a Constitution and Govern
4 * O.o I li.inn
11117111, |M t"|miaun j lu miiiiiooiun nnu tuv
The preliminary act to giving permission was,!
to ascertain whether the inhabitants were suf-l
liciently numerous to authorize them to !> ' form. |
cd into a State. This was done by hiking al
census. That being done, and the numbeiW
proving sufficient, permission was granted.?1:
The act granting it fixed all the preliminaries?I1
the time and place .of holding the convention,I*
the qualification of the voters; establishment offf
its boundaries, and all other measures necessa-E'
ry to be settled previous to admission. Then
act giving permission necessarily withdraws the*
sovereignty of the United States, and leaves thel
inhabitants of the incipient State as free to form J1
their Constitution and Government, as were then1
original States of the Union after they had de-fj
clared their independence. At this stage, the!
inhabitants of the Territory became for the first*
time a people, in legal and constitutional lan-fi
guage. Prior to this, they were, by the old*
Iftts of ConnYPRS. pnlled inhabitants onrt nntP
O- ' ? V ?
people. All this is perfectly consistent with theg
swercignty of the United States, with the pow-fc
ers of Congress, and with the right of a people*
to self-government. |
Michigan was the first case in which thereE
was any dcpirture from the .uniform rule offl
acting, ller's was a very slight departure!
from established usage. The ordinance of '87H
secured to her the right of becoming a State,!
when she should have 60,000 inhabitants.-- I
Owimr to some neulcct ConnTess delaved inH
t iliing the census. In the meantime her pop-B
illation increased, until it clearly exceeded morcB
than twice the number which entitled her top
admission. At this stage she formed a Con-B
stitution a id Government without the censusp
l>eing taken by the United States, and Congress*
waived the omission, as there was no douhtp
die had more than a sufficient number to entitles
her to admission. She was not admitted at?
'he first session she applied, owing to some*
difficulty respecting the boundary between heiS
and Ohio. The great irregularity, ais to her^f
idmUsion, took place at the next session, butc
- mi a point which can have no possible connec-B
tion with the case of California. K
! The irregularities in all other cases that have*
iincL* oceU Ted are of a similar nature. In all f.
there existed Territorial Government, establish-1
ed bv Congress, with oflicers appointed by the?
United States. In all, the Territorial Govern-!*
ment took t'ie lead in calling Conventions, andjl
fixing tlio preliminaries preparatory to the for-B
nation of a Constitution and admission into the*
Union. 'J'hey all recognized the sovereignty of?
the United States, and the authority of Con g
uvyr uie ii-uiunica , auu hiiciou uivivw
(was any departure from established usage, itl
was dime on the presumed consent of Congress.?
and nit in defiance of its autliority, or the sov-i|
ereignty of the United States over the Tcrrito-1 f
ries. in this respect California stands alone J
without usage, or a single example to cover heij'
ease.
It belongs now, Senators, for you to decide?
what part you will act in reference to this un-fi
precedentod transaction. The Executive hnsfi
laid the paper purporting to Ik- the Constitution*
of California before you, and asks you to ad E
init her into the Union as a State; and then
question is: will you or will you not admit her?S
It is a grave question, and there rests upon you 3
a heavy responsibility. Much, very much, will*
depend uj?on your decision. If you admit her. |
you'endorse hnd give your sanction to all that j;
lias been done. Are you prepared to do so?? |
Arc you prepared to surrender your power of r
[legislation for the Territories; a power ex- I
pressl v vested in Congress by the Constitution, [
is has been fully established? Can you, con-^
Mstcntlv with vour oath to support the Consti-B
I U 'Ml n
it ution, surrender tlie power? Are you prepared a
to admit that the inhabitants of the Territories S
[K)sse<stlie sovereignty over them, and that any*
number, more or less, may claim any extent ofl
territory they please; may form a Constitutions
and ( loverninent, and erect it into a State, with-S
nnwniccinn ? Arn vtin itrpnnr.S
rui iwniiig J""' |'1 J ? |--r" j
t>(l to surrender the sovereignty of the United
States over whatever territory may he hereafter
acquired to the first adventurers who may rush
into it? Are you prepared to surrender virtually
to the Executive Department, all the powers
which you have heretofore exercised over]
the Territories? If not, how can you consistently
with your duty and your oaths to supl>oit
the Constitution, give your assent to the
admission of California as a Shite, finder a pretended
Constitution and Government? Again:
can you believe that the project of a Constitu
ion which they have adopted, has the least validity
? Can you believe that there is such a
State in reality as the State of California? No;
there is no such State. It has no legal or con
? I . t - 1? ISA-- I
stituiioikii existence, it lias no vumuiy, ami
can linve none, without your sanction. How,
then, can you admit it as a State, when, according
to the provision of the Constitution, your
power is limited to admitting new Slates. To
ho admitted, it must he a State, an existing
State, independent of your sanction, before you
can admit it. When you give your permission
to the inhabitants of a Territory to form a Con
stitution am! a State, the Constitution and State
they form, derive their authority form the people,
and not from von. The State before admitted
is actually a State, and does not become
so by the act of admission, as would be the case
with California, should you admit her contrary
to constitutional provisions and established
usage heretofore.
The Senators on the other side of the Chamber
must permit me to make a few remarks, in
this connection particularly applicable to them,
with the exception of a few Senators from the:
. .1 r*\ i K
South, sitting on that siae 01 uie uinnmcr.?
When the Oregon question was before this
body, not two years since, you took (if I mistake
not) universally the ground, that Congress
had the sole and absolute power of legislating
for the Territories. How, then, can you now,
after the short interval which has elapsed, abandon
the ground which you took, and thereby
virtually admit that the power of legislation, instead
of being in Congress, is in the inhabitants
I r .1 tii ?? ? t n?
OI IMC 1 ornuincs I llim uuii jv/11 juowit iiuu
sanction by your votes, the acts of the Executive,
which are in direct derogation to what you
then contended for ? Hut to approach still nearer
to the present time, how can you, after condemning,
little more than a year since, the
grounds taken by the party which you deleatodB
at tlie last election, wheel round and support bvfl
your votes the grounds which, as explained re-B
centl v on (his lloor by the candidate of the par-H
ty in the last eleetiiui, are identical with thoscB
on which (lie Kxccutive has acted in referenccB
to California 1 What are we to understand by
ill this? Must we conclude that there is no
sincerity, no faith, in the a.'ts and declarations
of public men, and that all is mere acting or
liollow profession ? Or are we to conclude that
the exclusion of the South from the Territory
acquired from Mexico is au object of so par-1
amount a character in your estimation, that
Itight, Justice, Constitution, and Consistency,'
must all y 'eld, when they stand in the way oi
our exclusion ? j*
But, it may be asked, what is to be done with
California, snould she not be admitted 1 I au-j
swer, remand her back to ihe Territorial condi-j
tiou, as was done in the case of Tennessee, inj
the early stage of the Government Congress,'
iii her case, had established a Territorial Government
in trie usual form, with a Governor,
Judges, and other officers, appointed by the
United States. She was entitled, under tne
deed of cession, to be admitted into the Unioil
as a State as soon as she had sixty taousand inhabitants.
The Territorial Government, believing
it had that number, took a census, by
which it appeared it exceeded it tine then
formed a Constitution and applied for admission.
Congress refused to admit her, on the grounuS
that tne census should be taken by the UniteuW
States, and that Congress had not determines0
whether tiie Tenitory should be formed into ofitl
or two States, as it was authorized to do under!
the cession. She returned quietly to her Ter-8j
ritorial condition. An act was {Kissed to take!
a census by the United States, containing apro-fl
tiaiuu ui.it uit; j-ctuujij ^uutuu iunu vaju ?juiu~.
All afterwards was regularly conducted, anu
liic Teriitory admitted as a State in due Ibmi.
i'lie irregularities iu tue case of California an.
immeasurably greater, and offer much stronge.
. easons for pursuing tue same course, lint, it
nay be saui, California may not submit, 'mat
is not probable ; but it she should not, when sherefuses,
it will then be tune for us to deckle what
is to be done. ^ h
Having now shown what cannot save tlu!
Union,! return to the question with which 1 com-!
nienced: How can the Union be saved f Then!
is but one way by which it can with any cor-!
tainty, and that is, by a full and filial settlement,!
on tue principle of justice, of all the question.-!
at issue between the two -.ctions. M ue Soat..l
asks for justice, simple justice, and less she ougn.l
not t > tuKe. fcJiie has no compromise to oiiei,
out tie Constitution ; and no concession or surrender
to make. She lots already surrenders.
.0 much that she has little left to surrender.ouch
a settlement would go to the root of tui
evil, and remove all cause of discontent. 1C
satisfying the South, she could remain lionora
oly and safely in the Union, and thereby restore
iue harmoav and fraternal feelings between tin.
sections, which existed anterior to the iWissou..B
agitation. iNothing else can, with any certain 0
ly, iiuully and forever, settle the question ui.is g
aue, terminate agitation, and save the Union. H
15 it can this Lie done? les, easily: not?bj 1
the weaker jiorty, tor it can of itself Uo nothing 1
?not even protect itself?but by the stronger.8
The .North has only to will it to OCCOUlplL>n i.l
?to do justice by conceding to the boatii ui.fl
!?-* .M.nnimwl tui-eifAPtr flllfi til fil.l
t'lJU.U JI^UL in iiiu uv<|uaicu .v
ner duty by causing tue stipulations relative tig
fugitive slaves to be taithfully fulfilled?to coast fl
the agitation of the slave question, and to pru-P
vine ior the insertion ol a provision in the touJ
dilution, by an amendment, which will restorvi
in substance the power she possessed ol protecting
herself, belore the equilibrium between t.u
sections was destroyed by the action of t.n.
Government, 'litete w ill be no diriiculty in devising
such a provision. One that will pro tec.
die South, at the same time, will improve am.
strengthen the Government,instead ol imparling
and wcakfliing it.
13ut will the North agree to do this ( It is fo.
nor to answer this question. Hut, 1 will say
she cannot refuse, if sue has half the love lor tin
I U nion which she professes to have, or witliou;
justly exposing herself to the charge that hdi
love of power and aggrandizeuien t is ftrgreattt
than her love of the Union. Al ail events, the
responsibility of saving the Union rests on the
j .North, and not the South. The South cannot
save it by any act of hers, ami the North nun
save it without any sacrifice whatever, unless
to do justice, and to perforin her duties undei
jtlie Constitution, should bo regarded by her as a
! sacrifice. B
It is time, Senators, that tliere should be an
open and manly avowal on all sides, as to what
jis intended to be done. If the question is not
[now settled, it is uncertain whether it ever can
hereafter be; and we, us the Representatives of
'the States of this Union, regarded as Govern-^
jineuts, should come to u distinct understanding
[as to our respective views, in order to ascertain
| whether the great questions at issue can be settled
or not. If you, who represent the stronger
portion, cannot agree to settle them on the
J broad principle of justice and duty, say so; and
'let the States we both represent agree to separate
and part in peace. If you are unwilling we
should part in peace, tell us so, and we shallR
know what to do, when you reduce the question
to submission or resistance. If you remain silent,
you will compel us to infer what you intend.
In that case California will become the
test question. If you admit her, under all the
difficulties that oppose her admission, you compel
us to infer that you intend to exclude us
irom the whole of the acquired Tenitories, with
the intention of destroying, irretrievably, the
equilibrium between the two sections. We
would bo blind not to perceive in thatcase, that
your real objects are power and aggrandisement,
and infatuated not to act accordingly.
I have now, Senators, done my duty, in ex-1
pressing my opinions fully, freely, and candid-l
ly, on this solemn occasion. In doing so, 19
t i 1 i... o.o. i V
llHVt' UeUIl gllVt'l llCU uj uiv: uiwtiH'n \> liii. it iiii y w
governed ine iii nil the stages of the agitation
of tho Slavery question, since its commencement.
I have exerted myself, during the whole
period, to arrest it, with the intention ofsuviugj
the Union, if it could he done; ami if it couhlj
not, to save the section where it lias pleased
Providence to cast my lot, and which, 1 sincere-!
ly believe, has justice and the Constitution onl
lis sine. Having laiuiiuin uuiu- my uuiy, io?
the host of my ability, both to the Union amir
my section, throughout this agitation, I shall!
have the consolation, let what M ill come, that II
am free from all responsibility. D
I
TMM WwmM* 1
CAMDEN, S. C.
^TUESDAY EVENING, MARCH 12, 1850.
TELEGRAPHIC INTELLIGENCE. ^
Reported Exprenly for the Journal. f
Baltimore, March 9. *
Tlie fteanwl.ip Ciinridivnrrivpti at Halifax this morning.
The Liverpool I ottoft jriarket had Iwcn in adeprewed conlilion,
aiul price* had declined fully 11.
/ New York,'March9.
The 116IV# bv tlltfOLIHUfa llfl* fkj? r/kttnn mnu.
ket; but lhei( !?as been no sale* ?in<v her arrivaL
/ [Charleston Mercury.
/ Chabi.kbto*, March 11?Hp.tn.
The itdvue* by the Canada lias unsettled the cotum
narkn. and buyers are asking large redactions. 65) bales
MitWjingwcr* sold to-day at 10r?a declinet>f i.
/ MELANCHOLY CASUALTY.
/ It is ? illi unfeigned sorronr that tve Ic in, by lefcr.
graphic intelligence rcc iv?d here nn Tu?*tl?y eve.
uing tint .Mr. Junt** K. McK in. with In* moth,
or, .Mrs Elizabeth McKnin, citizen* of'our town, also I
I Mrs. Vauglian and her daughter i\ii>j- Virginia, (tumor II
residents of this place, oil peri-lied by the rirstruc'ion *
of the steamer O;line St. Juhu. which wan consumed
hy fire on the Alabama River, tjn Tuesday evening
last, between Mobile and Montgomery. Mr. McK tin
nd liia inuiliur were on their way hark home from a
isil to Mobile. Mm. Vauglian and datightor were a In
ti tlicir way to visit Camden. All X|*c ed to arrive
icre, we believe, on Saturday evening lust. This
nnlanclioly intelligence has e st a deep gloom over
or whole community. Recently, in many circles,
nr citizens have been sorely afflicted, each uffl ction
in its order Mcciuirxr to tin nn>r? .xvom ?<)
iirply thin is so, to a greater extent than any other
which has preceded it. To lose our fiieuds at any
uine and under any crrcumstaucc is painful; hut to
>art thus with them is sorrowful ind. oil. In tho
h-alh of .Mr. Mi-Kiin, our town ia deprived of one of
<a beat, most us f il, and energy tic citizens. We can
>idy mingle our sympathies with the bereaved friends
ud relations, and bow with sulsnission J<T lire will of
livinc providence, wh'ch in its mysterious drspensa.
ion. has laid its hand so heavily iipisi us. The par*
miliars of this aid accidi^nf', may bo /fuund in another
uluinn. \ |
We have Ircm fivored l.y a frirnil with the following
tribute to the memory of Mr. iwcKain, and hope
h.miio friend will favor us with a suitable Obituary fur
vlrs. McKain, lor our next number.
The recent calamity on the Alabama rivmL the burning
I f 11,** Ortins Sf t#,tiii In. ? ?< -
uiirt. To thin community, the visiiatiorThi o?>e of pecui
ar melancholy and sadness. The partii-t^ars, m fur ax
tVy liave mine lo hnnd, will be found uillic jxWTc prints.
It is n?t our purpose therefore, to dwell upon tlvein, bat
ve fi-el boon 1 to give more than a pruning notice to oaeof
lie victim* of this fatal catastrophe. Our late fellow citien,
J a m ks 11. McKattv, and hit- mother were among those
?liu lost tlwir live* by the destruction of the Oriine Si.
olui. Tb,' death of such a man a* Mr. McKnin tvtiold,
v any time, and undernny circumstances, fill many hearts
.villi gloom?.it present, it is pecnliarly melancholy. But
t few weeks has elapsed since he bnricJ his excellent wife,
aving to his care six small children?and now, in the
ivxteriotis dispensation'- of Providence, lie has lieen taken
limself. (io.l bless the dear orphan children, and sustain
liose to whose care they tire thus provi.lentially committed!
''o his family his loss is utterly irreparable; and the comn-mity
which he so zealously an: f.ithfully served wilt
,oisoon find a innu to fill his place. lie was enkpliaticaly,
a good citizen in every sense of the word?a true patri.
o .......,;n.. ?^.i - ~i.- ?.? i_ iooc
Vfii: wilh the gallant Ken-haw volunteers lo Florida, and
-litliTnlly discltarged Itis duty a# a soldier, to his country.?
The cause of Teniperaci-e he advocated with a zeal and
arnestness not to be surpassed by any philanthropist in
-he State. The warmth of his attachment and his fidelity
u- a friend, had bound many hearts to him, and wltich are
tow bleeding fir the loss of tlte most faithful and anient
riend they ever knew. To the poor, hi* hanil was ever
?;en, antPno man in the romnxinity, in hi* circumstances,
gave more in charity than h : d I. Ifo filled various pub.it:
offices during his life, and was, at the time of his death,
.ntundant of our town. As a Justice of the Peace, and
is Chief .Magistrate of the town, lie ha# always fearlessly
ind independently, and, we may add, wisely and satis.'actorily
discharged the duties which devolved upon him.
tut wt> miut stop?we cannot do justice, in ao brief an
11 ticlc, to (lie merits of his excellent character.
U* Wo learn by a teh graphic despatch received this
miming, that tlio body of Mrs, MuK iin has bceu re*
'.ovorcd, no .r the place of the calamity.
To-day we give our readers the Speech of Mr.
Jalhouu. It is what we might have expected?a
.nasterly effort
The first part is devoted to the history of the rise
itwl nrntrrtiwc nf tlita Frno Snil innvfaiiont in l)in
North. Then he shows by what the Union will
it be saved, and by what it may be saved. The
Executive project?the Clay project, &c. &.c. he
says cannot save tlie Union.
His proposed amendment of the Constitution,
we object to, in accordance with Mr. Focte. The
Constitution as it was, and as it is?the broad shield
left us by our Fathers is sufficiently cotnprehen
si .*e?let that in spirit as well as letter be oUerved
and it is all the South will ask?but if the Constitution,
with all its comprehensiveness, with all
its undying associations, will not be observed and
regarded by the North, neither would any amendment
that could be affixed. This last effort of him
who has thrown around our State the glory of his *
acts, will'be sufficient apology for the absence of
variety, this number.
? V
A new Magazine entitled the " Southern Lady's
Magazine," Edited by H. M. Garland, Jr., and Mrs.
Margaret Piggot, has been started at Baltimore.?
Truly Southern in its tone. We wish it a liberal
patronage.
Mr. Webster's Speech is now before the country,
the greatest effort of a great man. It proved a
general disappointment. The Nortli expected a
more northern tone, while the South was surprised
at the liberality of his views. He killed the
Wilmot Proviso?but it was already harmless. It
was not that now that the South feared?it is that
cnirif nf nirrrms:<inn wltirlt hv rutr itnini?
V,. "5,(3 ? ".v.. ?J UU1 U...W.I .. I?l?
tin; North they are enabled almost insensibly to us
to effect?that endangers the South. This, Mr.
Webster did not touch?he cried peace?
in such a tone?as we. are almost compello
liove?of honesty, that happy tor tlieSouL
is not lured too tar to sa ve herself. W
i