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THE DAILY STEWS. / A Song of A ?c. [FROM THE GENTLEMAN'S MAGAZINE ] When our feet were as feet of thc dancer. And the tones of our voices as son?. When the light was too fleeting for pleasure, And the darkness tor slumber too long. We were clad and rejoiced ba our being; Oar hearts were exultant in praise For the rapture of loving and living, And the infinite joy of our days. Now the fervor of lifo has departe 1. We have emptied the gourds of delight; We complain to the night, "lt is weary." And we cry of the day, "It is night!" We are guests who have risen for going, And our hearts only quicken with praise For the languor that cometh of living And the torpor with ending of days. THE CAMPAIGN IN TH E STATE THE ISSUES OE THE PIIESIDESTIAZ CANVASS, AS THEY AEEECT THE SOUTH, DISCUSSED. Speech of Colonel J. P. Thomas, delivered at Laurens Courthouse. S, C., October ai, 1S6S. Fellow-Citizens of Laurens-Agreeably to yom invitation, I arise to diseuse tho issues of the canvasim which the country is engaged. I regret that I cannot brine: to the i'iscussion a larger political enerience and a moro influ? ential name. But this I may claim, that no one can have a keener perception than I of the magnitude of the issues involved, or a more determined resolution to seek such a solution of the problem before us as will conduce to the best interests of our old commonwealth. First, fellow-citizens, let me state that this great question now before us is not one of mere politics. It is a question of honor, of civilization, oT tone, of manhood. It is a ques? tion involving the interests of property, lt is a question that reaches to tho hearthstone, and that includes within its scopo thc noblest sympathies of our nature. It is a causo that woman, in her purity, is deeply concerned in; that man, in his strength, will sternly uphold; that God, in His providence, will bles*. It must sooner or later prevail, for it is founded upon a rock. Allow me to add that no greater cause ever called forth tho military or civil en? ergies of our people. AB that mountain rises far higher than the surrounding mountains, so does this cause exceed in macrnitude all kin? dred causes. And it will stand, and in vain will the waves of Radicalism beat against it. It wiD stand, I repeat, "Like some tall clift that lifts its awful foi rn, Spreads to the vale or midway meets the storm; Though lound ita breast the r liing clouds are spread, Eternal sunshine rests upon its head." Fellow-citizens, it has been said : "Truth crushed to earth W?1 rise again, The eternal years of God are hers; But Error, wounded, writhes in pain, And dies among his worshippers." That "trat h crushed" I come to vindicate to? day; and that "error wounded" I shall, if pos? sible, quicken its dissolution. It has been remarked by another poet : "Look not mournfully into the past-it comes not back again. Act wisely in the present-it is thine. Go forth to meet the shadowy future without Tear, and with a manly heart." In this spirit I address you, my fellow-citi? zens, to-day. I believe tait philosophy to be the best which is the most practical-which bravely looks events in the face, candidly ac? cepts the results of accomplished facts, and wisely moulds existing elements for the honor and the interests of the State. No man, I trust, is traer than I to the past of South Carolina no one appreciates more highly than I the great names that adorn the history of tbe State; but I bold that a new departure in tho policy ot the State is demanded by the exigen? cies cf the times. We must "let the dead past bury the dead,'' realize the issues of thc day, and "go forth to meet the shadowy future without fear and with a manly heart." Again, it has been said : "He is a gem in tie diadem bright That widens the circle of po ice. Who 5 till ot h the miers ot angry ?tri fe. And giveth good will a long lease." In this spirit, also, I st eak this day. I ad? dress you, my fellow-citizens, in the interest of peace,'and of a patty of peace. If I have read nisto.y aright, it bas taught me that all creal political reforms are best effected by peaceful instrumentality. When the sword is invoked, too frequently does it fail to accomplish the objects in view, and too often are tho conque? rors and the conquered involved in tb.it great reaction which, in the political as well as in tho material world, is the sequence ot violent ac? tion. My proposition is illustrated in tho caso o? England-"that old aud haughty nation proud in arms." See how long tho English constitution bas breasted thc storms of time, and" withstood the waves of popular feeling. Long has it been since the sword has been there resorted to in the settlement of political questions. And yet, tbe people of England, under the leadership of able reform?is, have been marching quietly, peaceably, and yet steadily to the attainment of their just rights. Step by step, we find the people moving to the consummation of great reforms through peace? ful agencies. Again, all human action is wisest and best when most nearly assimilated by divine action. And here let me suggest the quiet, unseen, lo fical processed by which nature worka in the ?vino economy. See how the seasons suc? ceed each other. 8ee how "winter lingering chills the lap of May." Observo how, in the main. God works, and let us learn the lesson of political wisdom that tho observation sug? gests. Hence, I congratulate myself, fellow citizens, upon tbe fact that I am called upon to ask you to engage in no cause involving "the widow's sighs, tue orphan's tears, the infant's trembling cry." I congratulate myself tbat I in? vite you to enlist under no crimson banner. Aud I am sure that we will all join in the hope that no Alexander will be necessary to cut, with his flaming sword, the Gordian knot ot our politi? cal complications. By peaceful means it is s our necessity and our desire to consummate our political reforms. Fellow-citizens, I speak to you to-day also iu behalf of the great Democratic party of the country. This is the great historic "party of the land-a party which has ruled tho republic for seventy-five years out ot the ninety of its existence, and which has given to it ali it has achieved of prosperity at borne and glory abroad, lt is a party which has ever stood Ly? the-rights of the States and the liberties of the individual citizen, li is a party that looks to the protection of minorities. It is a party now purer in principles and higher in tone than ever before. It is a party that seeks to br-ng the government back to 'the landmarks of the constitution, and that aims to establish for the people liberty regulated by law. It is a party worthy of our confidence and support in au eepecial degree, for it comes to the rescue of a mutilated constitution and to the relief of our outraged section. Let me urge you, therefore, my countrymen, to gather around the glorious banner of the National Democracy-to make its ample folds wave with the breath cf a gen? erous enthusiasm, to carry it through the camp and into the stronghold of Radicalism, and to plant it upon the kindling summits of success. And now, fellow-citizons, having indicated the general principles in the spirit of which I intend to consider the questions of the hour, allow me briefly to allude to the spirit of the 8arty in this State and in the whole country, ince the canvass bogan, it has been mv privi? lege to address many thousands of my'tellow citisens from tho mountains to the river, and I can assure you that the great Democratic heart of South Carolina is stiraed to its pro? foundest, depths. Tho fires of Democracy have been kindled from the hills of tho up-c?untry to tbe plains of tho seaboard, and the manhood of the State is aroused to the exigencies of the day. Everywhere the white people at least are rallying in their might, and tho spirit has gone forth that it is the province of Carolinians to control the political destinies of Carolina ; and that South Carolina, won from tho In? dian, won from the Briton, fought for, bled for, prayed for, as land was never fought, hted or prayed for to be free, must be rescued from the rude grasp of Radicalism, and redeemed to peace, prosperity and ourselves. Nor is the spirit pervading the national De? mocracy of a less resolute character. And we may yet indulge the hope that the popular re? action North, whereof we havo seen tho evi? dence, will pr^ve iea'.. When the opposing forces shall again join in battle on the real issues of the canvass, it may yet be that, in Democratic tones, State will respond to State, and territory to territory. We may yet see the frozen lakes of tho North answering to thc tepid waters of the Gulf, and the boisterous waves of the Atlantic responding to tte peace? ful billows of the Pacific. And let us trust that we shall see a wave rolling ou from North to South which shall sweep away the work of Radical reconstruction founded upon tho sands, and enable us to rear again the former colomnB of our prosperity and greatness. In this faith, in this hope, let us work on and re? lax no effort to achieve success. I propose now, fellow-cit z?ns, t ter upon the consideration of tho rr specially involved in this canvass. And, first place, I intend to arraign thc Radici ty before the tribunal of the people, and appeal to logic and to facts, I hope to upon this party the very charges tha have made against the Democratic party, first proposition is that thc Radical ps anti-republican. To prove this, let ino asl is a republican form of administration 1 understand tho question, it is where th< ers of government emanate from tho gov< and are divided into powors executive, p judicial and powers legislative-where th are executed by an executivo elected 1 people, whcie tuc laws aro construed an lice administered by a judiciary duly er ered, aud where the laws are made by a lative body representincr tho populatto: wealth of the States, and deriving ibo thonty from the whole people Now, I ask, aro those conditions fulfilled in tho R scheme of reconstruction ? Tho answer i On the contrary, each one of these conti is deliberately violated. Hero, for instan South Carolina, we have an Executivo 1 upon the white population at least of the -au oben in sympathies and principia large and influential portion of thc inbabi of the State. We have foisted upon us a ciary corps consisting of indifferent lat mostly strangers, and unfitted to weai stainless ermine of o jr former judges, we have a Legislature, composed mos squatters from abroad, wbito and color? native Carolinians inexperienced and reci and of native colored men, all ot them uu to De legislators, aud most of them extre ignorant-a body winch, with its Democrat ceptions, represents neither the wealth, tl telligencc, nor the integrity of the State, jet a body like this-the late Conveution undertaken to framo fundamental laws fo commonwealth; aDd th:s body, now in < ence, is legislating for the State, and assi to lay upon you and me, upon your obi and my children, the burdens of I taxation. This is anti-republican again, clement of tiuo repubbcanism is, that ? tirn and representation shall go hand in 1 Upon this idea-to vindicate this pnnci] our forefathers went into thc revolutio 177G, and succeeded iu enthroning it in country. Yet, under the Radical prog rai we not'only havo taxation without represi tion, but, Miperadded thereto, we b ive xi seutation without taxation. Again : Auc elemont that enters into a just conceptic rcpuMcmisni is, that all citizsns shall s upon a footing of political equality, if qualified by virtue ol' intelbgence or prop' And yet, hero iu the South, under Radical pices, wc see 6ome of the wisest, tho best tbe wealthiest of the citizens of the counti a position of political inferiority, whilst a < recently emancipated have all the privilegi the citizen, and in some States are virti given political control. In these ?espects, t the Radical party is anti-re.iublican. 2. The Radical party is revolutionary unconstitutional in its measures. When government was established in 1787, a com] but admirablo system was inaugurated, powers of government were divided betw the departments of tho Executivo, the J' ciary and the Legislative, and (hose were in coequal aud coordicate branches of tho p, eral government. This system of chocks balances was wisely adopted and propi deemed ess-ntial to preservo the public bl ties, What now has tuislRadical party doue attempted to do ? They have cr.crcacheu on the powers of the Executive, and havo t en away from President Johnson uowers ercised'bv every President since the dayt Washington. Thoy have stifled the voici the Judiciary. They have sought to ubs all the powers of government in Congress. .1 Legislative Department ot tho general gove mont is assuming to berthe State. "I am State," said Louis XIV, and this remark pressed tho spirit of an absolute monaro "Wo have encamped with our forccB outside the constitution," said Thad. Stevens, and t embodiod i be sentiment of Radical legisla t tvrannj'. This is revolutionary and unconstitutioc Again, when tho Federal Constitution vi adopted, a duo relationship was established 1 tween the pc ere delegated to tho geuc government and tho powors reserved-tot States. The principh of Stale rights was olei enthroned. Ibis relation aud this principh Radical Congress has utterly ignored. Itcstn hshed a military despotism* in these Southe States; it assumed to regulate the question suffrage; it sought to destroy tho starship ten Southern BUtaa; aud thus in those i stances, and in many others that might cited, tho Radicil party bas shown that it i: party opposod to tho constituliou aud rovol tionary in its policy. 8. This R idical party is a disunion pari After the storm of war bad ceased in 18t>5, ai th3 smoko of battle had cloared away, it w acknowledged by the South that tho questio ot secession and Alricau slavery had Deon d cidod against ber, and tho people aequiesci in the result fully, freely and candidly. Tl Federal Executive, cariying out Lincoln's pr gramme, rc quired certain concessions prelirr nary to tlu- admission of the Southern Stat into" the Union, and theso were promptly coi plied witb. The restoration of tho Southei States, and thus the Union ol all tbe State was about to bo consummated, when tho ci genius of tho country carno in and stopped tl work of restoration. Since tho war, more th? three years have elapsed, and yet tho Union not restored. Seven States stand upon a to tering base, and tbreo are ''unreconstructed Hence, the Radical party is the party ot di: union. For party purposes, tbeyhnveobstmc ed the uuion of tho States-to secure party a: cendancy, they have sacrificed tho interests < tho country. 4. If there be a prc-3lavery party in th countiy it is the Radical partv. I proceed t establish this proposition. When thc cuiaucip: tion proclamation of Abraham Liucoln waa pi forth, it was distinctly declared t.i bo a wa measure, and justified on that ground. Evo the Radical party aoemed not to have regarde it of binding force, inasmuch as when t'io wa onded an amendmont to the constitutiui known as the thirteenth amendment, aud dc daring African slavery abolished in the Union was proposed to the Southern States, and rati lied by them all. Now tho Radical party, be i observed, takes tho ground that thosc'Soutb ern Legislatures that adopted thc tbirtceiitl amondment were illegal bodies. If tuoy wer illegal, their adoption of tho thirteenth amend ment is null and void. Thus, according to th Radical view, Afric n slavery has never bcci duly abolished in this country. And tune, i there be a pro-slavery party in tho country, i is tho Radical party. Again, the Democrat! platform adopted in July hist declares th< questions of secession and Afiican slavery set tied by the war. No such admissions appen in the Radical Chicago platform. Inasmuch therefore, as tho Democratic partv hold tba those Southern Legislatures that adopted t!:i thirteenth amendment were legal boilies, an>. for tho further reasou that they have incorpo rated in their declaration of principles an ac knowledgment that African slavery is forcvg abolished, it follows that such a p?rtv canno bo called n prc-slavery party. But in'anotlici point of view I hold that tho Radical partv i: pro-slavery. By their strict party rules, ant their Loyal Union Leagues, they havo sub jected tho colored people to a bondnge mon degrading than that of tho body. They hav< subjected them to the bondigeof tho mind The colored people call themselves free, tot yet they are the abject slaves of their Radica leaders. As these men, however corrupt oi badly disposed, turn them, so thev go. Thu* they have escaped tho slavery ot the bodv foi thc slaveryof tho soul, aud seldom do"the\ venture to think or act for themselves. But I rise to higher grounds. I content that the Radical party is pro-slavery, because they have deprived their white iellow-citizcut ot the South of their blood-bought heritage o. liberty and political control. They have soughl to reduce to slavery and to impose a calhnp yoko upon men their equals in all respects, ant of their own blood and race. And thu* has il been made to appoar tnat the only pro-slavery party in tho country is tho Ra'dical partv. which claims to bc a partv of freedom and ?i great moral id-as. 5. My next proposition is, t'mt tho Radical party bas opposed peace between the sections. After the lato war ceased, there was a gene? ral disposition ou thc part of thc Southern peo? ple and tbo conservatives of tho North to let by-gones bo by-gones-to forgive it thev c:uld not forget. Even General Grant, tho Radical nominco, after a visit to the South, bore testi? mony to the conciliatory and "ioval" spirit pre? vailing throughout tho Southern Statoy. Rut tueRidieal leaders would not have peace. They stigmatized tbe Southern pc iple as "rebe's" and "traitors." They sought to brand with in? famy our "lost cause.'' They insulted thc liv? ing and spared not the dvod. They kindled the fires of hate and vengeance. Tiiey inflam? ed the minds of thc .Northern masses against us. Some of the r journals declared that a river of blood rolled between tho North and South. The Radical leaders advocated the policy oi' eonfi-cation and disfranchisement. Thev sub? jected us to military ride. They put ns "under tho domination of ii class lately emancipated, ?hey committed against us other outraces and enormities unparalleled in the annals of leiiis latiou. After doing all this, thoy cry "Lst us have peace," and give us thc peace of rain, and orfer us tho peace purchasod at the prica hi honor. Thoy oppose peace. They wage azurnst us a legislative wai-. G. My next point is that the Radical party is a party of heavy taxation. To show t need but point to a Bilbie illustration, whole property of the country is valu $16,000,000,000." The net productive ind of a country is estimated at two and a hal cent, upon tho whole propertv of the cou This would give us $400,000,000 as the va the net productivo industry of tho coe Now thc taxss received into the Federal I uiT in 1866 amounted to $559,003,000; iu li $190,000,000. Thus, to say nothins of the assessed upon tho people and which ; reach the public treasury, estimated ii year at from $250,000.000 to $300,000,00 have the figures to show that the taxes d troni the people exceed thc net productif dustry of the country by more than $100 OOO. Nuw, can any country flourish wiier taxes thus exceed "its net productive indu: It is utterly impossible. The state ot a indicated is enough to destroy the industr tho land, and to paralyze tho onergios o people. Asain : Look at tho en ot mont ponses of thc Kovernmont since tho Ita partv havo had control of it. I have se estimated th it they have expended ia ? years more than thc whole expenses o "government for eighty years down to thc And. in addition, observe the largo sum: pended for the Freedmen's Bureau and armv-sums rendered necessary by thc p cal programme of the Radical leaders. 1 enorm-us taxes, loo, lot it bo reinemb como almost exclusively from thc labe classes. According to thc policy of tho 1 cal party, the wealthy bondholders are I exempt "from tho burdens of taxation, these burdens are to bo transferred to shoulders of tho toiling masses. Now, estimated that the amount invested in the crament bonds teach the sum of $2 500,000 Tho Democracy propose that these bi bo taxed equally with other proper Tho Radical party propose to ex? them from taxation. ThU3, as Mr. Cliurel New York, has well said, thc Radical p which set out as the party ol "great ni ideas," ol freo soil and free principles, 1 como lo be Lut '-bottle-holders to tho b holders." 7. Tho last charge that I propose to cs lish is, that thc Radical party is ono of ii stums corruptio n I affirm that a more rupt corps of officiels never disgraced country than those in place under tho prc Radical regmu. Sonio, no doubt, aro tfood true mcu. I refer to tho majority of thc A prominent leader of the Radical parly himself honestly borne testimony to the cality and corruption of many of tho officiai thc country. I might cito numerous facts illustrations bearing upon this poin'. AB I siro to bc brief, let one illustration suffice, is estimated that 90.OJO.000 gallons or whis wero niado in this country in 1867. The upon thi3 article was two dol?ais per gal and hence the amount that ought to have g from this sourco iuto the Federal trensurv < $180,000,000. But Lew much actually wai ceived iuto the treasury of this sum? V only $30,000,000, leaving $150,00J,000 to go i the pockets of tho thieving scoundrels whoi is the mission of the Democratic party sweep from power. And we have taken bc single item of taxation. But, fellow-citizen have said enough on this branch of my dress. I have completed my arraignment the Radical party. I have mado gool charges. This only have 1 to add, whet consider tho wrongs and outrages heaped u| tho country by tho Radical parly, or ni truly by its leaders-when I consider thc rora, t?e Crimes, tho follies, tho extravagau and the conniptions of Radicalism, it seem j ino that it stauds represented and cmbe-di in tho person ot Cutaline, tho Roman mc diary and traitor, and tho words of a cia author occur tome: "Howlong, U Ca tali: wilt thou abuso our patience ? How :oug sh thy madness outbrave our justice ? To wli extremity art thou resolved to pu3h thy uni oled insolouco o? guilt?" 1 proceed next to consider tho matters c cidod against us in tho lato war, to rcviow t course of reconstruction in tho South, a thus to state tho issues that we moot to-d under the banner of tho National Democrai Ever since tho establishment, in 17o7, ol c Federal Constitution, two great parties ha ever divided tho Union, and this division li been Lased mainly upon a difference of opi iou as to tho true character of our compl s.vBtcm of government. Tho one party, und Slr. J. ffeisou's lead, asserted thc State fifth theory; tho other, under -Mr, Hamilton, adv cated the national view. Tho ono seeing tia ger in consolidated, ceu'ralized power, pr claimed tho rishts and sovereignty ot t; States, and regarded tins tho jry as alone co bistcnt with the grandeur of thc ountry ai the liberty ot tho citizens; thc r>:her appr bending anarchy from excessive power in tl States, favored a stroug central govenimei Amid all tho party chances that have loki place m tho country, this issue has alwa, stood out in bold rebel', and drawn tuc linc demarcation between contendim: parlies ai conflicting theories. On account of thoir traditional conserv?t is and comparative weakness, the Southern Stab naturally adhered to the Jeff ;rsouic view of ll govoriinio t. 'Hie question ot State rights b came the subject of debate, and thc statcsmc of the South and those of thc North : ?'su lo tl height of thc great argument, and brought I bear upon this point all tho resources of min and oratory, of genius and lenrniug. Dlt? iii p ?int remained unsott'ed. Wc had grow great and prosp?rons; had ex'cndei! our inuit from tho Noi thorn lukes t ? tho Mexican liul lrom the Atlantic to the Racine, and sLil. th true relation between the States and thc tl >m ral Government remained unsettle J. Finally by tho secession ut' tho Southern Statos i 1861, tho matter was submitted to thc arbitra nient of tlie sword: anti as thc contest advant ed, the question of ino continuance of thc in stitution of African slavery was submitted t the simo arbitrament. Thc Lito great wu on M nod. I do not intend now to euler into thc detail of that gigantic struggle, attended as it wa with displays of valor, genius and devotion n botli sides, that have compelled a world's ad miration. But I will say that tho loyally du to thc government wo now acknowledge is nc inconsistent with our fidelity to tho meine ries of the Confed?rate cause. It may bc prom ature lo deck with laurels tho brows of the liv iug. but nat too sojii is ir to strew wit'i gar landa thc graves of thc dead in tuc cause. Ihough no monumental pile may riso t mark the gratitude of theil countrymen, ye thc pen of thc impartial historian will recon their virtues aud emblazon un bis pages thci matchless heroism. Yee, I wdl say it, ani every generous heart will respond to the senti meut: Honor, undying honor tot'io mon who in Lio "lost cause," fud in thc defence ol thci principles, and in the hue of their duty. "Upon fame'?: eternal Gimping gr on: d Their sileut tetas .ire sin eat', Anti honor guards wi-h s <.ciuu rouud ihe bivouac ol thc dead." But, my friends, our Confederate canso I lost. Thc sword of thc peerless Leo rests idb in its scabbard, and tte sabres of < ur dasbinz Generals aro rusting in then* scabbards. Wi stand by thc gravo ol' our lost cuise and bigl aspirations, and the tendency is to lose our selves in vain regret and to grow nerveless ii painful reflections. But thc claims o' thc liv iug-tho demands of tho hom-aro pros si ti fl upon uc>, and it becomes ns promptly ant bravely to meet thc duties and tho responsi? bilities of thc prosent. For one, I am not disposed lo take a deni issue from its grave. I ac3. pt thc results ol tho war, aud stand now upon those living ami vital issues fiat have ?ince sprung up-sprung upon tho country, North as well us Soutn, by that paily which, having become the deposito? ry of all tho mahf-e, cruelty, lune and vengeance engendered by the war, seeks, by moans foul as well as fair, to rule or ruin a bleeding laud. But what, it may be asked, aro these results scttkdby thc war, to which I have adverted? I answer, that they are contained in thc (inten? tions ol secession and Alncati slaven-. From the first bat: lo of Bull Kim to theciidol thc war, thc United States Government made pledge after pledge, that its object was not to destroy the Southern Stales, but to compel them to ackiiowk-dKO thc nuthcritv of thc Union. Upon this pledge, they called upon tho Northern people to contribute men and money to thc war. Upon this pledge, thov called upon thc Southern poo, le lo lay down then- arms. Upon this pledge, they warded oil' the luteivcntion of foreign powers ; and it was apon this pit-due, given cr implied, that Lee at Apiiomatlox, Johnston at Grec-nsbnrro, Taylor ni Mississippi, and Kirby Smitli in Tex? as, surrendered their armies and toldcd their colors. In thc spirit ot this pledge, we be? lieve that Grant and Sherman met Lee and Johnston. Nor was President Johnson unmindful of this pledge. Ho regarded thc Southern States us still m the Union, and holding that, under the constitution, tho constitu? ional power ot tho State resided ?u the white people thereof, he proccedid to carry out the reconstruction pro? gram mu as laid down and bogun by Mr. Lin? coln. Accordingly the sovereignty of the Slates was evoked, ur.d conventions of thc peo p.e ..ere ordered. Thc- eon volitions assembled; the situation was gracefully accepted; thc de? mands of the Executive wcro compl,cd wi h, and anora of peace, prosperity and harmouv seemed about to dawn upon a'distracted and rhalterod country. But a: this point, the fell spirit of Northern sectionalism, embodied in thc Republican or Radical party, in crposed, andchangel thc en? tire current cf reconstruction. The loaders oi" that party saw that the Southern States, re stored upon a white basis, would increase tba Democratic element wbich, at tbe North, wa preparing to snatch from their rudd grasp th control of the country. Hence, party tactic decreed that loyalty "meaDt adhesion to th Radical party, and that no Southern Stat should be permitted to enter tho Union, excep through tho brazen gate-way of Hadicahsii In tho words ol' a Northern speaker, to ente the door of the Union it became necessary "t knock with black knuckles." Then wa3 inaugu rated, under the auspices of those angels c peace- Messrs. Stevens, Sumner and Butlcr the choice scheme of Radical reconstruction Then began the march of constitutional inva sion-then began that scries of tyrannical os actions, which .?how bow worse than all tyran nies is the tyranny of tho legislative assem hiv. Fellow-citizens, let mo bri? fly state th course of Radical reconstruction. First. Thc thirteei.th amendment abolisbin African slavery was proposed and ratified b; tho Southern "States, and the ordinances c secession were repealed or annulled bv tbes States. Secondly. Thc infamous Howard amendmcn wa^ submitted to the States. This amendmcn required thc fcouMicni people to ignoro thei past in thc war; ;o place (he seal of disgrac upon Ihose gallant and noble spirits who hai led them in thc council chamber and the ?eld to tramnlo upon the fre-h monads of thci martyred dead; to commit base tre.ison to th principles and sentiments to which they stooi sacredly committed. To tho enduring honor of the Southon States, they rejected tho amendment. Tho were poor, bleeding, desolated, ravaged States but amid the rums of their homes and thei hopes, tho people of thc South preserved tb whiteness of their souls, and almost unani mously voted to reject this ungenerous propo Bilton from an ungenerous partv. This ended the effort of the Radical leader to '-reconstruct" the South upon a white basis In the fourteenth amendment they evinced i willingness to disc ird thc votes of the ncgroos prov:d<-d they could get the support ot tin Southern whites. Tins they tailed to do Hcnco they resolved upon "reconstruction upona black basis. Th?3 brings us to th< third and final atop in the work or" R idical ''re construction." Wo come now to thc recon struction measures proper, and in these mea sures the Radical party committed what ma] be designated thc great political crime of tb< century. This was tho deliberate subordina? tion ol' thc wealth, tho intelligence and tlu into rity of the South lo thc rule of ignornnci and depravity-the placing of tho po?tica power of tho South in the hands of aliens, rene? gades and hair-civilized negroes-thc slaves o ol j esterday, the Ireedmen of to-day. lu othei countries, and in other times, altor war hat spent its fury upon a desolated land, it has boen permitted to tho inhabitants to call to? gether the wisest, tho best and thc purest ol their number torear again the fabric of gov? ernment. Rut this poor privilege his been de? nied to tho people of the South. Not enough om broken hopes and ruiucd fortunes, not enough ourlost cause, not enough the pride ant thc flowerof thc South fallen upon the fiold of bat? tle, not enough thc loss of 300.000 men, nol onough tho loss or $9,000.000 000 of values: but wc, members of thc proud Caucasian fami? ly, upon whoso brow God binn -if bas written the signs and the svmbolr> of empire, we aro placed under tho rule of an iuie i i r race, and members of this race, togotber wau renegades and Iradirig politicians, are authorizedf - rramc organic laws for tho white people ot this 3 .'.th? em section of the Union. Aud not only this, but under tho same authority theso same par? ties, with tho aid of tho bayonet, arc carrying out tho details of legislation, and preparing non-tax-payers and non-propertv-holders them? selves to impose upon their betters the heavy burdens of taxation. This is tho result of Rad? ical reconstruction. This is tuc great wrong for which we arraign the Radical party. This is the issue which wc meet under tho folds ol tho Democratic banner aud under thc fair aus? pices of Heaven. Nor, fellow-citiz ns, do wc meet it alone. In consummating tho r great wrong against us and ours, tho Radical party have violated the constitution, usurped executive and judicial powers, and iiionaccd the libertierof tho North as well as tho South. Hence, tho Democratic party of thc Union bas organ izod to overthrow that party and to save tho country. I proceed now to show that tho' R:cons'ruc? tion acts rest upon a falso basis; that they arc unconstitutional; that they arc unnatural aud unrcasonabh; that they arc unwise, and that they havo within thom tho clements of weak nose,' failuro and decay. 1. As to Hie grounds upon which these acts have been based, as 1 understand it, there aro two: first, tho disloyalty of thc Soulhsrn whites rendering it uusafe to entrust them with thoir funner power, and, sordidly, the assumption that tho participation of tkc Southern peoplo in their opposition to thc government at Wash? ington brought about a lap ie ct their political rights and a sacrifice of their heritage of lib? erty. L';t us consider th se propositions in their order. It is charged by Uic Radical pal? ly that thc Southern whites "were and arc dis? loyal. I deny tho charge. When thc war end? ed the soldiers of our annies were paroled, and they have observed their paroles. Fur? ther, the Sooth candidly accepted tho issues decided by the war and honorably were ready to resume their obedience to tho" constitution and laws ol the Union. No disposition was evinced by tho Bout horn people to disregard in peace that power which ha I overcome them in war. If loyalty consists in adhesion to the creed and practices of Bidicalism, then thc Southern whites are and have been disloyal. But if loyalty consists, as wc hold that it does, tn a stem fidelity to pltgnlod faith, to truth, to justice, to tho constitution of the land and to thc nol lest sympathies of our nature, then has tiic S >utb been loyal, then is th 3 South loyal, ami no part of the couutry is moio lo.?..I than she. But it is contended that by engaging in thc so-called rebellion there was effected a lipso of the politic .1 rights of the Southern people, and that thc reconstruction measures stand justi? fied upon this gr und. In answer to this pro? position, I have to say that it is clearly unten? able, unless il can be shown that, at the lime of the act ol' "rebellion"or sccc-sion, there was in existence a law providing tor forfeiture of political rights ia a contingency named. Now. no such luw existed, and even if such a law lind been in fores, no forfeiture con'd be con? summated until aller Ibo party bad been duly arrested, tried aud convicted. Hence, when the Soul li embarked in secession, thcro was under thc laws and constitution of thc Union, which tho Northern Government bel ! she had never lel?, no lapso of thc political rights ot ber people. Ami thus wo have shown that tbe main grounds upon which thc reconstruction measures rest are false. 2. These measures aro clearly unconstitu? tional. On this point 1 need say but little, tor thc proposition is almost self-evident. To estab? lish it 1 might BtinplV point to thc admissions Of the author himself of tho Reconstruction acts, Mr. Stevens. "It is well known," said Mr. S., "that we aro acting outside of thc con? stitution.'' But tho Radical leaders, just as they bad departed (rom Mr. Lincoln's mignau imitv, *o they receded from Mr. Stevens' can? dor." Thev repudiated this view of Mr. Slov? ens, and sought refuge in that article of tbe Federal Constitution which authorizes Con? gress to guarantee to every State a "Republi? can form 'ot government." Now I have in this address already defined the clements that en? ter into a prop? conception of p. republican lorin of government. Thc conditions were ful? filled in the governments of i acb of tho seced? ing Slater. And if, m thc opinion of tho Radi? cal kaders, the institution ot African slavery made these governments non-republican, why, surely, they became republican just as soon as this institution was formally abauduned by thc ac.i n of thc Legislatures of the Southern States. The point of tho ll.idic.il leaders is not .veli taken. Inexorable logic, the facts ol' t!ic case, the admissions made by thc government at Washington, the acts done by that govern? ment-all show conclusively ia..- tnu Southern States were States belore thc war, Stat s dur I mg the war, ard States altci the wa: ; that Con? gress, under thc laws and constitution ol' thc land, had no right to break up and reconstruct them; and that, tlierciorc, for tho reasons that I have stutod, and for other reasons that I might state, tbe Roco-Struction acts aro un? constitutional. .J. These acts aro unnatural and unreasona? ble If, fellow-citizens, you were to awake some morning an 1 were to find trees standing up n their tops, mountains resting upon their peaks, stye:ms Mowing up-hill, and the who'c order ol tim material universe changed, yon would say that if the <'couou;y of God is to be vindicated in the iuture as in the past, this order ol thins* must bo changed and promptly revciscd. Yuii would naturally say that lofty oaks must again so:>d its roots into thc ground-'.hat mountains must again rest upon its broad base-bose streams must change their course, and run again in thc former chan? nels. Kow, I would ask if a state of affairs such as 1 have described iu the material world does not now exist in our political world? Under the auspices of a Radical regime iu these Southern States, do wc not find trees standing upon their tops, and mountains upou their peaks? Is uot thc pyramid inverted? Ti not intelligence iu thc main subordinated toigno raneo, integrity to baseless, end wealth to poverty? Is not honefly at a discount, and a premium set upon rascality? I j not virtue dis? carded aud vice pr.t in the ascendancy? Let candid men answer. My suggestions arc founded and true. The order of politii fairs in the State and in the South cfon is abnormal, illogical, unphilosopbical, ur ral and unreasonable. When Dean Swii great satirist, sougiit to show the grei forniity which human nature might atta: sent Gulliver in his travels to the island o Yahoos, where the horse ruled and men tho subjects. It has been reserved to Ita ism to improve even upon tho imagin?t Swift; tor, looking at tho majority of whom Radicalism has borne into offico ht thc South, wc find that thc donkey reignfi asses occupy high places of power. 4. These acts aie unwise. Looking at acts in tho light of statesmanship, wo nounce them foolish and unwise. Ir inte to benefit the bln;k man, if intended to bt thc white man, if designed to promote tb tereels of thc wholo country, thoy are in e case equally wrong m principle ?nd ruino Eolicy. There is no wisdom in tho spirit reathc, none in thc measures thev hav on foot, none in thc order of things that have sought to establish. But we would i into no argument upon this point, tor it ii dent to every candid mind that the obje these Reconstructions acts was chiefly to 1 up a party, and not to promote thc well-b of the country. Could my voice reach the ears of tho Ra politicians of tboNor.h, I would point tl as Senator Doolittle, 0:10 of the wisest st; mon ot tho Union, has already done, to an dent iii Roman history, peculiarly applicab the times. Latium was conquered by R and tho question arose in the Roman Sc what ought to be done with Latium and people of Latium. Some said, "Confiscate I property;n others said, "Disfranchise th Nono said, "fut thom under the dominate their foi nier slaves." But one man there heathen statesman though ho was, who to tho height of tho occasion. Old Cam rose iu ?us scat and said : "Senators, 1 these people your fellow-citizens, and thus to thc power and dignity of Rome." In same spirit would I address myself lo ti who have it in their power to control, for prcsont, thc deslinie-f of tho South. I Wi say to them : Como up to tho lofty standar Oamiilns. Treat thc people of tho Soutl: your poors, for your peers they are; do t justice, respect their sympathies, givo tl their blood-bought rights under the consi tion of the land, and thus add to tho power dignity of thc republic. 5. Thclt:coii3truction ads have within tl thc seeds of their own death and must f ul. my opinion, fcllow-citizcns, even without effort on our part, those measure* would, si or or later, utterly break down. Como Gr or come Seymour, they cannot long prei Thc order of afl'aird they have brought at must bo changed. So long as tho invoi cone is propped up it will stand, but rem the props audit falls prostrate to thc grot So long a*-these reconstruction measures sustained by extraneous force they may sta but let that force be removed, let"ordinary litical influences prevail, asa they will d natural death. For one, however, I nm willing to wait for this natural death, bul every legal, constitutional, peaceful toctli with thc aid of our Democratic allies at North, I would assail tho tyrant measure) every vulnerable point. On thu samo prii plc that thc jailor takes from his coll the c demned felon and executes upon him tho s tcucc of the law, although disease would h carried the man off in a week's time, so sho wc, fellow-citizens, make tho effort to br tho reconstruction measures to an immedi end, and thus vindicate tho majesty of law and thc rights of an injured poopfe. I have thus indicated, fcllow-citizons, I po itical reform that we seek, with tho assi ance of tho Democratic party of the count I havo had nothing to say about thc nomin of the Democracy-our standard bearers int fight. I have dealt rather with tho great pr i'iplcs of individual liberty and couslitutio: freedom that tho canvass involves. Men 1 and aro forgotten. Principios aro csscntia immortal, and exert their influence tlirou thc ages. This, however, I may add, that lo Grant I would not take one loaf from ti wreath which the North has put around 1 brow. As to Seymour and Blair, I doom tin worthy leaders'in our great cau-o. Timer virtues of tho ono and thc military prestige tho other ought to sccuro for them a natioi appreciation and a common conservative c dorsomcnt to result in their election. But, lellow-citizens, I would roenrd my du as but half discharged did I not suggest you that om- political icliof is out a prelim ma step in tho groat work of Soulhoru rodo 111 tion. 1. Tho great need of tho South is industr regeneration. Remitted as wo have boen first principles by tho events ol' thc late Wt wo want material development. And in cnti ing upon this branch ot my subject, I am gt to Mud before mo so many representatives tho working chas-"Ibo hardy sons of to the heroes of tho workshop and monarchs tho soi!."' Let us understand that tho tn weah li of a country is in her working me Yes, fulluv/-c:t?zcns, I repeat it, what v.c nc want is wealth. Wealth bas been called t! sinews ot war. I deem it no ' ss tho muse and sinews of peace. Wo wau. woll-cultivaU farms and well-filled granarlos. Wo want tl mechanic arts to flourish, and factories of co ton, wo J? .md wood lo dot our land. Wo wai that productivo surplus which, in tho aggr< gate, makes up national wealth. Wo wai our peoplo to surround themselves OIK again with thc comforts and convenient of lifo, to acquire tuo means to cdticato tho children, to bu ld up and sustain temples 1 thc living God. Moro than tho wealth of into Icc!, do wc require the material resources nei ossary to repair our shattered foi tunes. L: ua bear iu mina that material agoncios ai essential (0 enable us to retain what statoi manship or party triumph has won. Let 11 recollect that it was the wealth < tho harona ol' England that enabled them t wring Magna Charter from a reluctant moi arch, and ' after winning it their wealth Wits that gavo them tho moana to retain thr immortal instrument. And were I, fc!low-cit zens, disposed to venture upon a criticia.u 1 our policy in tho past, I would say that w havo relied too much upon mero logic an rhetoric to establish our political views. S far as argument is concerned, no doubt ou position was ma tc impregnable. But to esta!; lish and sustain State creeds and policies something moro than argument i required. As some writer baa somewhor suggested to my mind, we mus Surround theso creeds an I policies with th solid monuments of wealth and numbers un popular intelligence and activity. If, in thu respect, wc havo Jailed in the past, lot us loan a lesson for tho future, and move out in thc in dustrial arena and on thc linc of material ac qnisitions. But to attain this condition o wealth, wc must lab *r. " To labor is to pray,' suggested tho nnci n: maxim. "We mus kbor," said tue dying Emperor Severus, ant Severus became immortal. No man mus disdain to work. Oar you ig mon miijt work and no palm leaves muj.l dock tho elders brow. Labor must bo dignified. No prout youth must disdain to grasp thc plough-hair dies, or to soize thc reins of thc draft horse or to take up tho tools of Mic mechanic. Lei mc not bo misunderstood. Thc amenities and graces of literature, tho pursuits ol science, moral exco'.lcnce, intellectual attain? ments-all these must bo invostod with then supreme importance. But lot it not bu forgotten that our future in thc South and in South Carolina must bo built upon tho corner? stone of labor. Nor has the abolition of thc institution ot African slavery interfered with thc lino ot action that I have suggested. It is true that, under thc iufiucnecs of this institu? tion, sumo of thc best specimens of man and womanhood have been produced, j cr am I con? vinced that slavery was not in the main bene? ficial io thc South. Under itt? influence our [ youth failed to bo thrown upon their own en? ergies and resources. Too often did it tako the brains from bis head and thc muscle hom his arm, and too often did it remove the rose tint from tuc maiden's check .and plant there thc pale ensign of death. Out of thc nettle abolition i: io probable foe us to pluck thc flower of gr: allies J and prosperity. And build? ing up ibo S mth upon thc basis ot white aud auxiliary black la'oor, it is within our power to have a now fabric, stronger, surer and ostler than tho one which Las been swept away. 2. Another need of thc Saith is capital. Wc want capital to give enterprise work and to stimulate the public energies, and to furnish the moans to rebuild om1 towns and was e places. 3. We need immigration from Europe and tho North. Wo want these life-giving and wealth-producing streams. Wo must invite li ther thc industrious Northerner, tho gene? rous Celt au I thc barely Germen. I would not discard or underrate tue labor of tho colored mau. I would utilize it and givo him a fair showing. But 1 would like to soo in tho South, where there is ample room and vcrgo enough for all, au army 01' fair-haired and fuir-hued la? borers-of moil who will work with us, who will vote with us, and who will, uudor all circum? stance.-, stand firmly by us. 4. We need peace boro at the South. Wo need pcaco to retrieve our broken fortunes and heal our bleeding wounds. Wc need peace in order that tho intellectual, and moral, and physical energies of our people may take a no? bler channel than that ol war. But I may in quiro what kind of peace is it that wo want. We ask not for that "peace which passeih un? derstanding," for ihat comos only from a cru? cified Saviour and an approving conscience. We ask not for that peace which comes of des? potism. We ask not for that peace which tho hawk gives to the spanow, nor for that poace which the wolf givej to the lamb. We ask not for that peace which comes ot paralyzed ener? gies and mined industries. Bat we do ask for that peaco which, in its smiling train, brings prosperity and plenty. We db p"sk for that peace which comes ol'a redeemed people and a Uuion restored. 5. We need a settlcr.?en; of the vexed ques? tion of the negro man. To use the rough, but stroug language of the English writer, Hr. Carlyle, this is "tho dirtiest chimnoy a-fire this century." We need that tho case ot thc colored man be removed from the political arena, in order that the countrv, both North and South, mav address itself, for the benelit both of white and black, to higher and more practical questions of political economy. Now, in omer to accomplish the re? sult-in order to get the negro out of poli? tics-I kno(v no better method than to concede to bim all that he is fairly entitled to, and to seek such a solution of this problem of race as will commend itself alike to the ethics of Heaven and tho sympathy of tho civilized florid. Hence it is that wo concede to the colored man equality before tho law, and all of civil rights. Hence it is that I have further advocated, and do advocate, the extension to him of a qualified suffrage-the qualifications to bc just and reasonable. Thus I ? ould put a premium upon intelligence, cr integrity, or property when found in the colored man, and thus I "would promote his well-being by just and moderate measures. I propose not to put him upon tbc height ot RadicaUsni to let bim perish, but I would placo him upon those less lofty plains, where, in the provido'icc of God, he may bo permitted peacefully to enjoy all of the prosperity that God. has in store for his race. Thus by peaceful means I would seek tho solution of this grave question. I have thus, fellow-citizens, sought to es? tablish the proposition that the great needs of thc South aie not merely political ones. I have endeavored to provo tliat political redemption must bo followed up by industrial regeneration, and that these should be made moot ably to protect and uphold each other. Now, fellow-dtizeus, let me ask you to be of good cheer. Think not that South Carolina will sink forever beneath tho surging waves of Radicalism. If temporarily she shall be sub? merged, abo will rise again. Tho palmetto will take root, grow and flourish again. Tho people of Souih Carolina, on her mountain sides, upon ber bills, and on ber plains will bold their 0 vu, and in vain may alien hands seek to deprive them of thc heritage of their | fathers. God consenting and wo resolving, this State is ou s, and ours it shad continue to bc. Wc will never give up her genial cli? mate and her teeming soil. Tho memories of the war, the beauliful, thc good and the great attach us to it. Tho graves that it contains and the monuments that fill it make it sacred ground to us, and recreant is tho heart and faithless the Carolinian who would surrender Ins post on thia goodly bcritago. Sly country? men, we will stand by thc land wo love. This resolution is as firm in our souls as tho ever? lasting bills, and the coloring with which yon telling sun invest that lofty Alpine peak is suggestivo of tho light that Heaven's help throws around our high resolve. No, we must not abandon the soil of Carolina. This land wo from our fathers had in trust, and it is 0 ir duty lo transmit it to our children. "This la our maxim, this our piotr, Ami God a lid Nature say that it is just." Thc times, fellow-citizens, call for manly ex? ertion on your part. The isButs of this canvass demand your best energies in behalt ot thc De? mocracy. It bas been said, "Tlicro ia 11 lido 111 thc affairs of men which, taker, at thc flood, leads on to fortune." So in the a'i'airso' States, "there is a tide which, taken at tho fiovv', leads on" to greatness, prosperity and peace. That tide is upon us. Let us mount upon it, or we may bc left on the shores of despair. Let us "grasp tho skirts ot happy chanco"-let us ' breast the blows of circumstance." Let us hope that wo can discern tho gray dawn of suc? cess. Lot us trust that --This diwn Will widen into a clear and boundless day, And when lt ripens to a sumptuous West, Wiih :i great su?set 'twill bc closed and crowned." Ana now, fellow-citizens, let me say that in this great cause in which wo are engaged. I put my faith in God and our poople. \\ itb thc noisy deniagoguo, with the grading politician, with thoso who are ready to "bend thc preg? nant binges of the kneo that thrift may follow fawning," I havo no sympathy. Bui I have Confidence in Hie great body of I be people. And when tho voice of a people, aoblo, vir tuoiu, intelligent and refined, is heard, un awed by tyrant-?, and uniullucnced hy d?ma? gogues, then do I believe that the vJice of a people becomes tho voice of God. Hence, 1 feel confident that you, my countrymen, will be faithful to our . ausc, whether in victory or defeat. This let mo implore you to bo. Wo hope tor thc best, and wo tutend to fight brave? ly on. But candor compels mo to say tuat we may stand amid thc shadows of defoat in? stead of tin suulight of victory. In either event, remain true to thc cause of Democracy. I Our triumph-the triumph ot our principles- I must conic sooner or later. Herc let me sog-. gestan incident fi om English history, shov? ing a spirit worthy of our imitation. Lord Or? mond an Euglisb nobleman, bad lost a son who was tho pride and ornament of his family, and Irionds carno to condole with tho stricken father. They expect.d to find bim 111 thc vale of despair. They found him upon tho heights of pride. Said he, when his sympathizing vis? itors alluded to bis loss, "1 would not give, my dead sou tor any living ono in Christendom." So, too, my to l?w-eitizend, should voa ho de? feated in this canvass, boar this ia mind, that a beaten Democracy is a nobler thing than a triumphant Radicalism, and bo prepared, if the worst should conic, to say, in tho spirit of Lord Ormond, "Wo would not give our bea cn cause for any triumphant o::o in Christendom." Bat las DO Democrat despair of victory. Tile Northern Democracy stands finn au-i resolute. The reserve- bav : yet to bo brought into ac? tion. In tho Presidential election thc true is? sues of thc canvass will stand out in bolder re? lief. Let us work on. Let us stretch every nerve. And when thc sun shall set on thc 3d of November next, it may yet be that bis part? ing tays will sinne upon our causo triumphant and gild ino banners of a victorious Democ? racy. Permit mo now to suggest an Illustration ap? plicate to our State, and again I draw u.nm Swift's luxuriant imagination and caustic wit. lu Gulliver's Travels ho represents his hero as thrown upon tho island ol do Lilliputians, a race cf mon no larger than your finger. Ex hausted, G ult'vcr falls asleep, and m that con? dition these little people find him. He seems to them a giant. 1'bey resolve lo secure him. Ace ir tingly, by means of ladders they mount upon Iiis person, and bind h.s hair, bis head and limbs *vitb bands innumerable. They imagine that they have him secure, and" exalt in their fancied triumph. But when the strong min wishes, by a muscular effort, he bursts theso bauds asnu dor and discloses bis vast strength. Sec, too, my fellow-Caroliuians, South Carolina, our no? ble mother, iaid prostrate, scirrecl and bleed in; by tba result of tho late war, has boon beset ny thc intellectual and moral pigmies of the hour, and they have seized upon her per? son and bound ber with bands innumerable, and they exalt iu the r f mcicd triumphs, and deem their work secure. But there is life in Carolina yet, and uudor the influence of tho Democratic spirit that ber loyal sons intend to breathe into that recumbent form, Carolina will yet s .op the cords that bind her, will yet stand uo in tho majesty of ber strength and tho beauty of her features, and she will throw around her classic form her former stainless robes, and place again upou ber brow the queenly diadem of her power. Feilow-citizous, in conclusion, lot mo call vom attention to tho virtues which you arc now called upon to practice In the late War you exhibited a valor, a dovotion, a heroism that will livo forever upon the pages of history. Other qualities now demand their illustration at your bauds. Let the statesmanship you follow be cool, sagacious, practical, and yet high-toned, and let your public conduct and political acton be characterized by a stern fidelity to your political principles, by*faith that waits for better things, by a patience that endures with dignity, and by ? moderation that shall bc known of all men. Thus actin.', you will place yourselves as a people upon high ground. IhuS acting, yeti will gather around your cause Hie blessings cf God and the sym? pathies of men, and the triumph you seek wdl be won. Thanking you tor your attention to my re? marks, I now close with the earnest hope that Heaven may defend the right and save our stricken State. jl'usscn^ers. Per Ftcanier Emilie, fr.mi Georgetown, S C Miss E ll Atciasou. Miss M J Atkinson, ll C Wallace, li A HawkirS) S Entune], Mrs W M dtywird, uur?? aud eldin, M ss S U Cro.\u, Mies 0 M Wilson, Gen A M M?OiganU, un J 2 on deck. fer steamer sit Helena, from Edisto and lioekville Mrs Mi 1er and two chi dren, Mrs Moses, A Berg, O P Fitzsinious. B tr Christy, Major J Jenkins John King, S H Howe, J H Ducker, H T?ale, .md 120 on dock, K AIS UltLlCHK B LU Tit KI ti tm GUNG3 PILLEN. For sale by E. H. KELLERS ? CL . Septembi-r 18 No.131 Mee?ng-31 ?et Commercial. Experts; BOSTON-Per sehr B N Hawkins-48G bales Upland Cotton, 108 bbls Splits Turpentine, 92 bbls Rosin, 140 casks Kaolin Clay, 13 bhtls Bones. 10 packages Metals, ?3 boxes Hope, Rass and Pa? per. 2G.000 feet Yellow Pine Boards, 2 boxes Sun? dries, lot loose Iron. Tbe Charleston Cotton Market. OFFICE OF THE CHARLESTON DAILY NEW!3, ) CHARLESTON, Wednesday Evening, October 23, '68.} Thc article waa In some demand, but prices were irregular and ?omewbat weaker, tbe rates generally being rather in favor of the buyer. Sales about fOO balea, viz: 6 at 20. 97 at 22, 12 at 22%, 12J at 22)i, CO it 23, 22 at 23>4', C9 at 23%, 13 at '2J%, 22 at 24, 7 at 24J?, and IC, Gullett Gin prepared, at 25c 9 lb. We inote : LIVERPOOL CLASSIFICATION. Ordinary to Good CrJinarv.21?@22>< Low Middling.2&%Q23% Middling.23^024 Strict Middling.24>i@ -0 Markets by Telegraph.. FOREIGN MARKETS. LOSOOS, October 28.-Consols 94,'i. Bonds 13%. LIVERPOOL. October 2S-Noon.-Cotton buoy mt;sales 15.C00 b. les. Sugar firm, both on the spot ind afloat. Afternoon.-Cotton buo>ant. Tallow 52s 3d. Eveninc.-Cotton closed firm and unchanged; sales 15,0.10 balen; uplands lld; Orleans ll)&?. Breadstuff.} a .d provisions unchanged. HAVBB, October 28.-Low middling cotton afloat 1 franc 27J?C HAVANA, October 28.-Sugar buoyant and favors sellers, with a largs speculative inquiry, sterling 15'ial6%cU. S. currency, 18U9 discount. Gold long 4a5; short 7. NEW YOKE, October 28-Noon.-Money active at 7. Sterling 9%. Gold34,'i. Flour ,Ool3c lower. Wheat 2 to 3c lower. Corn lc lover. Me ? pork lower at 523 90. Li'd quiet; steam 179?al7jje. Cotton quiet at 25c. Turpentine steady at 43 to i3%c. Rofin dull; strained coxmon $2 40. Freights brm. Even ng-Cotton less active but steady; sales 2500 balc-? at 23??a25?fc. Flour heavy; State SGa7 90; West-.rn SCa9 03; com-non to fair extra Southern S8a 8 90. When heavy. Corn heavy. Oats lc lower. Pork firmer at S20 50. Laid easier at 17'iil7J?. Whiskey quiet Groceries firm. Turpentine 43a44. Ilosia S2 4ua7 50. Freights firmer; on cottee, by steam, 7-16>& The money stringency is moro se? vere than ever, but a shade easier at the cljse. Dis? count opera?ons wero suspended under pressure Sterling weaker at 0%. Gold a little stronger at 34,3?. Southern bonds irregular. Tcnnessccs tirai. North Carolinas weak. Governments firm. Ten? nessee bonds 70; now 70>i. North Carolinas CC; new 65^. Virciuias 55?L BALTIMORE, October 28.-Cotton very firm. Whtat very dui, with prices ruling much lower. Corn dall; new while 90c to $1; old SI 18aI 20. Oats dall: primo 70c. Bye dull, nominally SI 55. Pork quiet at $30. Bacon firm; shouldeis 135?al4c. WILMINGTON, October 28.-Spi/its dull at 40c. Ko sin quiet; strained $1 GO; No. 2 $1 70al 75. Turpen? tine and tar unchanged. Hay 75c. Market general? ly weak, and little doing. AUGUSTA, Octobjr 28.-Cotton market qmet; sales 338 bales; receipts C97; middlings 23>?,'. SAVANNAH, Oc'.ober 2J.-Cotton opened fair and closed weaker; middlings 24J?; sale? 077 bales; re? ceipts 1029, exports coastwiso 330. MOBILE, October 28.- 'olton sales 800 biles; mar? ket quiet; middlings 23%. Receipts CG4 bales. Ex? ports none. NEW OBLEANS. October 28.-Cotton'osier; mid? dlings 23>?a23??; sales 310 bales. Receipts, 1839; export?, 1772. Sugar steady; new Louisiana yellow clarified 14?ial5. Molasses active; Louisiuna prime to choice ?lal 05. CINCINNATI. October 28.-Flour in little demand; fani ly :7 50a7 75 Corn, 60a62c lor new, 93caSl for old. Whiskey dull, $1 10. Pork, new, at S25a28. Lard dull at 16c. Bacon nominally unchanged. ST. LOUTS, October 28.-Mess pork $30 75a31. Shoulders 13.l4'c. Clear sides 17'?al7??c. Whiskey dull at $113. Augusta Market. AUGUSTA, October 27.-'Jorros- A st ady and fair demand to-day reuhod in sales of 915 bale-?. Wequoe mi diing 23j?; marke; closed firm; re? ceipts 733 bates. CORS--Cinu. We quote Wh'ts ?1 20; mixed $1 VS from depot. WHEAT-Wc quote white $2 25a2 50; red $1 89a 2 25. FLOUR-City mills $10 50 13; ot retail $1 per bbl higher; count y $10al2, aeeoiding to quality. OAT*-8?a85. r.YE-$l 0. Macon Market. M VCON, October 20.-COTTON-Receipts to-day 470 lia!.;*; siles 357 bales; shipped 121 bales. i lie market opened fl m this loreiioou at 22,','c for >.dillies. Tho very fuvorable uoou aud aittraoou "a urn and European market report? e-ent prices up auo.hur half cent in our ni ilka, und it closed firm and active this evening at tie foOowing ratea: Inte? rior 15, ordinary 20, good ordiuaiy 21 *4, middlings 22%, good middlings 23 .. MACON COTTON STATEMENT. Stock op banu september l, lSOrt-baies. 1,326 Received to- lay. 470 Received previously.12,057-13,127 14,453 Shipped to-day. 121 Shipped previously. 0,727- G.S48 Slock on hand this tveniug.7,635 Wilmington Market. WILMINGTON, October 07.-'IORPENTINE-At ar? tet Bteady. -al, s -Aaa Ul>Ia. ut 99 CO fisc nott ?md il CZ for hard. $ 230 lbs. snniTs lunrENriNE -Sties Ol only C5 bbls at 40 cia per g illou. ROSIN-Has bceu iu moderate inquiry tc-.lay, and we quote salea ol' 1537 nula, ut ?1 C3 lop -trained; SI 70 for strained and No i; ?1 8J for No 2, ?1 90 for ex ra >o '.'; S2for low No. 1, and s? 2ju4 37,!< for No 1, as iu quality. TAR-20 bbls sold at $2 35 "ri bbl. COTTON-sales of 34 oui s at '23%a23% eta for mid? dling. HAY-Sales from. wharf of 100 bales islightly dam igel I at 70 eta, iud 89 bales at 73 cts per IOU lbj toe Northern. Nashville .Harket. NASHVILLE, October 21.-COTTON- Market to-di,y v.ry finn, with an ixl von cilia tendency, In some instances the sales showed un advance of ?ie, but the bulk ol cotton sold was made at the ligures of th: prcvij-is diy. The receipts amounted to 204 bales, shipment of 197. with-iles ol'101 bi'e?>. We quote as lollow*: Low middling 20.120,%, good onli uiry PJ'-a.'O, ordinary 1SM%. NASHVILLE COTTON STATEMENT. Stock on hand September 1, 1803. ..GO, Received to-day.204 Received previously.1690-1804 Total.1934 Shipped to-day.197 Shipi cd previously.1215-1412 Stock on hand.642 I'OBN-Sales of 500 bushels new, in tar, at 50c; 60' do loose at G5c. Consignees per Sctsth Carolina Kailroad October ?S. 1110 bales Cotton, 52 bjlo ? Domestics, 208 cisks Clay, 5 cars Wood, lo Railroid Agent, W Roach, J. & W II A rmstroog, Polzcr. Rodger-? A: Co, Dukes k Co IHSW Dewees, W S Htnerey, Frost & Adner,. Mowry ? Co, A J Salinas, Reeder k Davis, Brodie A: Co. Goldsmith At Son, W C Courtney k Co, G W Wil? liams k Co, R C sharp i C<>, W KR au, G H Walter & Co, J B E Sloan, J N Robson, E J Fripp & Co, J D Aiken k Co. Consignees per Northeastern Kailroad October ?8. 150 bales Cotton, 325 bbls Navel Stores, bigs Rough i ice, Lum -i-r. Milz -, Atc. To stenhouse A: Co, Graeser, L:e, Smith k Co. Raven?l A: Co, Frost fe Adger. Clayborn, Herring k Co, J H Wurhmau, G U Uoppock, Pe'zer, Rodgers fe Co, Mowry A; Co, W K Ryan, Iugrahaiu At sou, Kirkpatrick A: Witte. B A A; J F Early, Wa ter fe Co. Nachtnan A: co, Reeder A; Davis, W Gurney, S D stoney. JH?rine tes. - fort of Charleston, October ti? Arriv?e! Yesterday. Steamer Emilie, Davis, Georgetown, S C. 49 tee Rice, and Sundries. To shuckelford A: Kelly, J R Pringle, G A i renholui k sou. Frost k Adger, Thurston i; Holme?, A M Mautg; ul:, aua others. Steamer St Helena. Rumley, Lv.tio and Rockville. 45 bales Cotton, 15 bags Seed, a'ad Sundries. To J H Murray, Bavenel fe Cn, Ko,;er fe Sto cy, Fraser A: Dill, J D Aiken, W Gurney, J small A: Co, V F Mar? tin, J H Ducker, aud others. sehr Elviua, M.igr.th. Coiubabce. 21-'0 bushels Rough Rice. To I rost At Adger. Cleared Yesterday. Sehr B N Hawkins, Wyutt, Uoston-Wm Roach. ?jailed Yesterday. Brig Moonlight. Giles, Suriuaui. Sehr Maria Hall, shepherd, a northern Port. Up for this Pori. Sehr R Caldwell, McCormick, at New York, Oetc ber 20. Cleared for this Port. Bri* Josie A Devereaux, Clark, at Philadelphia, Oe tole." 21. Sailed for this Port. Prig Cyclone, jobn:or, irom Boston, October 24.