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VOLTIME IV.NO. 428. CHARLESTON, S. C., TUESDAY MORNING-, JANUARY 1, 1867. PRICE Tmm rnSfrTS " ' VOLUME IV.NO. 482 TELEGRAPHIC. Oar Cable Dispatches. LIVERPOOL, March 4-Evening.-Cotton ad? vanced jd. daring the afternoon. Middling Uplands 13id. Sales 10,000 bales. MARCH 5-Koon.-Cotton declined ' ? since yes? terday. Middling Uplands 13'd. Sales 8000 bale3. Provisions firm. Breadstuffs quiet. 1 allow 42s. Od. LONDON, March 5.-Finances unchanged. A noon dispatch from Dublin denies tho appre? hension of Col. O'CONNOR. Congressional. WASHINGTON, March 5.-In the House there was aa official announcement that the Presinent had no conimui lection to moke. In drawing seats STEVENS and WASHBURNE wtro allowed to retain their old seats. Thc caucus nominees were elected. BOYNTON was elected Chaplain. Among thc nominees for this office was Parson BROWNLOW. A joint committee was then appointed from each House to equalize the pay of employees. Tho Speaker announced that on Thursday he would appoint committees on mileage and creden? tials, and would hold the other committees sub? ject io the order of the House. In the Senate several Bills were presented-one to reorganize the Supreme Court; but they were all laid on the table until the committees should bo appointed. The committee announced that the President had no communication to make. Hie Wool Tariff goes into effect at once, but the Senato Finance Committee will report in favor of tts suspension forton days. The Secretary of the Treasury has not received a cei-tified copy of the Bill for the appropriation of pay Tor thc Treasury Agents appointed regardless of the test c a th, which section was stricken out by the Conference Committee previous to its passage. Washington News. WASHINGTON, March 5.-The New York Heralds special says there is a delegation from South Caro? lina already here, conferring with the President relative to the Brigadier Bill. Congress will posh the impeachment investiga? tion. Alexandria negroes claim the right to vote in to-di.y's municipal election under SHERMAN'S Bill. The Clvronide of this city urges them to vote, and ?Lreatens those who, by violence or mistaken ap? prehension of the law, shall prevent them. The Election Commissioners sent delegates here to consult the authorities. CAMERON said in response to SEWARD., that if JOHNSON had nave been a wise man he would have signed the Reconstruction Bill, and thus have golton him? self back into his old harness. He might then, perhaps, have been forgiven some wrong done during the last four months, bat it was now too late ? ;o forgive bim. South American News. NEW YORK, March 5.-The Times' Panama cor? respondent reports that the President of Bolivia was killed by his body guard, and there is a revo? lution in Carthagena is consequence. New York Sews. NKW YORK, March 5.-The steamer Henry Chauncey, with $800,000-treasure, has arrived from San Francisco, bringing California dates to the ?th ult. General News. ALEXANDRIA, March 5.-The negro vote taken at the late election will bo contested provided the white Republican vote, added to the black poll, makes a plurality. Domestic ' Markets, NOON DISPATCH. Nicw YORE, March 5.-Flour dull, and drooping. Wheat dall. Corn l@2c better. Pork very firm Bales 250 bbls. ; new mess $21874. Lord dull, bbls. I2?<$13? Cotton dull; 31@31$ for Middling Up? lands. Freights quiet. The Sftck market is lower; 5-20's of '62 coupons 1103 ?110$. Exchange, 60 days, 84 i sight, 9. Gold 137|. EVENING DISPATCH. Cotton dud and heavy. Sales 1300 bales, at 31c. for Middling Uplands. Flour dull; for common firm; for good State $8.50all.25. Wheat heavy. Cora active, and advanced 2a8c-$1.08al.ll. Pork bonyant, $21.62a22. Lard heavy. Whiskey quiet Freights unchanged; Cotton to Liverpool, by steam, Ja|d. ? 5?20's of '62 Coupons, 109&110. Gold, 1S6|. Money, 67. NEW ORLEANS, March 5.-Cotton-Sales 3350 bales. Market low. Low Middling 29$a80o. Re? ceipts in three days 9543 bales. Exports in the same time 15,783. Sugar firm at 13c. for good com? mon to* fair. Molasses dull at 65a75c. for common to good. Flour in fair demand but lower. Super llall|. Gold closed at 37?. Sterling 47?o48i. BALTIMORE, March 5.-Cotton lower; Middling Uplands, 30a80j. Floor unchanged. Southern Wheat scarce. Corn, receipts small, demand good at 98ca$l. Mess Pork, $2163. Sugar steady. Whiskey irregular. CINCINNATI, March 5.-Flour unchanged, with a limited local demand. Wheat quiet. Corn dull; shelled 62; ears 57; sacks 56. Cotton dull and no? minal at 27@28o. for Middling Upland. WiisVey firm at $2 26. Mess Pork firmer; held at $21 CO. Bacon firmer. Shoulders 94; Sides 10$. ST. LOUTS, March 5_Cotton quiet at 27c. for Middling Uplands, 279a28c for Strict do. do. Floor quiet; Superfine, $8.75al0; Extra, $10al0.25. Wheat dull. Corn better; $1.45al.50. Mess Pork ad? vanced; $20a20.50. Baoon stiff, at r2|al2ie. for Gear Sides, 9jc. for Shoulders. - State Items. THE ORPHAN HOUSE.-Rev. T. H. EDWARDS, writing to as from Newberry, under date of 18th of February, says : By visiting Washington, I have obtained assur? ance of all tho assistance I desire from the Govern? ment. I also have capital enough in prospect to berrin my "Orphan Home," on a much larger scale than I could possib.y have anticipated. My suc? cess for exceeded my most sanguine expecta? tions. * * * I wish to commence budding as soon as practicaba?, that I may be able to start my school at tho earliest dav possible. The school is not for the orphans of soldiers exclusively, but destitute orphans all over our land. [Pickens Courier. DEATH OF MB. ANDERSON-Mr. Isaac Anderson, aa aged and highly respectable citizen of Pickens, died at his residence, on Eastatoee, on the 17th ultimo. He was in his eighty-seventh year.-Iota*. PUNISHMENT COMMUTED.-Perry Durham who hos been under the sentence of death for the mor? dor of Col. Thomas Miller, has had his punishment commuted by Gov. Orr to imprisonment in the penitentiary ior life.-1bid. FIRE.-About 3 o'clock, Sunday afternoon . fire o<icurred in the bu?ding opposite the Pnonix office, occupied by Mrs. Reed as a millinery store. The fire originated in the cellar, among several cf.se s of straw goods, and is supposed to be the work ol' some evil-dk;posed person. The damage to tho building was slight, as the firemen were promptly on '.he spot, and succeeded in arresting the flames, after the destruction of some millinery goods. [Phamix. THE STATE CURRENCY.-WO leam that the billa receivable aro somewhat firmer than they have been during the past month, owing no doubt to the ?ict that taxes are being paid, and a considerable amount has thus been withdrawn from circulation. There also appears to be less apprehension than formerly with reference to any change in our State government under the new law by which we aro ereaft8r to be controlled.-Carolinian. BELIEF FOR THE PEOPLE OF LANCASTER DISTRICT, 8. C.-We are gratified to learn from Col. Vfm. Johnston that he had received several donations for the Buffering in Lancaster District-two hun? dred and fifty bushels of corn from the noble city of Newberne, and three hundred dollars from Bos? ton, contributed by the edito: of the Pilot and a few friends. The Colonel also received a letter from an influential gentleman in Washington City, inquiring if the reported destitution in that and other sections was reliable. Ho reponded, fully endorsing the statement of Colonel Mittagg and others, and wo have reason to hope substantial aid from that quarter may be expected. We regret that ourpeoplo could not rescond to the appeal of their Buffering neighbors as their liberal and gene? rous hearts prompted. The immediate county suffered* immensely from the drought last sum? mer, and a large number of our people wh? have heretofore been sellers of corn are now buyers. There is a great deal of destitution in our midst, continued calls for tho relief of which havo boen constantly responded to with a liberal hand. The people of Lancaster have our sympathy, and the very few who con, will do something for their re? lief. Col. Johnston has not only contributed out of his own means, but has been instrumental in securing, and wilt continue to exert himsolf to se? cure, a more abundant supply. [Charlotte Times. A GREAT amateur buUfiiiht took place at thc City of Mexico on the 13th of January, which was originated for the laudable -purpose of replenish? ing tho coffers of the Hospital do Pobres. Four thousand of tho elite of the city, mcluding ladies, were present, and th? flower: or thc youth of Mexi? co joined in the sport. Eight bulls vero succes? sively brought in and tortured to death or disabled d tho cheers of the multitude. About $8000 ere realized ?om the enterprise. VETO MESSAGE. Message of the President of the United States, returning to the House of Repre? sentatives a Bill entitled "An Act to Pro? vide for the More Efficient Government of the Rebel States." To the House of Representatives : I have examined the bill "to provide for the more efficient government of the rebel Statos" with the care and anxiety whi?h its transcendent im? portance is calculated to ?waken. I am unable to give it my assent, for reasons so grave that I hopo a statement of them may have some influence on the minds of tho patriotic and onlightenod mon with whom the decision must ultimately rest. The bill places all tho people of the ton States therein named, under the absolute domination of military rulers; and the preamble undertakes to give the reason upon which the measure is based, and tho ground upon which it is justified. It de? clares that there exists in those States no legal governments, and no adequate protection for life or property, and asserts the necessity of enforcing peace and good order within their limits. Is this true as matter of fact ? It is not denied that the States in question have each of them an actual government, with all tho powers, executive, judicial, and legislative, which properly belong to * free State. They are organ? ized like the other Statos of the Union, and, like them, they maka, administer, and execute the laws which concern their domestic affairs. An-ex? isting de facto g -vernment, exercising such func? tions as these, is itself the law of the State upon all matters within its jurisdiction. To pronounce the supremo law-making power of an established State illegal, is to say that law itself is unlawful. The provisions which these governments have made for the preservation of order, the suppression of crime, and the redress of private injuries, are in substance and principle the same as those which prevail in tho Northern States and in other civil? ized countries. They certainly have not succeed? ed in preventing the commission of all crime, nor has this Deen accomplished anywhere in the world. There, as well as elsewhere, offenders sometimes escape for vrant of vigorous prosecution, and occasionally, per? haps, by the inefficiency of courts or the prejudice of jurors. It is undoubtedly true that these evils have been much increased and aggravated, North and South,* by the demoralizing inuuence of civil war, and by the rancorous passions which the con? test has engendered. But that these people are maintaining local governments for themselves which habitually defeat the object of all govern? ment and rendor their own lives and r roperty in? secure, is in itself utterly improbable, and the aver? ment of the bill to that effect is not supported by any evidence which has come to my knowledge. All the information I have on the subject convinces me that the masses of the Southern people and those who control their pu:<lic acts, while they en? tertain diverse opinions on questions of Federal policy, are completely united in the effort to reor? ganize their society on the basis of peace, and to restore their mutual .prosperity.os rapidly and ai completely os their circumstances will permit. The bill, however, would seem to show upon its face that the establishment of peace and good order is not its real object. The fifth section de? clares tb at the preceding sections shall cease to operate in any State where certain events shall have happened. These events are: First, the selection of delegates to a State convention by an election at which negroes shall be allowed to vote. Second, the formation of a State constitution hy the convention AO chosen. Third, the insertion into the State constitution of a provision which will secure the right of voting at all elections to negroes, and to auch white men os may not bo dis? franchised for rebellion or felony. Fourth; the submission of the constitution for ratification to negroes and white men not disfranchised, and its actual ratification by their vote. Fifth, tho sub? mission of the State constitution to Congress for examination and approval, and tho actual approval of it by that body Sixth, the adoption of a certain amendment to the Federal Constitution hy a vote of the Legislature elected under the new constitution. Seventh, the adoption of said amend? ment by a sufficient number of other States to make it a part of the Constitution of tho -United States. AU these conditions must be ful? filled before the people of any of these States can be relieved from the bondage of military domina? tion;, but when they are fulfilled, then immediately the paine and penalties of tho bill are to cease, nb m at Wr whether there be peace and order or not, and without any reference to the security of life or property. The excuse given for the bill m the pre? amble is admitted by the bill itself not to bo real. The military- rule which it establishes is plainly to be used-not for any purpose of order or for the prevention of crime, but solely as a means of coer? cing the people into the adoption of principles and measures to which it is known that they aro op? posed, and upon which they have, an undeniable right to exercise their own judgment. I submit to Congress whether ?his measure is not, in ita whole chancier, scope and object, with? out precedent and without authority, in palpable conflict with the plainest provisions of the Consti? tution, and utterly destru .-tive to those great prin? ciples of liberty and humanity for which oui an? cestors on both sides of the Atlantic have shed so much blood and expended so much treasure. , The ten States named in the bill are divided into - five districts.. For each district an officer of the : army, not below the rank of brigadier-general, is to be appointed to rule over the people; and he is . to be supported with an efficient militi JV force to ; enable him to perform his duties and enforce his ? authority. These duties and that authority, as i defined by the third section of the bill, are "to , protect all persons in their rights of person and , property, to suppress insurrection, disorder and i violence, and to punish or cause to be punished, ] all disturbers of the public pe are or criminals." , The power thus given to the commanding officer | over all th<- people of each district is that of an ; absolute monarch. " His' mere will is to toko tho place of all kw. The law of tho States is i uo w the only rule applicable to the sub? jects placed under his control, and that : is completely displaced by the clause which ; declares all interference of State authority to be ; null and void. He alone is permitted to do.ermine - what are rights of person or property, and ho may '? protect them in such way os, m his discretion, ? may seem proper. It places at his five disposal : all the lands and goods in his district, and he may distribute them without let or hindrance to whom ? he pleassB. Being bound by no Stase law, and , there being n i other law to regulate the subject, he may make a criminal code of his own; and he : can make it os bloody ss any recorded in history, or he can reserve the privilege of acting upon tho impulse of his private passions in each case that arises. He is bound by no rules of evidence; there is indeed no provision by which he it authorized or required to take any evidence at alL Every? thing is a crime which he chooBOS to call so, and all persons are condemned whom he pronounces to be guilty. He is not bound to keep any re? cord, or moke any report of his proceedings. Ho may arrest his.victims wherever he finda thom, without warrant, accusation, or proof of probable cause. If he gives them a tnol beforo be in? flicts the punishment, he gives it of his grace and mercy, not because he is commanded so to do. To a casual reader of the bill it might seem that some laud of trial was secured by it to persons ac? cused of crime; but such is not the case. Tho officer "may allow local civil tribunals to try of? fenders," but of course this does not roquire'that he shall do BO. If ?ny State or Federal court pre? sumes to exercise its legal jurisdiction by the trial of a malefactor without his special permission, ho can break it np, and punish the judges and jurors os being themselves malefactors. Ho can save his friends from justice, and despoil his enemies con? trary to justice. It ia also provided that "he sha'l have powor to oltanize military commissions or tribunals;" but this power ht ip not commande li. exercise. It is merely penni.? ai ve, and is to?x? nssd only ' when in his judgment it may bo .)<". ass:: ry for the trial of offenders.* Even if thc i,.^lenee bf o commis? sion were m.v?e o prerc^ihite to the punishment of o party, it would be s'-nrcely tue slightest chock upon the officer, who has authority to organize it OB ho.please8, pt*e3Siibe its modo of proceeding, appoint its members from among his bwn subordi? nates, ard reviso all its d?cisions. Instead of miti? gating the harshness of his single rule, such a tri? bunal would be used much more probably to divido tho responsibility of making it more cruel and unjust. booral provisions, dictated by the humanity of Congress, have been inserted in tho bill, apparent? ly to restrain the power ol the c mmonding officer; but it seems to me that they arc of no avail for that purpose. Tho fourth section provides-First. That trials shall not be unnecessarily delayed; but I think I have shown tliat the power is given to punish without trial, and if so, this provision is practically inoperative. Second. Cruel or unusual punishmei3t is not to bo inflicted; but who is to de? cido what is cruel and wi) at is unusual ? Tho words have acquired a legal meaning by long uso in thc courts. Can it bo expected that military officers will understand or follow a nile expressed in lau fruage so purely technical, and not pertaining in tho east dogreo to their profession ? if not, then each officer may defino cruelty according to Iiis own temper, and if it is not usual, he will make it usu? al. Corporeal punishment, imprisonment, thc gag, the ball and chain, and tho almost ^supportable forms of torture invented for military punishment, he within the range of choice. Third. Thc sen? tence of a commission is not to he executed with? out being approved by the commander, if it affects life or liberty, and a sentence of death must be ap? proved by the President. This applies lo cases in which there ha? been a trial and sentence. I take it to bo clear, under this bill, that tho Inilit ry commander may condemn to death without even the form of a trial by a, military commission, so tliut thojlife cf tho condemned may dopend upon the will of two men, instead of or?e. It is plain that the authority hero given to thc mili-ary officer amounts to absoluto despotism. But, to make it still more unendurable, tho bill provides that it may bo delegated ic as many sub? ordinates aa he chooses to appoint; for it declares that ho shall "punish or cause to bo punished." Such a power has not been wielded by any monarch in England for more than five hundred years. lu all that time no people who speak the English language have homo such servitude. It reduces the whole population ot the ton States-ali per CHARLESTON, S. C sons, of overjr color, sex and condition, and every stranger within their limits-to tho most abject and degrading slavery. No master ever had a control so absolute ovor his slaves as this bill j gives to the military officers over both white and colored persons. It may be answered to this that the officers of tho army are too magnanimous, just, and humane to oppress and trample upon a subjugated people. I do not doubt that army officers are as weil en? titled to this kind of confidence as any other class of mon. But the history of the world has beon written in vain, if it does not teach us that unro , strainod authority can never be safely trusted in human hands. It is almost sure to be t? are or less abused under any circumstances, and it lias always resulted in gross tyranny where tho rulers who ex? ercise it are strangers to their subjoots. and come among thom as the representatives of a distant power, and more especially when the power that sends them is unfriendly. Governments closely resembling that here proposed have been fairly tried in Hungary and Poland, and the suffering en? dured by those people roused the evmpathies of tho entire world. It was tried in Ireland, and, though tempered at first by principles of English law, it gave birth to cruelties so atrocious that they aro never recounted without just indignation. The French Convention armed its deputies with this power, and sent them to the southern departments of the republic. The massacres, murders, and other atrocities which they committed, show what the passions of the ablest men in the most civiliz? ed society will tempt them to do when wholly in> restrained bv law. Tho men of our race in every age have struggled to tie up the hands of their Governments and keep thom within the law: because their own experience of all mankind taught them that rulers could not be relied on to concede those rights which they w re "not legally bound to respect. The head of a great empire has sometimes governed it with a mild and paternal sway; but the kindness of an irresponsible deputy never yields what the law does not extort from him. Between such a master and the people subjected to his domination there can be nothing but enmity; he punishes them if they resist his authority, and, if they submit to it, he hates them for their servility. I come now to a question which is, if possible, still more important. Have we the power to es? tablish acd cany into execution a measure like this ? I answer, certainly not, if we derive our authority from the Constitution, and if we are bound by the limitations which it imposes. This proposition is perfectly clear-that no branch of the Federal Government, executive, leg? islative, or judicial, can have any just powers, ex? cept those which it derives through and exercises under the organic law of the Umon. Outside of tho Constitution, we have no legal authority more than private citizens, and within it we have only so much as that instrument gives us. This broad principle limits all our functions, and applies to all subjects. It protects not only the citizens of States which are within the Union, but it shields every human being who comes or is brought under our jurisdiction. Wo have no right to do in one placo, more than in another, that which the Con? stitution says we sholl not do at all. If, therefore, tho Southern States were in truth out of the Union, we could not treat their people in a way which the fundamental law forbids. Some persons assume tbat the success of our arms in crushing the opposition which was made in some of the States to the execution of the Federal laws, reduced those States and all their people-tho innocent as well OB the guilty-to the condition of vassalage, and gave us a pjwer over them which the Constitution does not bestow, or define, or limit. No fallacy can be more trans? parent than this. Our victories subjected the in? surgents to legal obedience, not to the yoke of an arbitrary despotism. "When an absolute sovereign' reduces his rebellious subjects, he may deal with them according to his pleasure, because ho had that power before. But whon a limited monarch puts down an insurrection, he must still govern according to low. If an insurrec? tion should take place in ono of our States against the authority of the State government, and end in the overthrow of those who planned it, would that take away the rights of the people of the counties where it was favored by a part or a majority of tue population ? Could they, for such a reason, be wholly outlawed and deprived ol'their representation in the Legislature ? I have always contended that the Government of the United States was sovereign within its constitutional sphere; that it executed its laws, like the States themselves, by applying its coercive power direct? ly to individuals; and that it could put down insur? rection with tho same effect as a State, and no other. The opposite doctrino is the worst heresy of those who advocated secession, and cannot be agreed to without admitting that heresy to be right. Invasion, insurrection, rebellion, and domestic violence, were anticipated when the government was f am ed, and the means of repelling and sup ?raring them were wisely provided for in tho bnstitution; but it was not thought necessary to declare that the States in which they might occur should be expelled from the Union. Rebellions, which were invariably suppressed, occurred prior to that out of which these questions grow; but the States continued to exist, and the Union remained unbroken. In Massachusetts, in Penn? sylvania, in Bhode Island, and in New York, at different periods in our history, violent and armed opposition to the United States was carried on; but the relations of those States with the Federal Government were not supposed to bo interrupted or changed there? by, after tho re ellious portions of their population wore defeated and put down. It is true ?hat in these earlier cases there was no formal expression of a determination to withdraw from the Union, but it is alto true that in tho Southern States the ordinances of secession were treated by all the friends of the Union as moro nullities, and are now acknowledged to be so by the States themselves. If we admit that they had any force or validity, or that they did in fact toko the States in which they were passed out of tho Union, we sweep from under our feet all the grounds upon which we stand in justifying the uso of Federal force to nraint am the integrity of the government. This is a bill passed by Congress in time of peace. There is not, in any one of the States Drought under its operation, either war or insur? rection. The lavs of tho States and of the Federal Government are all in undisturbed and harmonious operation. Tho courts, State and Federal, are open, and in tho full exorcise of their proper au? thority. Over eveiy 8tato comprised in these five military districts, Ufo, liberty and propon ty are se? cured hy Stato laws and Federal laws, and the National Constitution is everywhere in. torco and evorywticre obeyed, What, then, is the ground on" which this" bill proceeds? The title of the bill announces that it is intended "for the more efficient government" of these ten States. It is recited, by way of preamble, that no legal Stato governments, ('nor adequate protection for life or property," exist in those States, and that peace and good order should be thus enforced. The first thing which arrests attention upon these recitals, which prepare the way for martial law, is this-that the only foundation upon which martial law oan exist under oui- form of government ia not stated or so much as pretended. Actual war, for? eign invasion, domestic iiiBurreotion-none of these appear; and none'of these in foot exist. It is not oven recited that any sort of war or insurrec? tion is threatened. Lot us pause here to consider, upon this question of constitutional law and the power of Congress, a recent decision of the Su Erenie Court of tho United States in ex parte Mil gin. I will first quote from tho opinion of the majority of the court : "Martial law cannot arise from a threatened invasion. The necessity must be ac? tual and present, the invasion real, such as effectu? ally closes the courts and deposes the civil admin? istration." Wo see that maniai law comes in only when actual war closes the courts snd deposes the civil authority ; but this bill, in time of peace, makes martial law operate as though we were in actual war, and become tho cause, instead of the consequence, of the abrogation of civil authority. One moto quotation : "It follows from what has been said on this subject that there are occasion? when martial Jaw can be properly applied. If in foreign invasion or civil war the courts aro actually closed, aud it is impossible to administer criminal justice according to law, then, on the theatre of active military operations, where war really pre? vails, there is a necessity to furnish a substitute for the civil authority, thus overthrown, to pre? serve thc safety of tho army and society ; and as no power is l?ft but the military, it is allowed to govern by martial rule until tho laws can have their free coarse." I now quote from the opinion of the minority of tho court, delivorod by Chief Justice Chase: "We by no moans assort that Congress can establish and apply tho laws of war where no war Has been decliu'od or exists. Wliero peace exists, the laws of peace must prevail." This is sufficiently ex? plicit. Peace exists in all the territory to which this bill applies. It asserts a power in Congress, in timo ot peace, to set aside tho laws of peace and to . -'istitutc tho laws of war. The minority, concurring with tho majority, declares that Con? gress does not possess that power. Again, and, if possible, moro emphatically, the Chief Justice, with remarkable clearness and condensation, sams up the wholo matte as follows: "There are under tho Constitution three lands of military jurisdiction-one to ho exercised both in peace and war; another to be exorcised in timo of foreign war wi.hout'tbe boundaries of the Uni- | ted States, or iii timo of rebellion and civil war j within States or districts occupied by rebel? treated as belligerents; and a third to bo exercised in time of invasion or insurrection within the limits of the United States, or during rebellion within tho limits of tho States maintaining adherence to the Nation? al Government when tho public danger requires its exorcise. Tho first of those may bo called jurisdiction under MILITARY LAW, and is found in acts of Congress prescribing rules and articles of war, or otherwise providing for tho government of thc national forces; tho second may bc distinguish? ed as MILITARY GOVERNMENT, superseding, as far as may bo deemed expedient, the local law, and exercised by the military commaudcr under the di? rection of tho President, with the express or im? plied sanction of Congress; while the third may bo denominated MARTIAL LAW PROPER, and is called into action by Congress, or temporarily, wlren the action of Congress cannot be invited, and in the i case of justifying or excusing peril by the Presi? dent, in times of insurrection or invasion, or of civil or loreign war, within districts or localities where ordinary law no longer adequately secures public safety and privatG rig/its," It will be observed that ol' the throo kinds of military jurisdiction which can bo exercised or , created under our Constitution, thoro is but one i that can prevail in time of peaco, and that is the code of In ws ona tod by Congress for the govern I mont of tho national forces. That body of milita? ry Jaw has no aoplication to the citizen, nor oven to thc citizen soldier enrolled in Hie militia in time of peace. But this bill is not a part ot that sort of military law, Jor that applies only to the soldier and not to the citizon, whilst, contrariwise, thc mili? tary law provided by this bill applies only lo tho J I citizen and not to the soldier. WEDNESDAY MORNHS I need not say to the representatives of the i American people that their Constitution forbids the exercise or judicial power in any way but one thai is by the ordained and established courts. It is equally well known that in all criminal oases a triai by jury is made indispensable by the express wordb of that instrument. I will not enlarge on the inestimable value of the rieht thus secured to ovary freeman, or speak of the danger to public liberty in all parts of the country, which must en? sue from a denial of it anywhere or upon any pre? tence. A very recent decision of the Supremo, Court has traced the history, vindicated the dig? nity, and made known the value of this great pri? vilege so clearly that nothing mere ie needed. , To what extent a violation of it might be excused in time of war or public danger may admit of discus? sion, but we are providing now for a time of pro? found peace, where there is not an armed soldier within our borders except those who are in the ser? vice of the Government. It is in such a condition of things that an act of Congress is proposed which, if carried ont, would deny a trial by the lawful courts and juries to nine. millions of American j citizens, and to their posterity for an indefinite period, It seems to be scarcely possible that any one should seriously believe this consistent with a Constitution which declares, in simple, plain, anc unambiguous language, that all persons shall have that right, and that no person shall ever, in any case, bo"deprived of it. The Constitution also forbids the arrest of the citizen without judicial warrant, founded on probable canse. This bill authorizes an arrest without warrant, at the pleasure of a military commander. The Constitu? tion declares that "no person shall be held to an? swer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime nnlesB on presentment by a grand jury." . This bill holds every person not a soldier answerable for all crimes and all charges without any pre? sentment. The Constitution declares that "no person shall be deprived of life, liberty or property, without due process of law." This bill sets aside all process of law, and makes the citizen answerable in his person and Kroner tv to the will cf ono man, ondas to his life D tho will of two. Finally, the Constitution de? clares that "the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended unless when, inv case of rebellion or invasion, the public safety may require it;" whereas this bill declares martial law (which of itself suspends this: great writ) in time of peace, and authorizes the military to moke the arrest, ana gives to the prisoner only one pri? vilege, and that is a trial '^without necessary de? lay." He has no hope of release from custody, ex? cept the hope, such as it is, cf release by acquittal before a military commission. The United States are bound to guarantee to each State a republicen form of government. Can it bo pretended that this obligation is not palpably broken if we carry ont a measure like this, which wipes away every vestige of republican govern? ment in ten States, and puts tho life, property, liberty, and honor of all the people in each or them under tile domination of a single person clothed with unlimited authority ? The Parliament of England, exercising the om? nipotent power which it claimed, was accustomed to pass buts of attainder ; that is to say, it would convict men of treason and other crimes by legis? lative enactment. The person accused had a hear? ing, sometimes a patient and fair one; but generaUy party prejudice prevailed, i astead of justice. It often became necessary for Parliament to acknowl? edge its error and reverse its own action. The fathers of our country determinad that no such thing should occur here. They withheld the power from Congress, and thus forbade its exercise by that body, and they provided in the Constitution that no State should pass any bill of attainder. It is, therefore, impossible for any person in tb i 3 country to bo constitutionally convicted or pun? ished fer any crime by a legislative proceeding of any sort. Nevertheless, here is a bill of attainder against nine millions of people at once. It is based upon an accusation so vague as to be scarce? ly intelligible, and found to be true upon no credi? ble evidence. Not one of the nine millions was heard in bis own defence. The representatives of the doomed parties were excluded from all partici? pation in the trial. Tho conviction is to be"'fol? lowed by the most ignominious punishment ever in flic ted" on large masseil of men. It disfranchises them, by hundreds of thousands, and degrades them alf-even those who ore admitted to be guilt? less-from the rank of freemen to the condition o? slttv?s? The purpose and object of the bill-tho general intent which pervades it from beginning to'end-is to chango the entire structure and character of the State governments, and to compel them by force to the adoption of organic law s and regulations which they are unwilling to accept, if left to themselves. The negroes have not asked for the privilege of voting-tbe vast majority of them have no idea what it means. This bill not only thrusts it into their hands, but compels them, as well as tho whites, to use it in a particular way. If they do not form a constitution with prescribed articles in it, and afterwards elect a Legislature which will act upon certain measures in a prescribed way, neither blacks nor white? con be relieved from the slavery which the bill imposes upon. them. "With? out pausing here to consider tho policy or impolicy of Africanizing the Southern part of our territory, I would simply ask the attention of Congress to toat manifest, well-known, and universally acknowl? edged rule of constitutional law, which declares that the Federal Government has no jurisdiction, authority or power to regulate such subjects for any State. To force the right of suffrage out of the hands of the white people and into the hands of tho negroes is on arbitrary violation of this principle. Tho DLU imposes martial law at .once, and its operations will begin as soon as th? General and bis troops can be put in place. The dz ead alterna? tive between its narau rule and compliance with the terms of this measure is not suspended) nor are the people afforded any time for free delibera? tion. The bill says to them, take martial law first, then deliberate. And when they have done ali that this measure requires them to do. other con? ditions and contingencies, over which they have no control, yet rennin to be fulfilled before they can bo relieved from martial law. Another Con? gress must first approve the constitutions, made Si conformity with the will of this Congress, and must declare these States entitled to representa? tion in both Houses. The whole question thus re? mains open and unsettled, and must again occupy the attention of Congress, and in the meantime the agitation which now prevails will continue to disturb all portions 01 the people. The bill also denios the legality of the govern? ments of ten of the States which participated in tbe ratification of the amendment to the Federal Constitution abolishing slavery forever within the jurisdiction of the United States, and practically excludes them from the Union. If this assump? tion of tho bill be correct, their concurrent can? not be considered as having-been legally given, and the important fact is made to appear that ibo consent of three-fourths of the States-tbe requis? ite number-has not been constitutionally ob? tained to the ratification of that amendment, thus leaving the question of slavery where it stood bo fore the amendment was officially declared to have become a part of the Constitution. That the measure proposed by this bill does vio? late the Constitution in the particulars mentioned, and in many other ways which I forbear to enu? merate, is too clear to admit of the least doubt. It only remains to consider whether the injunc? tions ?fthat instrument ought to bo obeyed or not. I think they ought to be obeyed, for reasons which I will proceed to give as briefly as possible. In the first place, it is tho only system of free government which we oan hopo to have as a nation. When it ceases to be the rule c f our conduct, we may, perhaps, take our choice between oomnlete anarchy, a consolidated despotism, and a total dissolution of the Union, but national liberty, regulated by low, will have passed beyond our reach. If is the best frame of government the world ever saw. No other is or can be so well adapted to the genius, habits, or wonts of the Amenoan people. Combining the strength of a great empire with unspeakable Dlessiugs of local self-govorn mcntr-having a central power to defend the gene? ral interests, and recognizing the authority of the States as the guardians of industrial rights, it is "tho sheet-anchor of our safety abroad and our peace at home." It was ordained "to form a moro poriect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, promote the genorel welfare, provide for tno common defence, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and to our posterity." These great ends have been attained heretofore, and will be again, by faithful obedience to it but they are cortain to be lost if we treat with disre? gard its sacred obligations. It was to punish the gross crime of dofying tho Constitution, ?nd to vindicate its supreme'author? ity, that we carried on a bloody war of four years' duration. Shall wo now acknowladge that we sacri? ficed a million of Uves and expended billions of treasure to enforce a Constitution which is not worthy of respect and preservation? Those who advocated the right of secession al? leged in their own justification that v.e had no re? gard for law, and that their rights of property, life, ?ind liborty would not be safe under the Constitu? tion, as administered by us. If we now verify thou* assertion, we prove that they were in truth and in fact fighting for their liberty, and instead of branding their leaders with the dishonoring name ot traitors against a righteous and legal govern? ment, we elevate thom in history to the rank of self-sacrifibing patriots, consecrate thom to the admiration of the world, and place them by the side of Washington, and Hampden, and Sydney. No, let us leave them to the infamy they deserve, nish them aB theyashould bo punished, accord? ing to law, and take upon ourselves no share of the odium whichtthey should bear alone. It is a part of our public history which can never be forgotten that both Houses of Congress in July, 1801, declarecLin tho form of a solemn resolution that the war was and should bo carried on for no purpose of subjugation, but solely to enforce the Constitution aud laws; and that when this was yielded by the parties in rebullion, the contest should cease, with tho constitutional rights of the States and of individuals unimpaired. This reso? lution was adopted and eent forth to the world unanimously by tho Senate, and with only two dis? senting voices in the House. It was accepted by the friends of the Union in the South, as well as in the North, as expressing honestly and truly thc object of the war. On the faith of it, many thou? sands of persons in both sections gave their lives and their fortunes to the cause. To ropudiate it now by refusing to the States and to the'indivi duole within them the rights which the Constitu? tion and laws of the Union would seoure to them, is a breach of our plighted honor for which I can imagine no excuse, and to which I cannot volunta? rily become a party. The evils which spring from tho unsettled state of our Government will bo acknowledged by all. Commercial intercourse is impeded, capital is in conHtant peril, public securities fluctuatu iu value, peace itself is not secure, and tho sense of moral and political duty is impaired, To avert these calamities from our country, it is imperatively re? quired that we should immediately decide upon some course of administration which can be stead? fastly adhered to. I am thoroughly convinced that any settlement, or compromise, or "plan of action ra. MARCH 6, 1867. which is inconsistent with the principles, of the Constitution will not only be unavailing, but mie ebie vous; that it will but multiply the present evils, instead of removing them. The Constitution, in its whole integrity and vigor, through? out the length and breadth of the laud, is the best of all compromises. Besides, our duty does not, in any judgment, leave us a choice between that and any other. I believe that it contains the remedy that is so much needed, and that if the co-ordinate branches of the Govern jment would unite upon its provisions, they would bo found broad enough and strong enough to sus? tain-in time of peace fie nation which they bore> safely through the ord ?al of a protracted civil'war. Among the most sacred guaranties of that instru? ment are those which declare that "each State shall have at least one Representative," and that "no State, without its consent, shall be deprived of its equal suffrage in the Senate." Each House is made the "judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members," and may, "with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a mem? ber." Thus, as heretofore urged, "in the admis? sion of Senators and Representatives from any and all of the States, there can be no just ground of ap? prehension that persons who are disloyal will be clothed with the powers of legislation ; for this could not happen when the Constitution and the laws are enforced by a vigilant : and faithful Con? gress." . "When a Senator or. Representative pre? sents hi s certificate of election, he may at once be admitted or rejected; or. should there be any question as to his eligibility, his credentials may be referred for investigation to the appropriate committee. If admitted to a seat, it must be upon evidence, satisfactory to the House of which he thus becomes a member, that he possesses the requisite (Constitutional and legal qualifications. If refused admission as a member for want of due al? legiance to the Government, and returned to his constituents, they are admonished that hone but persons loyal to the United States will be allowed a voice in the Legislative Councils of the Nation, and the political power and moral influence of Congress are thus effectively exerted in the interests of loyal? ty to tho Government and fidelity to the Union." And is it not far better that the work of restoration should be accomplished by simple compliance with the plain requirements of the Constitution, than by a recourse to measures which in effect destroy the States, and threaten the subversion of the General Government? All that is necessary to settle this simple but important question, without further agitation or delay, is a willingness on the part of all to sustain the Constitution and carry its provisions into practical operation. If to-morrow either branch of Congress would declare that, upon the presentation of their credentials, members con? stitutionally elected and loyal to the General Gov? ernment would be admitted to seats in Congress, while all others would be excluded and their places remain vaeant until the selection by the people of loyal and qualified persons; and if, at the same time, assurance were given that this policy would be continued until all the States were repre? sented in Congress, it would send a thrill of joy throughout the entire land, as indicating the inau? guration of a system which must speedily bring transiuiib' tVto the public mind. While we are legislating upon subj 02ta which axe of great importance to the whole people, and which must affect all parts of the country, not only during the life of the present generation, hut for ages to come, we should remember that , all men are entitled at least to a hearing in the coun? cils which decide upon the destiny of themselves and their children. At present ten States are de? nied representation, and when the Fortieth Con? gress assembles on the fourth day of the present month, sixteen States will b,e without a voice in the House of - Representatives. This grave fact, with the important questions before us, shaula, induce us to pause in a course of legislation which, looking solely to the attainment of political ends, foils to consider the rights it transgresses, the law which it violatos,, or the institutions which it imperils. . ANDREW JOHNSON. WASHINGTON, March 2; 1867. THE PEACE OP EUROPE. The Emperor Louis NAPOLEON and Queen Vio TORTA, from tho advantages of their position, should be considered good authorities in matters per? taining to the prospeots of the continuance or in? fraction of the peace of Europe. They have both, from their thrones, recently delivered addresses to their respective Parliaments, on the affairs to them severally of the greatest importance ; and touching the peace of Europe, NAPOLEON, on the 15th pf February, remarked, that he has "the firm conviction that peace will not be disturbed and the Queen of England more recently expressed reasons for hoping "that the war in which Prus? sia, Austria and Italy have been engaged, may lead to the establishment of a durable peace in Europe." But notwithstanding these royal assurances, there are many whose minds are not altogether at ease on this momentous question. It has been surmised that the olos%of the *French Exhibition - would be speedily followed by new developments indicative of an aggressive policy on the part of Louis NAPOLEON. He might then avail himself of an opportunity to rectify the national boundaries, and perhaps avenge certain supposed indignities heretofore re .?aived from jealous but powerful neighbors. As time passes nothing transpires that tends to justify these evil portents, and if we mistake not the dread of the future, amounting almost to a feeling of consternation which grew out of the events connected with the German war, is giving place to a' reasonable hope of continued peace. Confidence is gradually regained. At first the havoc of the Prussian breech-loaders caused a simultaneous demand throughout Europe for more effeotive firearms and the most thorough military reorganization. The werk was entered upon with promptitude and earnestness by nearly all the leading governments, including Prance, England, Austria, Russia and the Scandinavian powers. It still continues, and will take years for its completion, but in the end tho relative strength of ambitions rivals is not likely to bo essentially changed. Certainly a single year cannot greatly disturb the equilibrium of forces. On all sides it is agreed that if war comes at all Prance and Prussia will figure as the chief combatants. But the formidable array of fortresses held by Prussia on the Rhine, the well-filled ranks of the now terrible "landwehr," and the plethoric condition of King WILLIAM'S treasury, are substantial argu? ments in favor of peace which LOOTS NAPOLEON is fully competent to appreciate. THE BANKRUPT BILL. The National Bankrupt Bill has become a law. It is a very lengthy bill, but the following comprise its important provisions : Section ll. Prescribes the method of availing of the act. Any debtor, whose debts, provable under the , act, amount to over three hundred dollars, may petition the District Judge of his disiriet, stating his insolvency, his willingness to surrender his es? tate and a schedule under oath of his debts and Iiis creditors, with the nature of the debt m full, and an inventory, also under oath, of his assets. Such petition shall be an act of bankruptcy, and the petitioner be adjudged a bankrupt. The judge shall thereupon issue a warrant (or the Register, if there be no opposing party) directed to the Uni? ted States Marshal of said district, authorizing bim to publish the necessary notices, to wit : 1. That a warrant in bankruptcy has been issued. 2. TL at all payments of debts to snch debtor aro for? bidden. .3. That a meeting of tho creditors to prove debts ind choose assignees, will be held in a court of bankruptcy, not loss than ten nor more than ninety days after the issuing of the warrant. Section 14. JJirects that the Judge (or if there is no opposing interest the Register) shall convey to the assignee or assignees the entire real ana personal estate of the bankrupt, but from this as? signment are excepted household and kitchen fur? niture, and such other articles as the assignee may indicate, not exceeding five hundred dollars in value, the wearing apparel of the bankrupt and his family, hiB uniform and arms, ana any other property hereafter exempted from attach? ment or levy by United States laws. Section 27. Proscribes that all creditors, who prove thoir debts, shall shore alike, except that wages to an amount not exceeding fifty dollars, for service performed in the preceding six months, shaU be paid in fulL .. Section 28. Prevents the priority of debts. Section 29. Allows the barikrupt, after six months from tho adjudication of bankruptcy, or if no debts or assets within sixty days, to aoply for his discharge, which the court, a?tor due notice, sholl grant, ii the bankrupt has honestly exhibited his condition. Section 31). Prohibits a second bankruptcy, un? less by consent of creditors-except where the assets amount to seventy per cent, of the debts. Sections 31 to 39. Concern details, pronounce against fraud and the like. Section 39 provides for involuntary bankruptcy, declaring that an absconding debtor, a debtor who makes assignments to defraud, against whom an unsatisfied execution for over one hundred dollars stands, who makes an aspignment to give prefer? ence to special cr?ditons, or who has suspended for fourteen days the payment of his commercial papor shall, on tho petition of ouy creditor, be ad? judged a bankrupt. THE CHICAGO Timos soys that since the com? mencement of the war there has been no ship bu?ding of any account along tho shores of our inland lakes. A demand for additional tonnage to carry on lake trade has been met during the pre? sent winter by on unusual activity in the work of vessel building, and more vessels, and of a larger amount of tonnage, have been constructed during the season than during any year hitherto. Be? sides sailing vessels, several now propellers and two sidowheel steamers wil bo reaiy for business ot tho opening of navigation. THE Danish sculptor, Professor Jerichan, is at present in Rome, engaged in exocuting in marble thrco groups, all of which are destined for Eng? land. Tho first, tho bridal gift of the large land? owners of Denmark to tho Princess of Wales, and a cast of which is at Marlborough House, repre? sents Adam awakening and finding, for the first timo, Eve by his sida ; tho second, " Women sur? prised while Battling," has been ordered by the Princess of Wales ; and tho .third, a "Hutsman attneked by a panther whose cub ho has taken," by Sii Francia Goldsn?d, AUCTION SALES. Direct Importation cf Crovkery, ex Gladstone, from jX/?'OCfTDOOl* BY CLIFFORD & MATHE WE S, Auctioneers, No. 56 Bro*d Street. Win be seid at auction on TUESDAY. 13th Inst, at United States Bonded Warehouse, on North Atlantic Wharf, at ll o'clock, 15 CRATES CROCKERY CONSlSTfN? OF : 1 CRATE, 72 DOZEN, B E TWlcLEBS, 1-8 SOUPS 1 crate, 100 dozen, B E Muffins 1 crate, 24 dozen, O 0 Chambers, and 30 dozen Unhand London Teas, Tulip shape 1 crate, 60 pairs, C C Ewers and Basins, and 22 J? dozen Unhand London Teas, Tulip shape 2 crates, each 72 dozen, W G Twiners, 1-9 Soup?, first quality, and 20 dozen, Wx> Muffins, 6-mch, first quality 1 crate, 20 dozen, W G Jugs, best andu dozen Unhand London Teas 2 crates, each 116 W G Covered Dishes 1 crate, 100 W G Muffins, 7-inch, and 10 dozen do 6-inch 3 crates, each 40 pair W GE wera and Basinii; 34 W G Chambers and Covers, and 1% dozen, Unhand, W G Lon? don Teas 2 crates, each W G Flat Dishes. Terms cash._;_, . March fl Catalonia Wine, Direct Importation, ex Rosina, ?orn Barcelona, Svain._ F FORD & MATHEWSS, Auctioneers, No. 56 Broad street. Will be sold at auction on TUESDAY next 12th Instant at United States Bonded Warehouse, on North Atlantic Wharf, at ll o'clock, ' ? - . . 25-fifths of a port pipe of CATALONIA WIME, 26 gallons each ,.., - .. 25-tontos of a port pipe of Catalonia Wine, 12 gallons each. Terms cash. March 6 AGRICULTURAL, BRUCE'S FERTILIZER. FEB TON OF 2000 LBS., CASH $75 per ton of 2000 ?s., credit to 1st Novem? ber, 1867, payable by approved factor's acceptances, with interest at 7 per cent For sale by Marche_. RAVENEL tc CO. COTTONSEED! COTTONSEED! OAA BUSHELS SEA ISLAND COTTON SEED. ?j\J\jThQ Cotton sold for $160cents per pound. For sale by WM. GURNEY, ' Marchs ._8 Na 102 East Bay. BELLE FUE SEA ISLAND COTTON SEED FOR SAXE. IT HAS PRODUCED THE LARGEST YIELD WITHIN our observation, and is of a superior quality. Apply to J.H. B AGGETT & CO. MttTr^ 2 Imo SUPERPHOSPHATE OF LIME. TO COTTONPLANTERS. mHE UNDERSIGNED TAKE PLEASURE -IN AN JL NOUNCTNG to Planters and Farmers that they are prepared to furnish a superior article of SUPER-PHOS? PHATE OF LIME, manufactured expressly 1er them, and which they can warrant to contain all the elements necessary to insure a rapid and mature growth of any crop to which it may be applied. Terms-Sixty douars per ton cash, or sixty-five dollars per ton-one quarter cash, and balan co 15th December, wlih approved factors' acceptance, with interest at 7 per cent from date of puechase. f LITTLE & MARSHALL, Agricultural Implement Warehouse and Seed Store, No. 140 Meeting street . February 13 Imo Opposite PavUion Hotel, BAUGH'S mHE APPLICATION OF BONE PHOSPHATE HAS X always been beneficial-the only difficulty being to obtain a genuine article. Before offering BAUGH'S PHOSPHATE on the market the last season, I submitted lt for analysis to Professor Shepard, of the South Caro Una. Medical Collage, who fully endorsed lt and hts opinion has now been verified by actuel experiment by our own Planters, whose testimony I have of the su? perior excellency of this Phosphate, especially in the cul? ture of Cotton, in msuring a good Btand. / J. N. ROBSON, Agent, December 10 flu mwfSmo No. 62 EAST BAY. CHARLESTON msmm AND ? NO. 140 MEETING STREET, OPPOSITE PAVILION HOTEL. PLOWS, HARROWS, CULTIVATORS, HORSE HOSE Corn MiUs.Corn Shellers, Feed Cutters Cotton, Corn and Garden Seed Planters Grain Cradles, Sythes and Sua the Shovels, S pades, Forks and Hoes Riceand Grain Fan Mills . Hand and Power Cotton Gins Horse Powers-of all kinds . . Reaping Machines, Threshing Machines Grain Separators and Cleaners. AGEN IS FOR THE INGERSOLL HAND-POWER COTTON PRESS. AGENTS FOB THE iMREH WISHING MACHINE. LITTLE & MARSHALL, NO. 140 MEETING STREET, ' CHARLESTON, S. C. December 10 mwfSmo DRUGS MDJHH JU &T RECEIVED, A Large and carefully selected Stock OF DRUGS, MEDICINES, CHEMICALS, AND Fancy Articles, WHICH IS OFFERED TO THE PUBLIC AT REDUCED PRICES. OUR MEDICINES AND CHEMICALS ARE IMPORT? ED directly from Manufactories, under the super? vision of experienced Chemists, which enables us to re? commend tiiem as pure and reliable in strength. Wo keep on hand all articles to be found in a first-class Drug Store. Fresh additions are received by every steamer. SS" PRESCRIPTIONS carefully put up. E. H. KELLERS & CO., No. 131 MEETING STREET, North of Market. E. H. KELLERS, M. I.H. BAER, M. D. December 3_ THE ORANGEBURG NEWS. PUBLISHED EVERY 8ATURDAY MORNING, AT Orangeburg, S. C. Terms $2 per annum, in ad? vance. During the spring and fall seasons extra copies of the OBAKOEBOBO NEWS will be circulated for the benefit of our advertising patrons. Contract Advertisements inserted on the most liberal terms. Addre?s SAMUEL DIBBLE, Editor Orangeburg News, Iebrnary25_ Oraugebnrg, a C. Greendlle Mountaineer, ALARGE WEEKLY, IS ISSUED EVERY THURS? DAY, at $3 a year, in advance. Advertiser ent? inserted at usual rates. G? E. ELFORD, J DJ(, November^ G. F. TOWNES,| ^tci?. PRICE FIVE CENTS. Tribute of Respect. At a Eegnlar Monthly Meeting of the Palmetto ' Ire Engine Company, held at their Hall on the evening of the ?th hurt., the fellowing Preamble and BescOutions were unsnimously adopted : . ' v? Death bas again stricken down a brother in onr midst* He who lately stood amongst na buoyant with health, and foll of the promise of future usefulness, nu?r*beiDed to fill an untimely grave. Azrael the Angel . '>*??%:. had marked him for Ma own, and with scarce an a*LflO nition hurried him to the tomb. Not the strength af manhood, nor the anxious care of hia family, could save him from that death to which the Almighty Baler baa doomed all rrnmMnA. As a m******* of our Company ha had endeared himself to aB by'his unobtruatve depart* ment; by his excellent principles of action, and by tits marked fldeUty with which he discharged the duties ?*$ Treasurer, friend, and fireman. . . Resolved, That the Palmetto Fire Engine Ckmipany de? plore the early decease of their Brother Fireman* tn* late JOHN A ARMSTRONG, and deeply feel the loa? they have sustained in his death. ' .... . ^ Resolved, That we sincerely sympathize with the famiby " and relatives of tho deceased, and tender them our com? ddence under their heavy bereavement, > ; Resolved, That in token of rorpect far the memory m Our deceased brother member, tho uaual -badge--? mourning be worn for thirty days, and that a paga hi our Minute Book be dedicated to his memory. :?'~ " Resolved, That a copy of these resolutions be tesnsV mitted to Ms family, and published in Tua DATLT ?SW? of this city. - ' "]:'?' Extract from tho Minutes. ' ' .' '.V ; :?' March 6 THOMAS O'KEEFE, Secroliry.' - SPECIAL NOTICES. gar CONSIGNEES BY THE STEAMSHIP MANHATTAN, from New York, are notified ?fast she .as.; 0g discharging cargo at North Atlantic wharf, Goods re maining on the wharf ai sunset wffl be stored at ownerB* risk and expense. STREET BROTHERS k CO., \ March? ' SO* BEAUFORT DJBTEIOT-CO?MON PLEAS -WM F. HUTSON VB. WM. HAZZARD WTGG^APPLI CATION, TO RESTORE JUDGMENT.-It tppcertoffto my satisfaction that the defendant in (tts! ossesestdes ? beyond the limita pf thia State: Ordered that be do ap pear and answer the apphoation wtthinthirty days, or jin, order for have to restore wiRbemade by default ,. -. . Marchi, 1867. T. G. BUCKNER, Match 6 6,11,18,25 C. C. P. Beaufort District ~ HST NOTICE IS EEBEBT GIVEN THAT AN apphoation wi? bo made lo the Court.cf Common Pleas, al its next session for Charleston District, for a Charter of Incorporation oj ' THE HOMESTEA D BUILD. - LNG AND LOAN ASSOCIATION." , ?'. '':X\r February27 ~A . MS* SPECIAL l^TSLWW(M^^^f^ POSE to furnish LABORERS of all classes for Fkrmera, Railroads, Shop, Garden, Store, Hotel or general House? work. ; I Persona desiring employment wfll ca? at NaJS06 Zing street; and aR orders for Laborers wffl be pronmtiymal. and satisfactory reference given.- , February 23 Imo, - ." :: 6, H HALL A CQ. AST BEAUTIFUL HAIKMJHEVAIJEB'S LIFE FOB THE HAIR positively restores, gray: hair to ita original color and yontMnl beauty; Impart* Rfc and strength to the weakest hair; stops ito faning, out at once; keeps the bead clean; la unparaueled aa a hair dressing. Sold by aR Druggists and faahlonabte hair? dressers, and at my office, Na ll? Broadway, New York. SARAH A (JFtEVATdHR^M D. DOWTE'4 MOISE^''. Ha 151 Meeting streetTf- : ? Oppoaito Charleston HoteL M January4 _. .. .? . ., .Amos' gar CALVARY BAPTIST O UBC^ pHABtsx^ TON.-The Members (Mitered) Of thisUhorch were reg ulariy.dlanussed from the three White Baptist Ghurche* of thia City, to form a sep?rate Church. They a? wor? shiping for the present at Bonum'* Hall, John.street, between Meeting and King. They have purchased a lot, and axe soliciting contributions to enable them to erect a House of Worship. .S.~"?'~? They ?re believed to be pious and worthy persons, sod their object is respectfully commended to sit who have Hie ability and disposition to aid such enterprises.' The following members of the said Church, have teen author? ized to make coflecttons : CHARTES SMALLS, THOMAS A. DAVIS, EDWAKD Haxo, DAJOBX. D. McAnrar, Jons Bxs? and SAMUEL STEWASD. Chsriestoa, 8. a, Jane 37, 186c; . Rev. LUCIUS CUTHBERT, .JfS. . Pastor OlteM g^naw cgMireh. Rev. E. T. WINKLER, .. : ; Pastor United Church. WTXUAMSTHINEBY. i Descons^iM Square WILLIAM G. WHTLDEN.) Church, , January 4 fmwSmos gfir AWAY WITH 8PEOTA(Jim^i^ E?^ ' made new, without Spectacles, Doctor or Medicine. Pamphlet mailed free on receipt of ten cents. Address E. B. FOOTE, M. D., No. 1180 Broadway, Hew York,- ' I November9_? . -, . -r' gSrWE ABE AUTHORIZED TO ANNOUNCE E. M WAJTLNG, Esq., ss s candidate for Sheriff of Charleston (Judicial) District, at the next election. 3eptemberl0^^^^_^^_^^^ sar ELMORE MUTUAL INSURANCE C0MPA- - NY.-CHARLESTON, February 27th, 1867.-A Dividend i of ONE DOLLAR FEB SHAHS wffl bo paid to the Stock? holders on and after this data, in partial h^dattonfrom. Assets realized. Also a return of the Assessment' ot ONE DOLLAR PER SHARE, with interest, and the" ?a~ sesament Notes of $4 per Share, now hold try t' ie Com? pany. .*>.. /^?''? ' Stockholders wfll be required to present thehr Stock Certificates. By order of the Board of Directora. . .Y __?? -1 : / JOf PIH WHTLDEN,. g - v? February 27 Sectary and Treasurer.-, gar NOTICE TO MABINEBS.--0 AP TAINS AND PILOTS wishing to anchor their vessels in Ashley River, are requested not to do so anywhere within direct range of the heads of the SAVANNAH RAILROAD WHARVES, on the Charleston and 8t Andrew's side of. the Ashley River; hy which precaution, cor tact with tba - Subniatine Telegraph Cable wfll be avoided- . ^' . S. C. TURNER, H. M. Harbor Master's Office, Charlcstom February 6,1886. "' February? / ?? -'l-'-'J;*"; gar THE HEALING FOOL AND HOUSE OF MERCY.-HOWARD ASSOCIATION REPORTS, for Young Men, on the CRIME -OF SOLITUDE, and th?l ERRORS, ABUSES and DESEASES which destroy the manly powers, and create impedimenta to MARRIAGE, ' with sore means cf relief. Sent In sealed litter en-; velopes,. free of charge. Address Dr. J, SKTLLDf HOUGHTON, Howard Association, PhUaddphla, Pa. . january 16_ ; .. _ ".. . -, .. ea-ARTIFICIAL Ei^.-ABTTPK^AL TbIU-; MAN EYES made to order add inserted by Drs. F. BAUCH and P. GOUGLEMANN (formerly employed by > Roi?soNNEAU, of Paris), No. 609 Broadway, New York. April 14 _.; . lyr ?:' gar BATOHELOR'S HALB BYE.-TH1B- . SPLENDID HALB DYE ia (he best in the world. The only true sod perfect Dye-harmless, reliable, instan- : taneons. No disappointment. No ridiculous tints*> Natural Black or Brown. Somedles ina in effects of JBcuX z Dyes. Invigorates the hair, lea7ing.it soft sod beau?fuL The genuine is signed William A. Batchelor. AR others are mere imitations, and should be avoided. Sold by'?ll ; Druggists ?nd Perfumers. Factory, No. 31 Barcley " street New York. .... gar BEWARE OF A COUNTERFEIT. 'L * December 10 ?. ' /-Ijr^ TODD & RAFFERTY, ENGINEERS IND FOTJ^EB^i Office ?nd Works, Paterson, New Jersey J WAREHOUSE, No. A DEY STREET, N. Y. MANUFACTURERS OF STATIONARY AND POET 1 ABLE STEAM ENGINES AND BOILERS; Flax, ' Hamp, Tow, Oakum sud Rope Machinery: - Bh?Mnfc r ?MIR Gearing, Iron and Brass Castings ot all kinds Latches, Planing Macbiugs, Drina; Shaping, Slotting andJ Boring Machines; Gear Cutters; Centreing, MnRns and Bolt Cutting Machines; Chucks of aU kinds; Leather . and Rubber Belting; Lace Leather, Bett Hooks, sad General Supplies for Railroad Rand other Machino Shops; ' . Judson & Snow's Patent Governors. Saw M?hl, Cotton . Gins, Prossee, &c, constantly on hand. TODD & BAFFEBTT, - . . March 20 ly_No. i Dey street N. Y. . TAVE RN-BCEKPERS'NOTTCE. i OFFICE GLEBE OF COUNCIL, 1 - _ March L1867.; ' ALL TAVERN-KEEPERS, AND PERSONS BETAIL. LNG spirituous Uquors, within the city limits, who have not executed their bonds and taken out the proper cards to show that they have license to seU, wffl be re- ; ported aa hot complying with the law, alter Monday, 3th ? inst. .. * Those who have cards are hereby notified to have the same placed in a conspicuous place in the window. All : faning to observe this notice w?l also be reported, after ' the ?bove-mentioned time. W. H. SMITH, - - Marcha_Clerk pf CoondL. ? FIRE LO AH. MAYORALTY OF CHARLESTON, ) - CITY HALL, November 9,1866. J ALL PERSONS DESIROUS OF REBUILDING INT SB Burnt Districts and Waste Places of the City, un- ; der "An Act of the General Assembly, giving authority to the City Council of Charleston to proceed in the mai- ' ter of a Fire Loan, with a view to aid m building up the > City anew," are hereby notified that the form of appli? cation for loans can be obtained at the office ef the Clerk ' of Council, between the hours of 9 A M. and 3 P. M. AB applications must be flied in the above mentioned . office, as the Committee w?l meet every MovAay to can aider the same. By order of the Mayor W. EL SMITE, November 10_'_Clerk of Council. ' CITY TAXE S-MONTHLY H.ETIRS8. OFFICE OF THE CITY ASSESSOR. I ' ' CITY. HALL, March 1,1867. i_ . ?\TOTlCE IS HEREBY GIVEN TO ALL CONCERNED JN that the Monthly Returns for the month of Febra- * i ary past hi compliance with the Tax Ordinance, ratified : on the 28th day of December, 1866, must be made on or - before the 16th instant D. O. GIBSON, ? Marchi . 19 dry Assessor,